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The road to legalization
A mushroom manifesto
$3.95US/CAN MARCH 2021
New from the Cato Institute
T he sixth annual Human Freedom Index is the most comprehensive measure of human freedom in the
world based on a broad measurement of personal, civil, and economic freedom. Copublished by the
Cato Institute and the Fraser Institute, the index ranks 162 countries on the basis of 76 distinct indicators
ƬƘĽşıɱđíƤíɱİƐŪŝɱǯǭǭǵɱƤŪɱǯǭǮǵɂɱƤĸĘɱŝŪƘƤɱƐĘĊĘşƤɱNJĘíƐɱİŪƐɱDŽĸĽĊĸɱƘƬİǞɱĊĽĘşƤɱđíƤíɱíƐĘɱíǃíĽŔíĉŔĘɁ
48
IN 2020, TEACHERS UNIONS
AND POLICE UNIONS SHOWED
THEIR TRUE COLORS
It’s time for the left and the right to take a hard
look at their favorite public-sector unions.
PETER SUDERMAN
T OPIC S
CONTENTS 4 10
P O LITI C S
FUTU R E
MATT WELCH
VOLUME 52, NO. 10 KATHERINE MANGU-WARD
5 12
SCIENCE
P H OTO
Will Biden ‘Listen to the
Little Green Men Caught in
Science’ on GMOs?
Red Tape
RONALD BAILEY
6
WO R LD
Should Biden’s Choice for Secretary
of State Discourage Libertarians?
CHRISTIAN BRITSCHGI
8
C I V I L LI B E R TI E S
No Facial Recognition Tech
for Cops 12
DRUGS
C.J. CIARAMELLA
Legal Pot Doesn’t Seem To Increase
Teen Use or Addiction
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JESSE WALKER Godwin, David R. Henderson, John Hood, Kerry
72
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Reaganland: America’s Right Turn, 1976–1980, by Rick Perlstein Lynch, John McClaughry, Deirdre N. McCloskey,
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LITTLE GREEN
MEN CAUGHT IN
RED TAPE
CHIRSTIAN BRITSCHGI
matter. In September, when asked about peaceful transfer of power. But encourag- ending up with a burning Capitol. It’s still
the “peaceful transferral of power” at a ingly, the same study found that when not likely, but it’s more likely than it was
press conference, he declined to directly countries do manage peaceful transitions, four years ago.
answer the question. “Well, we’re going to the habit tends to stick. Each nonviolent What happened on January 6 wasn’t
have to see what happens,” he said. We’ve handoff of power to an opposing party a coup. But it ended in multiple violent
seen what happened. It left at least five dramatically increases the chances that deaths in the halls of Congress, a citywide
people dead, dozens hospitalized, and the next one will be chill as well. curfew in the nation’s capital, and a trou-
a significant amount of property dam- We have a lot of political and cultural bling uncertainty over whether our legis-
aged. But it did not stop the certification capital built up. Although this issue is lature would be able to meet a crucial elec-
of the electoral ballots. Indeed, debate going to print a week before inauguration, toral deadline. At the very least, our long
resumed later that evening, complete with our good civil habits, paired with robust record of peaceful transfers of power now
its usual absurd grandstanding for the institutions, will almost certainly carry us has an asterisk on it, and there’s reason to
C-SPAN cameras. through this transition. We will go back to fear worse in the future. As a not-so-great
A 2014 study in the journal Compara- the adult equivalents of yogurt and Mine- man once said: We’re going to have to see
tive Political Studies found by examining craft. (Shrooms and cable news, perhaps?) what happens.
thousands of transitions going back to We are, however, burning that capital at
1788 that 68 countries had never had a a dangerous rate. So much so that we risk KATHERINE MANGU-WARD is editor in chief of
Reason.
Photo: Patrickamackie2/Creative Commons REASON 5
WORLD for the Quincy Institute publication U.S. foreign policy, is not sufficient, but it
Responsible Statecraft. is necessary. We have to have those.”
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facial recognition technologies, pairs that Studies by researchers at the
CIVIL LIBERTIES database with machine learning software to Massachusetts Institute of Technology and
teach an algorithm how to match a face to the National Institute of Standards and
NO FACIAL the photos the company has collected.
Clearview is just one player in an expand-
Technology have found that many of these
algorithms have especially high error rates
RECOGNITION ing market. The Minneapolis Star Tribune
reported in December that the Hennepin
when trying to match nonwhite faces. A
December 2019 study of 189 software
TECH FOR COPS County Sheriff’s Office had coordinated 1,000 algorithms by the latter group found that
searches through its Cognitec facial recogni- they falsely identified African-American and
C.J. CIARAMELLA tion software since 2018. Asian faces 10–100 times more often than
Concerns about such technologies white faces.
have led several legislative bodies to delay, Michigan resident Robert Julian-Borchak
restrict, or halt their use by law enforcement Williams, who is black, is the first American
agencies. In December, the Massachusetts known to have been wrongly arrested and
legislature approved the first state ban on charged with a crime because of a faulty
police use of facial recognition tech. During face match. In January, Williams spent 30
nationwide protests over police abuse last hours in police custody and had to pay a
THE LOS ANGELES Police Department
summer, the New York City Council passed $1,000 bond after an algorithm incorrectly
(LAPD) banned the use of commercial
the Public Oversight of Surveillance Technol- matched him to a shoplifting suspect.
facial recognition apps in November after
ogy Act, which requires the New York Police While the potential benefits of reliable
BuzzFeed News reported that more than
Department to disclose all of the surveillance facial recognition technology shouldn’t be
25 LAPD employees had performed nearly
technology it uses on the public. dismissed out of hand, a sloppy panopticon
475 searches using controversial technology
This technology is often deployed without is almost as dangerous as an effective one.
developed by the company Clearview AI.
public knowledge or debate, sometimes Privacy and accuracy concerns demand
That’s one of several recent developments
before the kinks have been worked out. An intense scrutiny from the public and
related to growing public concern about
independent audit found that London’s A.I. transparency from the government regarding
police surveillance using facial recognition.
technology for scanning surveillance footage how this emerging technology is used.
Clearview AI’s app relies on billions of
labeled suspects accurately only 19 percent
photos scraped from Facebook and other
of the time. C.J. CIARAMELLA is a reporter at Reason.
social media platforms. The app, like other
California v. Hodari D., qualifies as a seizure “Roxanne Torres was not seized,” Mark
for Fourth Amendment purposes. Standridge, a lawyer representing the police,
In October, the Supreme Court heard oral told the justices during oral argument. “At
L AW arguments in Torres v. Madrid, which chal- no time did the officers acquire possession,
lenges that ruling. The U.S. Court of Appeals custody, or control over her. Indeed, [Torres]
SOTOMAYOR for the 10th Circuit held that no seizure
occurred when New Mexico state police shot
never stopped in response to the police
action. As the officers did not seize [Torres],
INVOKES SCALIA Roxanne Torres, because their bullets did
not actually stop her from getting away. “An
they cannot be held liable to her for excessive
force in violation of the Fourth Amendment.”
ON FOURTH officer’s intentional shooting of a suspect does
not effect a seizure,” the appeals court said in
Justice Sonia Sotomayor did not buy it.
“Counsel, there is an element to the Fourth
AMENDMENT 2019, unless the gunshot terminates the sus- Amendment that all of our cases, including
Hodari, recognized,” she said, “that has to
pect’s movement “or otherwise cause[s] the
PROTECTIONS government to have physical control over him.” do with the Fourth Amendment’s protection
Torres was sitting inside her car in her of bodily integrity.” That element includes
DAMON ROOT apartment building’s parking lot. The officers, “the seizure of the person with respect to
who were wearing dark tactical vests with the touching of that person, because even a
police markings, were parked nearby in an touch stops you. It may be for a split second,
unmarked car. They were there to arrest but it impedes your...movement and offends
somebody else. The officers claimed they your integrity.” What you are asking the
DOES THE FOURTH Amendment right to Court to do, Sotomayor told Standridge, is
approached Torres because she was acting
be free from unreasonable seizures include “reject the clear line drawn by Hodari and say
suspiciously. Torres, who said she thought she
the right to be free from an unreasonable that Justice Scalia was wrong about what the
was about to be carjacked, testified that the
attempted seizure? The late Supreme Court common law showed.”
officers never identified themselves as they
Justice Antonin Scalia thought it did. “The
crowded her vehicle. Fearing for her safety,
mere grasping or application of physical
she drove away. The officers shot her twice Senior Editor DAMON ROOT is the author of A
force with lawful authority, whether or not it Glorious Liberty: Frederick Douglass and the Fight
as she fled. She learned it was the police who
succeeded in subduing the arrestee,” Scalia for an Antislavery Constitution (Potomac Books).
pulled the trigger only when she was arrested
wrote for a unanimous Court in the 1991 case
a day later at the hospital.
REASON 11
streamlined some of its outdated and genes that achieve the same biochemical
SCIENCE result (e.g., insect resistance) that has already
scientifically unwarranted regulations of
modern biotech crops. Will President Joe been deemed safe.
WILL BIDEN Biden stay the course? Under the new rules, plant breeders are
no longer required to submit their products
This is not a niche issue. Since the 1980s,
‘LISTEN TO THE biotech crop varieties have been engineered to the USDA to determine whether they
qualify for an exemption. As the preamble
with new genetic traits that enable them to
SCIENCE’ ON resist diseases, insect pests, and herbicides. to the rule notes, this change reduces “the
regulatory burden for developers of organ-
GMOS? Today, 94 percent of all soybeans, 83 percent
of corn, and 95 percent of sugar beets grown isms that are unlikely to pose plant pest
in the U.S. are biotech varieties. risks” and “provides a clear, predictable, and
RONALD BAILEY At the dawn of genetic engineering, the efficient regulatory pathway for innovators”
USDA contorted its regulations to assert a to develop improved biotech plants. Should
“LISTEN TO THE science” was an oft-heard right to review new biotech crops before they developers have a question about whether
riposte in political debates about how could be offered to farmers. For 30 years, their crop varieties are exempt from the regu-
the government should respond to the the department individually evaluated each lation, they can still contact the department
COVID-19 pandemic. While Donald Trump’s new bioengineered (B.E.) crop variety, even for a consultation.
administration failed on that front, it did though the department had determined
“listen to the science” last May, when the numerous times that the same genetic traits ANTI-BIOTECH GROUPS IM MEDIATELY decried
U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) in previously approved varieties were safe for the modernized rules. “Under the newly
consumers and the environment. released regulations, the overwhelming
In May 2020, the USDA issued its final majority of genetically engineered (GE) plant
Sustainable, Ecological, Consistent, Uniform, trials would not have to be reported to USDA,
Responsible, Efficient (SECURE) rule. Under or have their risks analyzed before being
SECURE, an engineered crop variety is allowed to go to market,” declared a press
exempt from regulation if it contains only release from the Center for Food Safety. “The
minor genetic changes of the sort that would USDA’s shameful decision to gut essential
endow a plant with a trait that could have safety regulations for genetically engineered
been achieved through traditional breeding. organisms puts more power in the hands
Previously, plant breeders had to ask USDA of corporate agribusiness and removes all
regulators to evaluate the risk of every new transparency,” asserted Friends of the Earth
biotech crop they sought to commercialize. spokesperson Dana Perls.
Now the department exempts new varieties What particularly upsets the activists is
to which plant breeders have simply added that many newly exempt varieties will not
MIKE RIGGS
20 MARCH 2021
HE SATURDAY AFTER voters in The mushroom votes—not to mention the passage of pro-
Washington, D.C., and Oregon marijuana initiatives in states as traditionally straight-laced
voted to loosen legal restric- as Arizona, Mississippi, and South Dakota—are undeniable
tions on magic mushrooms, my confirmation that we’re in the middle of a pharmacological
girlfriend and I celebrated in the revolution whose implicitly libertarian goal is nothing less
most appropriate way possible. than giving us all more and better control over our very moods
We each ate almost 5 grams of the and minds. As a popular meme puts it, the drug war is over and
stuff, ground up and stuffed into the drugs won.
capsules. This was a Venti-sized, There are signs everywhere that, more than 50 years after
mind-blowing “heroic dose” in drug pioneer Timothy Leary exhorted us all to “turn on, tune
the parlance of the late Terence in, and drop out” (at an event preposterously, wonderfully titled
McKenna, the Johnny Appleseed of hallucinogenic fungi, and “A Gathering of the Tribes for a Human Be-In”), we’re finally
we tripped for a good chunk of the afternoon and early evening. ready to receive the message that powerful drugs not currently
Journeying to the center of our minds via vision-induc- stocked by your local pharmacist can help you better under-
ing drugs (variously called hallucinogens, psychedelics, and stand the world and thrive in it. Wherever you look, the culture
entheogens) is perfectly suited to a world that is hyper-polar- is saturated like a Merry Prankster’s sugar cube with books,
ized, literally and figuratively locked down, and increasingly a movies, and events featuring psychedelics such as LSD, psilo-
little too close to an Edvard Munch painting for comfort. Mush- cybin, mescaline, ketamine, and ayahuasca, as well as friendly
rooms and similar substances are known to produce quasi- cousins such as GHB and MDMA.
religious feelings of universal love, connection, empathy, and Knowing asides about “ayahuasca bros” and Burning Man,
hope. They work on an intensely individual level but help you an annual festival that is practically synonymous with drug use,
get along better with your family, neighbors, and coworkers. have reached a level of ubiquity at which they require no expla-
Far from an escape from reality, they can provide an entry nation. “Micro-dosing”—taking small amounts of LSD or psi-
point to deeper engagement with your limitations, your fears, locybin to boost mood and motivation—has been an accepted
and your aspirations. practice among Silicon Valley programmers, Wall Street trad-
What’s not to celebrate? ers, and even long-haul truckers for a decade or more. The 2020
22 MARCH 2021
around me. For the first time in more than a quarter-century,
I experienced my father’s scent, an idiosyncratic blend of Brut
deodorant, Barbasol shaving cream (the “beard buster”), Pall
Mall Red cigarettes, and denture powder. I knew it wasn’t real,
but it unlocked memories and moments I hadn’t thought about
in forever. Later, my girlfriend and I lay down together and
shared what we were seeing and what we were feeling, which
produced a sense of closeness that was intense and even a little
scary in its power. Even at their best, trips are always a workout, The significance
in the sense that a long hike up a mountain is a workout. You feel
good and tired afterward.
of any particular
I could go on, but let’s be honest: Descriptions of drug trips,
even more than conventional travel stories, are boring as hell
trip is far less
to read because they are so ultra-personalized, so filled with
barely coherent symbolism, and so indeterminate in their
than the sum
meaning. (As with life itself, you may not know whether some- of all of them.
thing really important happened for days, months, or even
years.) The significance of any particular trip is far less than Fortunately, we
the sum of all of them. Fortunately, we will be taking more and
more as support for the war on drugs declines and cities and will be taking
states (and, eventually, the federal government) move toward
legalization. If you’re interested in giving shrooms a try, read
more and more
Mike Riggs’ “How to Take Shrooms,” (page 16) first.
You will not be taking Tim Leary’s trip or anyone else’s.
as governments
Today’s psychedelic revolution will integrate the break- move toward
throughs and, if we’re lucky, learn from the follies of past flir-
tations with iconoclasm and behavior as outlandish as it was legalization.
necessary to rejuvenate a country governed by what Leary
called a “menopausal mentality” and run by 50-year-old men
who looked twice their age. The Human Be-In took place in
1967 in San Francisco’s Golden Gate Park and featured a chant-
ing Allen Ginsberg, hippies dressed like Robin Hood and Maid
Marian, and rock bands, one of them (Blue Cheer) named for a
variety of LSD. The revolution today is taking place at corporate
retreats in Napa (of all places), research labs at Johns Hopkins
and New York University, 7-Eleven parking lots, and every-
where in between. Contemporary psychonauts are looking for people with problems to seek and receive help.
insight, relief, fun, escape, and a million other things to make “People should have the fundamental human right to
their lives more interesting and bearable. change their consciousness,” Rick Doblin, head of the Multi-
What’s different this time is that we’ve all grown up with disciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies, told me in
(mostly legal) drugs. We have a more mature understanding of February 2020, just as the coronavirus was starting to trigger
their potential for use and abuse, whether legal or not. The drug lockdowns that would make psychic travel easier than its meat-
war has been revealed not simply as expensive and destructive of space alternative. Doblin’s group is sponsoring the MDMA tri-
civil liberties but as ineffective at keeping pharmacological sub- als that will soon lead to its use in psychotherapy to treat PTSD.
stances from the people who want them. Our overwhelmingly “Psychedelics are tools,” he emphasized. What we will build
positive experiences with first medical and then recreational pot with them isn’t yet clear, and maybe it never will be. But this
have taught us that there is such a thing as responsible drug use. fall’s mushroom moment at the polls is just the beginning of a
Obversely, we see that skyrocketing rates of opioid addiction trip that will be taking us as far as we dare to dream.
don’t indict the substances; they indict the legal frameworks
that surround drugs, especially rules that make it harder for NICK GILLESPIE is editor at large of Reason.
REASON 23
HALF A CENTURY AGO, CONGRESS DECLARED THAT THERE IS NO
LEGITIMATE USE FOR PSILOCYBIN. STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS
ARE FINALLY CHALLENGING THAT JUDGMENT.
JACOB SULLUM
24 MARCH 2021
N 1968, JUST 11 years after the international
banker and amateur mycologist R. Gordon Was-
son introduced Americans to “magic mush-
rooms” in a landmark Life magazine story, the
federal government banned them. That was how
long it took for this object of anthropological
fascination, source of visions, and tool of self-
discovery to become an intolerable threat to the
nation’s youth.
Two years later, when Congress passed the Controlled Sub-
stances Act of 1970, it listed psilocybin and psilocin, the psycho-
active components of the “divine” fungi that Wasson ate, under
Schedule I, a category supposedly reserved for exceptionally
dangerous drugs with no accepted medical use. Half a century
would pass before any jurisdiction in the United States recon-
sidered that classification.
When Oregon voters approved Measure 109, a.k.a. the Psi-
locybin Services Act, by a 12-point margin in November, they
repudiated decades of anti-drug propaganda that depicted psy-
chedelics as a ticket to the mental hospital. To the contrary, the
initiative said, “studies conducted by nationally and interna-
tionally recognized medical institutions indicate that psilocy-
bin has shown efficacy, tolerability, and safety in the treatment
of a variety of mental health conditions, including but not lim-
ited to addiction, depression, anxiety disorders, and end-of-life
psychological distress.”
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in 2018 recog-
nized psilocybin as a “breakthrough therapy” for “treatment-
resistant depression.” That designation, which meant “prelimi-
nary clinical evidence indicates that the drug may demonstrate a pediatrician. When those journeys took them to Mexico,
substantial improvement over existing therapies,” signaled the their “facilitator” was Maria Sabina, a Mazatec curandera (folk
agency’s intent to “expedite” development and review of psilo- healer) who let them in on a secret they could have discovered
cybin, suggesting it might eventually be approved as a prescrip- back home in New York, where several species of psilocybin
tion medicine. mushrooms grow, although that would have required poten-
Oregonians are not waiting. Measure 109 gives the Oregon tially dangerous experimentation.
Health Authority (OHA) two years to write rules for licensing “On the night of June 29–30, 1955,” Wasson’s 1957 account
and regulating “psilocybin service centers” where adults 21 in Life began, “in a Mexican Indian village so remote from the
or older can legally take the drug under the supervision of a world that most of the people still speak no Spanish, my friend
“facilitator” after completing a “preparation session.” And in an Allan Richardson and I shared with a family of Indian friends
important departure from the FDA’s approach, which charges a celebration of ‘holy communion’ where ‘divine’ mushrooms
doctors with guarding the doors of perception, the initiative says were first adored and then consumed.” Those mushrooms, he
the OHA “may not require a client to be diagnosed with or have” explained, “were of a species with hallucinogenic powers; that
any particular medical or psychiatric condition to participate is, they cause the eater to see visions.”
in the program. By turns respectful and condescending, Wasson bragged that
“Richardson and I were the first white men in recorded history
to eat the divine mushrooms, which for centuries have been a
SHOCK AND AWE secret of certain Indian peoples living far from the great world in
WASSON LIKEWISE HAD no prescription when he tripped on psi- southern Mexico.” Gloating a bit more, he added that “no anthro-
locybin, although his wife, Valentina, who accompanied him pologists had ever described the scene that we witnessed.”
on his international hunts for mind-altering mushrooms, was The two men were blown away by the mushrooms’ “aston-
JOE
If the new president wants to make good on
his word, Reason staffers have some ideas for
a few items to add to his policy agenda. These
are suggestions that Biden might plausibly
heed. We’re still gunning for the legalization of
heroin, but we’d settle for descheduling mari-
juana. We’d love to see an end to all foreign
BIDEN
adventurism, but just getting out of Afghani-
stan would be a good start. A robust private
market in health insurance would be ideal, but
the new administration could at least allow a
larger variety of plans. No one expects Biden
to be a libertarian president, but here are a
few things he could do to make the nation a
little bit more hospitable to free minds and
free markets.
—KATHERINE MANGU-WARD
CLEMENCY PROCESS
petitions at volume, with an eye toward the sort of excessive
drug sentences that both Obama and Trump decried but never
had the stomach to fully address. This wouldn’t require an act
C. J. CIAR A MELLA of Congress—just the will of a president able to admit the size
and scope of the problem.
IF THE BIDEN administration wants to make substantive gains in
criminal justice reform without having to deal with Congress, C.J. CIARAMELLA is a reporter at Reason.
it should turn to one of the least limited tools of the presidency:
the pardon power.
GET OUT OF
The last two presidents have handled the pardon power dif-
ferently. Barack Obama launched an unprecedented large-scale
clemency initiative aimed at nonviolent drug offenders. As a
AFGHANISTAN
result, 1,715 federal inmates had their sentences commuted or
reduced. But the process was dogged by foot-dragging and resis-
tance from the Justice Department, and thousands of inmates
were left behind. BRIAN DOHERT Y
Pardon and clemency petitions are typically routed through
the Justice Department’s Office of the Pardon Attorney. This IN BOTH 2011 and 2013, the Obama administration announced
office solicits feedback on petitions from the very federal pros- its intention to get all our conventional forces out of Afghani-
ecutors who secured those sentences, which creates a conflict stan, where they did little but prop up corruption, provide targets
of interest. “This is something we realized was not working for insurgents, and waste taxpayers’ money. As vice president,
under Obama,” says Jessica Jackson, chief advocacy officer at Biden tweeted that we would be out of Afghanistan in 2014. He
the Reform Alliance, a criminal justice advocacy organization. failed to come through then, but he can make up for it now.
“That bottlenecked the process. It had to go through so many Washington currently finds itself, by realpolitik necessity,
hands. There were deserving people who didn’t get it because negotiating with the same force—the Taliban—that it sent
of the pardon office being in the Justice Department.” troops to Afghanistan to overthrow. We stayed long enough,
That included Alice Johnson, a grandmother serving a life caused enough death and chaos, and funded enough bad gov-
sentence for a nonviolent drug crime. President Donald Trump ernance for the wheels of history to transform a war that looked
commuted Johnson’s sentence after a personal appeal from like a U.S. victory into an occupation that looks sadly pointless.
megacelebrity Kim Kardashian West. The best thing we can take away from the experience is the
The Trump administration sidelined the Office of the Pardon wisdom not to pretend we can pacify or transform a troubled
Attorney, instead relying on a small group of informal advisers nation half a world away and the prudence not to stay in a war
who vetted and brought lists of potential recipients to the White long after its futility has become clear.
House. These included federal inmates who’d been passed over Waiting until the Taliban stop misbehaving, or the contend-
by the Obama administration, such as Crystal Munoz, who was ing sides in their internal conflicts have settled their differ-
serving 20 years in federal prison for a marijuana offense. ences, guarantees Afghanistan will be a forever war—one that
While this allowed commutations and pardons that other- Biden declared last year that “it is past time to end.” Ending it
wise would have been torpedoed by the Justice Department, requires presidential resolve, not leaving foreign policy deci-
the downside was that the number of beneficiaries slowed to a sions in the hands of Afghanistan’s feuding factions or wait-
trickle. By the end of Trump’s term, more than 13,000 clemency ing for fantastical “security conditions” that we never had the
applications were pending. He was on track to issue the few- power to create.
est pardons and commutations of any president since William The Trump administration claimed in November to be on
McKinley, until a spree in December bumped him up to 90 total, track for an end to our presence there by May. Biden should
ahead of George H.W. Bush’s 77. The process also meant that meet that deadline, or even exceed it—not for the sake of hon-
to secure a commutation, you needed to have well-connected oring his predecessor, but to honor policy sense and the health
advocates and to capture the president’s fleeting attention. and welfare of our armed forces.
(Imagine how this could be abused if, hypothetically, a presi- In the Obama administration, Biden was a voice for a rela-
dent was vain and easily impressed by celebrity status.) tively narrow mission of counterterror rather than a broad one
30 MARCH 2021
of counterinsurgency. The latter has proven hopelessly ineffec- Barack Obama’s presidency.
tive and wasteful, and the former does not require thousands of The Trump administration saw this as an opportunity: Why
troops permanently stationed. We should cease any role in the not use executive authority to deregulate cheaper plans with
aerial bombing of Afghanistan (which increased under Trump), fewer benefits? So in 2018, it loosened restrictions on the sale
and we should stop financing that government’s incompetence. of what are known as “short-term, limited duration” insurance
American authorities never understood the country’s culture, plans. The Obama administration had restricted the duration
and after toppling the Taliban they never really understood the of those plans to three-month stretches. Under Trump, the
mission. It was past time to leave when Biden was vice presi- plans became available for up to 36 months.
dent; now, as president, he can finally fulfill that promise. Those less expensive, less comprehensive plans have since
become quite popular, with more than 188,000 people enrolled
BRIAN DOHERTY is a senior editor at Reason. at the end of 2019—possibly many more, as the plans are not
tracked in the same way as more comprehensive policies. The
insurance that was derided as junk is, to many Americans, a
INSURANCE—AND
typical plans fell from 2018 through 2020. Meanwhile, Obama-
care’s subsidized, regulated plans are still there for Americans
DON’T RESTRICT
who want them.
Biden and his health care team will no doubt be tempted to
reverse this, but that would be a mistake. Americans should
ITS SALE have the choice of cheaper, less regulated, less comprehensive
plans, even if it’s not precisely the coverage that Obamacare’s
authors had in mind.
PETER SUDER M AN
PETER SUDERMAN is features editor at Reason.
DONALD TRUMP’S PRESIDENCY began with a fruitless quest to
repeal and replace Obamacare. The effort, which chewed up
LET HONGKONGERS
much of Washington’s attention during 2017, failed in part
because neither Trump nor congressional Republicans man-
aged to unify around a single plan. Trump, in particular,
COME TO AMERICA
seemed unable to even explain the basics of what the various
replacement plans were attempting to do; at best he promised
health care that was “better” and “cheaper.”
Yet out of the ashes of policy failure, the Trump administra- LIZ WOLFE
tion did deliver an under-the-radar improvement to the health
insurance marketplace, by loosening some of Obamacare’s IMPROVING ON DONALD Trump’s immigration record won’t be a
insurance rules. tall order. While America’s 45th president worked hard to scrap
Obamacare was designed on the premise that health the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which
insurance should be comprehensive. One of the law’s major allowed roughly 640,000 immigrants who came to the country
components was a list of “essential health benefits” that every illegally as children to work and study here legally, Joe Biden
plan sold through the law’s insurance exchanges were required says he’ll push for giving them a path to citizenship.
to include. Anything less was derided as “junk insurance” But Biden should add a proposal with less precedent in the
because it didn’t cover every possible health care eventuality. U.S. His administration should grant visas to Hongkongers look-
This had predictable consequences. The highly regulated ing to flee Chinese rule and start anew in the United States.
insurance sold under Obamacare offered a greater array of In 1997, China’s “one country, two systems” policy extended
benefits. It was also substantially more expensive, which autonomy to the island as a condition of Britain handing the ter-
proved particularly troublesome for families whose household ritory over to China. (The arrangement was supposed to expire
incomes were just high enough not to qualify for the law’s in 2047.) For the ensuing two decades, residents of Hong Kong
subsidies. Health insurance premiums rose throughout enjoyed due process in courts of law, the freedom to criticize
REASON 31
their government as much as they wanted, and the prosperity the Justice Department rarely prosecutes low-level posses-
brought by thriving commerce. sion cases. Moving marijuana from Schedule I of the Con-
But over the last few years, the mainland has attempted trolled Substances Act (CSA), a category supposedly reserved
to take control of Hong Kong ahead of schedule. Residents for exceptionally dangerous drugs with no accepted medical
responded by protesting Beijing’s cruel and duplicitous actions. use, to Schedule II, which indicates that a drug has a high
Hundreds of thousands (by some counts millions) of people abuse potential but can be used as a medicine, might facili-
took to the streets and occupied thoroughfares for months on tate research. But it would not address the untenable conflict
end. The authorities then enacted a vague national security between the CSA and the laws of the 36 states that allow medi-
law that gives the government broad latitude to squash dissent. cal or recreational use of marijuana.
Since then, politically outspoken university faculty mem- That conflict casts a dark shadow over the burgeoning can-
bers have been stripped of their positions. Organizers have nabis industry, making basic business functions such as bank-
been arrested and jailed—including 53 pro-democracy leaders ing and paying taxes needlessly difficult, costly, complicated,
in a massive early January sweep. Twelve protesters attempted and legally perilous. Descheduling marijuana completely,
to flee by speedboat to Taiwan, getting only a quarter of the way as a groundbreaking bill that the House of Representatives
before they were apprehended. Their families begged for their approved in December would do, is the most straightforward
release with their faces obscured, fearing retribution. way to address that problem. But even if Biden could be per-
Though Hong Kong’s freedoms are largely gone, Hong- suaded to support that solution, which Vice President Kamala
kongers now have a more profound appreciation for the value Harris favored as a senator, Republican opposition probably
of free expression. They’d be wonderful new Americans for that would make it politically impossible. Just five Republicans
reason alone. On a more practical level, many Hongkongers are voted for the House bill, and Senate passage would require GOP
highly educated and entrepreneurial; they could breathe fresh support or Democratic unanimity.
air into U.S. regions and towns that need to be reinvigorated. A less radical approach, embodied in a 2017 bill that
And letting them in would have bipartisan support: High-pro- attracted bipartisan support in the House, is to revise the CSA’s
file Republicans such as former Senate Majority Leader Mitch marijuana ban so that it does not apply to state-legal conduct.
McConnell of Kentucky have explicitly (and rightly!) called for Such an amendment would jibe with Biden’s promise to “leave
providing a “beacon of light” to people fleeing communism. For decisions regarding legalization for recreational use up to the
all these reasons, President Biden should give refuge to Hong- states,” and it should appeal to the federalist instincts of at least
kongers yearning to breathe free. some Republican legislators.
If that option is also off the table, Biden might be persuaded
LIZ WOLFE is staff editor at Reason. to support piecemeal reforms with a better chance of passing
both chambers. The Secure and Fair Enforcement Banking
Act, for instance, would protect banks that serve state-licensed
marijuana businesses from the threat of criminal penalties and
MARIJUANA
Revenue Code, which prohibits state-licensed marijuana
suppliers from deducting business expenses on their federal
returns, a disability that raises their effective tax rates to as
32 MARCH 2021
KEEP PLAYING END TRUMP’S
NICE WITH PRIVATE TRADE WARS
SPACE COMPANIES ERIC BOEHM
PRESIDENT JOE BIDEN should lift the myriad tariffs that Donald
K ATHERINE M ANGU-WARD Trump placed on foreign steel, aluminum, solar panels, and
washing machines, along with a wide range of Chinese-made
JOE BIDEN DOESN’T seem to be much of a space geek. Like virtually goods. Those tariffs have burdened American consumers and
all American politicians, he says nice, bland stuff about “a bold businesses—ironically harming manufacturers more than
space program that will continue to send astronaut heroes to most—without accomplishing much else. Unilaterally repeal-
expand our exploration and scientific frontiers.” That’s fine. If ing them would not be a surrender; it would be a refusal to keep
he simply sticks to Obama-era space policies, that will be more firing a gun at America’s foot.
than enough to protect the incredible progress we have made Trump was right that the United States has a key role to play
returning Americans to orbit on privately built and launched in standing up to China’s authoritarian tendencies. But our eco-
vehicles in collaboration with NASA. nomic interests are too interwoven with China’s for Trump’s
In a somewhat unexpected twist, President Barack Obama zero-sum approach to be successful. The goal should be not to
supported privatization in the space sector, diverting funding defeat China but to encourage it to change—and to reward it for
to contract with commercJal firms for resupply missions and moving in a pro-freedom direction.
more. That program bore fruit during the Trump administra- Rather than spurning allies, Biden should take a multi-
tion with the stirring, successful manned missions that sent lateral approach. Japan, Vietnam, and other major Ameri-
astronauts aboard SpaceX vehicles to the International Space can trading partners share many of our concerns about the
Station (ISS). economic influence China exerts. It makes sense to pursue a
Battles about the new Space Force and climate science fund- regional trade deal that would lower tariffs for imports from
ing will likely be highly politicized. But what we know about non-China countries. That would give American businesses
Biden’s transition team suggests a heartening possibility that he clear alternatives for overseas investment and force China to
will break with bipartisan tradition and try to terminate fund- change if it wants to keep competing.
ing for the wasteful and porky Space Launch System (SLS), the That was the basic idea behind the Trans-Pacific Partner-
super heavy–lift rocket built primarily by Boeing and famed for ship (TPP), the Obama-era trade agreement that Trump tore
its development delays and cost overruns. SLS is projected to up during his first week in office. The other nations involved in
cost as much as $2 billion per mission when it’s done—if it’s ever that deal went ahead without the United States, but America’s
done. Compare that with $90 million per launch for SpaceX’s participation would probably be welcomed, though some diplo-
Falcon Heavy, which is admittedly a less powerful rocket but is macy might be necessary. Biden has said he would not rejoin
reusable and has a track record of success. the TPP as it was previously written but that he would leverage
That said, there’s a good chance inertia will again triumph in America’s allies to hold China accountable for breaking inter-
the space-industrial complex; many powerful legislators have national norms on trade. That’s a good place to start.
incentives to keep Boeing happy and the people who work at Trump’s trade wars were deeply unpopular, and polls show
SLS facilities in their districts employed. Trump planned to end that free trade is now more popular with Americans than ever
public funding for the ISS, putting the floating lab and habitat in before. Biden, who has a long history of supporting trade deals
private hands in 2025. Biden will likely reverse or dramatically that lowered tariffs and boosted American prosperity, should
slow this decision. not shy away from arguing that more trade is good both for
On the brighter side, he will also probably push back the America and for the rest of the world.
Trump administration’s wildly unrealistic plan to return to the
moon in 2024. That will give private companies more time to ERIC BOEHM is a reporter at Reason.
prepare for the challenge, and competitors such as Blue Origin
more time to get established in commercial launch.
REASON 33
34 MARCH 2021
Is There a
What the 21st century demands, they say, is a different, more
“muscular” style of politics, practiced by a Republican Party
that finally stops worrying and learns to love the state. By
passing stronger laws, these “post-liberal” conservatives
Future for
believe they can restore America’s lost Judeo-Christian
character and save their country from itself.
This is quite a change from the Reagan Republicanism
Fusionism?
of a few decades ago. Back then, most folks on the right
insisted that limited government and personal responsibility
were the watchwords of conservatism. That consensus has
now broken down.
IN THE YEARS SINCE THE COLD WAR, From literature to philosophy to religion, it’s hard to think
CONSERVATIVES HAVE LOST SIGHT OF THE of a theme less original than the seductiveness of power. That,
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LIBERTY AND after all, is the story of Frodo and the ring; of Lord Acton and
PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY. “absolute power corrupts absolutely”; of Satan and the third
temptation of Christ. One of history’s great recurrent lessons
STEPHANIE SLADE is about the importance of keeping that desire in check, in
our hearts and our governments alike. Which is why it’s
exasperating to watch so many conservatives—self-proclaimed
THERE’S A WELL-WORN tale about modern American conserva- heirs to the axiom that “example is the school of mankind,” in
tism: It says that the movement as we know it came into being Edmund Burke’s phrase—succumb in real time to the fantasy
during the mid–20th century as a “fusionist” coalition of that they are the exception to this time-tested rule.
economic libertarians and religious traditionalists. These
groups, whose goals and priorities differed from the start,
were held together mainly by two things: the sheer charisma II.
of National Review founder William F. Buckley Jr., and the AS FAR AS the post-liberal conservatives are concerned, liber-
shared enemy of global communism. tarianism’s preoccupation with protecting liberty has blinded
As long as the Cold War endured, the story goes, each wing it to the importance of promoting virtue (and a constellation of
was willing to cede some ground to the other. In light of the related values, including faith, family, community, and patrio-
threat posed by a rampaging Soviet Union—as militantly tism). The most moderate version of this argument suggests
atheistic as it was militantly anti-capitalist—the differences that libertarians have come to exercise too much influence
between the libertarians and the traditionalists did not seem over the right-of-center policy agenda and proposes a so-called
so great. Their interests, at least, were aligned. rebalancing toward traditionalist concerns. A more radical
But the fall of the USSR meant the collapse of the common version excoriates libertarianism as philosophically bankrupt
foe that had sustained the fusionist partnership. It was able and calls upon the keepers of the conservative flame to take a
to trundle on for a while, powered by a reservoir of goodwill, sledgehammer to the fusionist coalition once and for all.
but it has long been running on fumes. In the last few years, Hillsdale College’s David Azerrad put the latter position
the alliance’s inherent tensions have come to a head. It’s starkly in a July 2020 essay for The American Conservative.
increasingly common to hear that, whatever value there may “The common enemy that justified an alliance with the free
have been in cooperation during the ’50s, ’60s, ’70s, and ’80s, market fundamentalists is long gone,” he wrote. “Today,
the era of good conservative feelings is over. libertarians actively side with our enemies: they promote
For many libertarians, the Trump years revealed their open borders and empty prisons, and strengthen China’s hand
traditionalist allies to be hypocrites and opportunists, all through their consumer-focused economic policies. Ours is
too willing to sell out the ideals of fusionism in service of an primarily a conservatism of countries and borders, citizens and
aspiring dictator. Conservatives have commenced a not-so- families, none of which can take root in the barren libertarian
slow descent toward authoritarianism, some in this group soil of atomized individuals and global markets.”
suggest; if the philosophy of liberty is to have a future, it must The post-liberal agenda is typified by a desire for more
involve building bridges to the left, not the right. government involvement in people’s lives. As The New York
A number of traditionalists, meanwhile, have been tripping Times’ Ross Douthat wrote in 2019, this group seeks “stronger
over each other in their rush to celebrate the end of fusionism. state interventions in the economy on behalf of socially
36 MARCH 2021
III.
THE POST-LIBERAL CONSERVATIVE movement is a twisted artifact
of the now-conventional view of fusionism as a partnership
of convenience between two groups that have divergent and
even contradictory belief systems: libertarians, who prioritize
Within the
individual freedom above all else, and traditionalists, who governmental sphere,
know better.
This understanding is subtly—but crucially—mistaken.
liberty is the ultimate
Fusionism, properly understood, is not a marriage of two groups. end. But within the
It’s a marriage of two value sets. A fusionist is someone who sees
both liberty (in the classical sense of freedom from aggression,
infinitely broader
coercion, and fraud) and virtue (in the Judeo-Christian sense sphere outside of
of submission to God’s commands) as important. Fusionism is
therefore a distinct philosophical orientation unto itself. What’s
government, it’s just
more, it has historically been the dominant orientation on the the beginning.
American right.
Conservatives going back at least to the country’s founding
have believed that virtue and liberty were mutually reinforcing—
and that neither could survive long without the other. A free
society depends on a virtuous populace. (“Our Constitution was wrong. Anyone who holds to the Judeo-Christian tradition—
made only for a moral and religious people,” wrote John Adams. as fusionists by definition do—accepts that we have manifold
“It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other.”) But duties to one another. The disagreement is about whether it’s
the reverse is also true: Virtue, to be virtuous, must be freely the state’s job to enforce those moral obligations.
chosen. As the late National Review literary editor Frank Meyer, For a fusionist, the answer to that question must be no, for
usually identified as the godfather of fusionism, eloquently pragmatic as well as deeply moral reasons.
put it: “Truth withers when freedom dies, however righteous The weight of evidence through history is that concentrated
the authority that kills it; and free individualism uninformed government power in the best case leads to incompetence
by moral value rots at its core and soon surrenders to tyranny.” and waste, while in the worst case it degenerates quickly into
Post-liberals tend to see liberty and virtue as fatally at odds. tyranny. Whether your main concern is material enrichment
To be a good person necessarily requires accepting some limits or the protection of human rights, limited government has
on one’s choices, after all. Mustn’t one of the two fusionist been shown on the proving grounds of experience to be the
pillars ultimately trump the other? best available means to that end.
There’s no denying that the demands of morality, Arguably even more important is the Judeo-Christian
traditionally understood, pull against a theoretical ideal of doctrine of human beings’ equal inherent dignity. As the
freedom from all constraint. Fusionism reconciles this tension Catechism of the Catholic Church puts it, “God created man a
by insisting that the state protect people’s fundamental rights rational being, conferring on him the dignity of a person who
to be secure in person and property—thus leaving individuals, can initiate and control his own actions.” And later: “Every
and the various associations they come together to form, human person, created in the image of God, has the natural
with as much space as possible in which to pursue the higher right to be recognized as a free and responsible being. All owe
things. Within the governmental sphere, liberty is indeed the to each other this duty of respect.” That is why state power is
ultimate end. But within the infinitely broader sphere outside such a grave matter, fraught with danger not just to society
of government, it’s just the beginning: A life well-lived consists but to the souls of those who wield it. Only when absolutely
in using one’s freedom to do what’s right. The clear recognition necessary—say, to stop one person from initiating violence
that these are separate spheres, with separate roles to play for against another—is it morally justifiable to overrule someone’s
the common good, is the genius of the fusionist project. right to live his life as he chooses.
Today’s post-liberal conservatives appear to think they’re Understanding what fusionism is—and what it is not—is
distinguished by the belief that virtue matters. They behave more important than it may seem. An arrangement in which
as if their core disagreement with fusionists is about whether traditionalists and libertarians are merely allies can easily
human beings have moral obligations that go beyond leaving become a game of tug of war in which each side jockeys to
others alone to do as they please. This could hardly be more ensure that, on balance, its own priorities predominate. If one
REASON 37
side finds itself too often on the losing end of that jockeying, it within the liberty movement I’m not alone. And on the wider
might reasonably move to dissolve the alliance altogether. political right, such fears are omnipresent.
But if fusionism is a discrete philosophical worldview—and Faced with problems like these, the allure of desperate mea-
a pervasive one at that, with a pedigree that runs through the sures is perhaps understandable. One common justification
American founding and with roots in the Hebrew Bible—then for the post-liberal turn is that culture and institutions, once
post-liberalism looks infinitely more radical. Remember: The broken, cannot be expected to repair themselves. External help
new conservatives don’t just call for a collective recommitment is needed. The state can provide it, through laws that constrain
to the pursuit of virtue in the private sphere; they explicitly behavior but also teach the populace to value the correct things:
insist that power be exercised in the government sphere, with faith and family, community and country.
a goal of forcibly reorienting society to the common good. Alas, the lessons of history do not cease to be true just
Such a shift amounts to a rejection of one of the two pillars because they’re inconvenient. You cannot impose virtue on
of fusionism—which is to say it’s a rejection of fusionism people by force, and a coercive legal regime is no more likely in
itself. How supremely ironic that the people who flatter practice to instill good values than it is to make the underly ing
themselves defenders of tradition have abandoned the hard- problems worse.
won philosophical inheritance of the American political right. For one thing, there’s no guarantee that the people actually
in power—now or in the future—will agree with you about what
the correct values are (or about how much power is required to
IV. enforce them). But beyond that, public policies always come
ALL THIS LEAVES unanswered a serious question: If a free society with unintended consequences. Even assuming a legal code
requires a moral populace, what is a committed fusionist in an that perfectly aligns with the true demands of virtue, we can’t
unvirtuous age to do? know in advance what the effects will be. Perhaps citizens will
Traditionalists have plenty of evidence that we’re living in absorb a better sense of right and wrong. Or perhaps, freed from
such an age. American religiosity is in decline, with significantly the need to make weighty decisions for themselves, their moral
fewer people attending weekly services (even before the muscles will atrophy, rendering them less capable of pursuing
coronavirus pandemic) than at any time in the last century. the higher things in life.
Addiction and suicide are through the roof, likely driven by a Before you guess which result is more likely, consider the
sense of alienation. Traditional teachings about sexual morality impact that decades of well-intentioned welfare policy have
seem laughably antiquated against the backdrop of modernity. had on poor communities. As the financial incentives for
The divorce rate is down, but so is the marriage rate, and entrepreneurship and family formation evaporated, recipients
hundreds of thousands of abortions are performed each year. of aid learned to see themselves as lacking agency. Neighborly
Some libertarians are less bothered by these concerns. ingenuity, manifested through private charitable efforts and
Many prefer to focus on the ways market-driven technologi- mutual aid societies, was crowded out by top-down government
cal advances have vastly improved our quality of life. Others “solutions” that solve very little. Despite ever-increasing state
go further, arguing that widespread acceptance of a greater and federal spending, the official poverty rate has hardly
range of lifestyle choices make this the best time ever to be budged, and small towns and rural counties increasingly join
alive. Virtue is overrated, this cohort might say, or at least mis- impoverished inner cities as economic disaster areas. All of
understood—and if you’re reading this magazine, you may which suggests that our best efforts have failed to address the
be inclined to agree. If people are using more drugs (see, for causes of the problem and may have exacerbated them.
instance, the cover of this month’s issue) while having fewer The central insight of fusionism is that the common good is
children, that’s fine and dandy so long as it’s their choice. best achieved when the state stays focused on protecting rights
These libertarians are not fusionists, though they can and and liberties, leaving individuals and voluntary associations to
do happily work with their fusionist brethren when it comes to do the rest. To be clear, there is nothing easy about that answer.
protecting rights and liberties in the government sphere. At the The post-liberal temptation is to believe that government
same time, many libertarians are uneasy about secularism and power can be a substitute for the hard labor of institution
community breakdown. As a churchgoing Roman Catholic, I building and cultural change. It isn’t. The solution must begin
certainly fall into this category—grieving the scourge of abor- at home—on the front porch, around the kitchen table, and in
tion, suffering under a culture that feels overly sexualized and the mirror. The law is not a magic wand. There are no magic
excessively consumerist, and fretting that modern man has wands, and there is no shortcut to the good society.
grown unwilling to sacrifice on behalf of something bigger than
himself. I’m not the most stereotypical libertarian, but even STEPHANIE SLADE is managing editor of Reason.
38 MARCH 2021
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Who Says Schools
Are Safer Than
You Think
When the feds failed to track
COVID-19, Emily Oster stepped in.
inter view by
K ATHERINE M ANGU-WARD
40 MARCH 2021
Photo: Rachel Hulin REASON 41
that research suggests it’s OK to have the occasional wine
and sushi, you will be welcomed as a liberator. When you
explain that sleep training and formula don’t show serious
long-term negative effects, you will be worshipped. You will
also be vilified by the keepers of the conventional wisdom, of
course, and Oster has gotten her share of hate mail.
Enter COVID-19. As the pandemic shuttered schools for
months, especially in coastal cities, Oster wondered whether
that decision was justified. Unsurprisingly, given how new the
disease was, not much definitive scholarship was available.
More surprisingly, there wasn’t much good raw data either.
No one seemed to be keeping track of what schools were doing
and whether there seemed to be any impact on postivity rates.
That’s how Oster found herself serving as a COVID-
in-schools data miner and later as a cautious advocate
for reopening schools, a case she made in such outlets as
The Atlantic, The New York Times, and her own Substack
newsletter. Messages like “Schools Aren’t Super-Spreaders”
and “Parents Can’t Wait Around Forever” have earned her the
same mix of grateful relief and furious suspicion as did her
previous work.
Reason’s Katherine Mangu-Ward spoke with Emily Oster in
December via Zoom, while Oster’s kids were home from their
school in Rhode Island for a snow day (“yes, you can watch
TV”) and new lockdowns were kicking in as COVID spiked
around the country.
didn’t they? We got a strangely robust set of experiments shifted a lot, but in the summer there was this idea that we’re
on different variables. What data did you collect and what going to open schools and that’s going to be the thing that
data do you wish you could have collected? destroys everything.
The core underlying pieces of the dashboard are information That does not seem to be true. We’re not seeing schools as
on cases, information on enrollments, and in-person counts— the locus of large amounts of spread. The rates are actually
we want a rate, and for a rate, you need a numerator and quite low—even though the way we measure rates, just to be
denominator. So those are the two most key pieces. clear, is not spread in schools, but just people affiliated with
The second most important [thing] is mitigation strategies: schools who have COVID. So it doesn’t mean they got it at the
Are places masking? Are they distancing? What can we learn school. But even there, we’re seeing rates that are pretty much
about what works to keep places safe? We have all of those in line with what we’re seeing in the community. Maybe a lit-
pieces from districts that have decided to be in our study. We tle bit lower for students, maybe a little bit higher for staff.
have some of those pieces from the couple of states that have We’re seeing fairly optimistic information about the idea
been consistent with this kind of reporting. The best reporting that you could have schools operate safely, even in areas
comes out of New York, where they actually have, for every where there’s some reasonable amount of community spread.
school, counts of cases and information on enrollments, and Masking probably does matter. That’s probably the most
they require schools to put that in. Texas has a similar—not robust correlate in the data, that those places that are masking
quite as good, but almost as good—infrastructure. So we seem to have much lower rates than places that are not. But
pulled that down also. I think the thing that we got the most attention for—rightly,
The thing that would have been great is to have somebody because it moved people’s priors a lot—was just this idea that
tell states: These are the pieces of data you should be not everyone at the school got COVID the day it opened.
collecting. And in particular, actually knowing, at a minimum, We are seeing some of these differences across age groups.
the reopening plan for a state or for a district: Are you open or To the extent that there are places with larger numbers of
not? That would be great. cases, they seem to be high schools.
I’ve talked to a lot of states and almost none of them have
said, “Well, we don’t want to tell you that.” But many of them But not nearly as large as colleges, right?
said, “Well, we don’t know that. We don’t know how many I think that’s been a really interesting aspect of this, which is
COVID cases. We don’t know how many kids are in school. And that we have seen the thing that people feared at the college
we don’t know the reopening models of our districts.” level. Not at all colleges, but a lot. When Penn State opened,
you could see on a COVID map where Penn State is, because it
What are your (preliminary) conclusions so far about was just totally overwhelmed. In some ways I find it actually
school reopening and safety? surprising that we have not seen more high schools that looked
I want to step back and say what we were thinking when we like that. And I’m not sure why that’s so different.
started. There was a really open question: Are schools going
to be the locus of tremendous spread? That conversation has Over the summer, there really wasn’t a consensus about
REASON 43
“It’s not really fair to say to parents:
‘Can’t you take care of your own kid?’
You told me I have to put my kid in
school eight hours a day! That is
literally a law!”
what reopening K-12 schools would mean. It is now how some people interpreted your work as giving them
broadly accepted that opening, particularly elementary permission to do stuff they wanted to do anyway that felt
schools, is almost certainly not going to trigger a massive like common sense to them—drink an occasional glass of
uptick in cases or fatalities. But policy making seems to lag wine, eat sushi, use baby formula. With those books, you
that shift in conventional wisdom. Why? got some pushback from obstetricians and pediatricians.
I think you’re right that the conventional wisdom shifted. There are some parallels with your COVID work, including
Many people moved to: “Oh, actually, the science is not what pushback from teachers, unions, and school districts on
I thought it would be.” And there are a lot of places that are the idea that it might be OK to open schools. How has your
open. A lot of this discussion is happening on the sides of the experience with the medical establishment shaped the
country—we forget that there are a lot of kids who have been in way that you’re dealing with the education establishment?
person in school. I live in Rhode Island, where the schools are It’s a fair comparison. In both cases, a lot of the pushback was
open. That’s not unrelated to this observation. I think that the “You’re not an expert.” I spend a lot of time with people telling
governor listened and this was something that was important me that I’m not an expert in things, probably because I spend
to her. Chicago is going to try. New York is trying, in a sense. a lot of time talking about things which I’m not much of an
There are some movements in that direction, but there has expert in. One of the things that the pushback misses is that
been a lot of resistance. there are some pieces of this in which I am an expert: data
There’s been a lot of resistance from the unions. Some and statistics and thinking about decision making. I find that
of that they’ve walked back a little bit. [President of the pushback frustrating, but also very familiar.
American Federation of Teachers] Randi Weingarten has The main way in which I have thought about this
walked back to saying we should have K-5. That’s something. differently is that I actually tried to listen a little bit more.
Other unions have walked less back. The politics of this got In the case of the school stuff, at some point I realized that
really complicated and it’s been hard to ramp them back. I we had made the point about data and people had accepted
think that the Biden administration will be able to do that the data, but as you say, that’s not the whole thing. And
more easily because the fact that he is saying schools should sometimes there’s value if you actually want to get things
be open is really different than [President Donald] Trump changed. This is a little different than the pregnancy thing,
saying it. I think that’s been good, but it’s uphill. We haven’t because I wasn’t trying to get any particular policy change
moved as much as I would’ve liked. there. I don’t particularly think [policy makers] should say
it’s fine to drink during pregnancy.
When we last talked, for a Reason podcast about your Here, it feels like there really is a policy point. There was
work on pregnancy and early childhood, we discussed a point where I said: OK, the data is not going to be enough. I
44 MARCH 2021
need to make it clear that there are other things going on and actually, remote learning is also not good for the learning
incorporate that into some of my thinking. That insight was piece of school. Once people realized that [kids] can’t learn in
probably informed by having dealt before with people who are that environment, it became a little bit less compelling to say,
never totally going to back down. “Well, I’m not your child care.”
Talk a little bit about the culture of academic inquiry Because of the focus on physical safety, schools ended up
around COVID-related questions. Are people asking the asking teachers to pivot to online or hybrid or, if the kids
right questions now? Is there work that will have to be are in the classroom, changing curricula to accommodate
done after it’s over, to be useful for the next pandemic? safety requirements. Teachers unions are saying, “We
How is the research community dealing with COVID- are advocating for teachers,” but they’re definitely also
related questions, especially in the social sciences? making the teachers’ lives substantially harder and more
I think from the social science standpoint, we will have a lot unpleasant in a lot of ways. A lot of your work is about how
of value to add later. A lot of the value we can eventually add to think about tradeoffs. What went wrong in the unions’
to that analysis is going to be around: What are the impacts of thinking about tradeoffs here?
learning loss on kids? How can we think about fixing that? Are I was on a webinar with the CEO of Chicago Public Schools the
there things that work better or worse? That’s not something other day, and she was saying basically that because they’ve
we can answer this week. I think academics in general have gotten so wrapped up in these safety things, they have not
struggled a little bit with the fact that there’s a lot of need for really been able to address what she thinks is a much bigger
information right now. And that’s not really our thing. issue, which is that this is a very, very hard teaching environ-
Even for me, I’ve tried to be very clear that the stuff I’m ment. There are ways that you could improve it.
doing about schools, this isn’t research. It’s not research in If we were redesigning now, we would do it totally
the way that I would typically approach research; it’s a public differently. This hybrid thing where people are [teaching]
service project. I am using the research tools I have to try to both kinds of kids at the same time, that is not good. There
make the data as good as possible, but I’m not trying to write a was this district in North Dakota that explained to me that
paper with these crowdsourced data from districts. I’m trying what they did was basically, at the beginning of the year,
to help people figure out if schools should be open or not. there’s a six-week block and you opt in to being a regular kid
who comes five days a week, or you can be a virtual kid. The
One question that surfaced last spring and reemerged in virtual kids are taught in a totally different stream, by virtual
the fall much more urgently is: What school is for? We’ve teachers in a virtual academy. And the in-person kids are in
been papering over disagreements about the answer person in a regular school environment. And then every six
to that question for a long time, and then suddenly we weeks, the kids could change what environment they were
couldn’t anymore. So what is school for? in. I think that was a much better structure and much more
School is serving two roles. It is a child care solution and it is sustainable than what they’re apparently going to ask people
teaching people to learn. At the beginning, it was like: “What to do in the Chicago public schools, where the kids in the
do you mean? School is not child care! I’m not a babysitter!” classroom are on computers with their headphones, because
First of all, I found that a little disrespectful to people. everyone has to have exactly the same learning environment.
What’s wrong with having part of your job be child care? That’s just not good.
That’s a totally reasonable job.
But the other thing is it’s not really fair to say to parents: Thinking about tradeoffs can actually be more difficult
“Can’t you take care of your own kid?” You told me I have to when you’re talking about it as a public policy choice
put my kid in school eight hours a day! That is literally a law; rather than as an individual choice.
it is a law that my kid has to be in school. And now you’re The problems with that were more significant in places where
telling me that the expectation should also be that I am free the labor relations were worse. In places with more functional
for all of that time, even though I’m legally required to not labor relations, we have a little bit of an easier time encourag-
have my kid here. So it’s odd that we’ve set up this whole ing people to come together.
system in which people are required to go to school and then
we’re going to be, like, “Well, school’s not your child care.” Your forthcoming book is called The Family Firm, and
You told me it has to be! it focuses on helping families with older kids do better
Part of what tamped that whole discussion down is that, management and strategic decision making. With so many
REASON 45
families making relatively high-stakes decisions under
COVID, is there anything you can preview from that book
about how to be better at making those decisions?
In many ways, COVID only amplified a lot of the issues I
grapple with in The Family Firm. Early in the pandemic, I
wrote in my newsletter on a five-step process for making
decisions during COVID. The processes I outline in The Family
Firm draw a lot from this but turn them to more general
questions. It’s not just COVID risks and benefits to think about
but a broader set of evidence to evaluate. In both settings,
I keep coming back to the key bookends: Start by thinking
about framing the question you’re asking and end by making a
decision. This may seem facile, but whether in COVID or not,
my sense is that people do not often stop to think about what
they really see as the choice they are making, and they allow
decisions to fester far too long.
This interview has been condensed and edited for style and clarity.
PETER SUDER M AN
48 MARCH 2021
F
ROM THE SPREAD of COVID-19 and the wave of state- preferring hastily cobbled-together forms of virtual education.
imposed closures that followed to the police killings According to one tracker, 62 percent of public schools began
of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor and the unrest the fall semester online only. The dire effects were plain to
that ensued, 2020 was a year in which American see. Young children of all demographics fared badly in vir-
institutions flailed and failed. And few failures tual school, unable to focus effectively on screen-based educa-
were bigger or more apparent than those of public- tion from home. The negative effects were most pronounced
sector unions. among poor and minority students, who often lacked
By pushing to keep schools closed even as evidence mounted consistent access to computers or internet con-
that in-person classes were relatively low-risk and remote nections and whose chaotic home lives often
learning was ineffective, teachers unions failed students and made learning even more difficult.
parents. By pushing to protect bad cops in the wake of mul- A November report from the NWEA, a
tiple scandals, police unions failed the public they were sworn nonprofit education research organiza-
to protect. And in the process, America got a glimpse of what tion, examined test scores from more than
public-sector unions, regardless of the profession they repre- 4.4 million students and found that kids
sent, really do. in third to eighth grade performed 5–10
Unions that represent government employees seek to main- points worse, on average, than a year
tain an image of themselves as protectors of common institu- prior. Black and Hispanic students, as
tions that can be relied upon to serve the public interest. But the well as those who attended schools
upheavals of 2020 made clear that the priority for public-sector in low-income areas, saw significant
unions is the opposite: to protect the interests of taxpayer- declines in reading test scores. The
funded employees, especially when those interests diverge analysis concluded that “the impacts
from those of the public they nominally serve. of COVID-19 on achievement for the
Yet the politics of public-sector unions have left reforms in most vulnerable students may be
limbo. Culturally and politically, police have long been linked underestimated.”
with the American right. Teachers, in contrast, are a core con- The decision to close schools
stituency of the Democratic Party and some of its loudest sup- also hurt the careers of working
porters and biggest donors. mothers. By September 2020,
Public-sector union reform should be a bipartisan issue. about 1.1 million adults had
Instead, it has stalled or inched along, with each side protect- dropped out of the U.S.
ing its own. workforce; 865,000 were
women, according to
the National Wom-
TEACHERS VS. CHILDREN AND PARENTS en’s Law Center.
OF ALL THE missteps and public policy failures of 2020, few were
more egregious than the failure to reopen public schools for
young children. In the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic,
schools were shuttered across the nation out of fear that they
would become vectors of viral spread. But by mid-summer,
evidence from other countries that had reopened their schools,
combined with data on how often and how severely children
contract the disease, pointed to a clear conclusion: Schools—
especially for younger students—were relatively safe.
“School districts should prioritize reopening schools
full time, especially for grades K-5 and students with
special needs,” declared a press release describing
a July report from the National Academies of Sci-
ences, Engineering, and Medicine.
Some states, many with Republican gover-
nors, chose to bring children back to class-
rooms in some fashion. But others did not,
50 MARCH 2021
More than anything else, police unions exist to defend the
employment prerogatives of their members—especially when
they perform badly or abuse the public trust. Police may exist to The upheavals of 2020
protect the people. But police unions exist to protect the police.
Sometimes, as in Chauvin’s case, this imperative manifests
made clear that the
itself in high-profile demonstrations of loyalty to cops whose priority for these unions
actions or inactions have proven dangerous or deadly. After is to protect the interests
Broward County Sheriff’s Deputy Brian Miller was fired for
neglect of duty because he hid behind his car while a gunman
of taxpayer-funded
murdered 17 students at a Parkland, Florida, high school in employees, especially when
2018, the local police union backed a two-year arbitration
those interests diverge
process that last summer resulted in Miller’s reinstatement
with full back pay. The students had lost their lives. Miller had from those of the public
lost his job. But with the union’s support, he got it back, along they nominally serve.
with his taxpayer-funded annual salary of $138,000.
Sometimes police unions’ protective efforts are less
visible. A signature demand of police unions is that their
contract negotiations be hidden from public view. In June,
following the national outcry over Floyd’s death, Philadelphia
Councilmember Katherine Gilmore Richardson sponsored
a bill allowing city residents to comment on police contract
proposals before they are submitted to the union. The bill, which
the city council approved in September, maintained a longtime
prohibition of public input on final approval of contracts.
“This legislation seeks to mandate public transparency and
accountability in a process that has been shrouded in secrecy
for too long,” Richardson said.
In October, the local Fraternal Order of Police (FOP)
responded with a lawsuit seeking to block the reform. “We had
to do something in order to put an end to what they’re doing, himself and Taylor against dangerous criminals.
demonizing police officers in the city of Philadelphia,” FOP Three officers responded to the shot fired by Walker with a
President John McNesby argued at a press conference. Letting hail of 32 bullets, killing Taylor. The police found no drugs or
the public see and comment on the contract process was akin to any other evidence that Taylor was involved in criminal activity.
“demonizing police officers.” It had to be stopped. After Taylor’s death, Louisville’s interim police chief, Robert
When those contracts do become public, it’s clear why police Schroeder, concluded that Detective Brett Hankison, one of the
unions want them shrouded in secrecy. They routinely include officers involved in the raid, “displayed an extreme indifference
provisions that single out police for special treatment, giving to the value of human life” when he “wantonly and blindly
them legal protections that no ordinary citizen could expect, fired 10 rounds” into Taylor’s apartment. Noting that some of
much less demand as part of a compensation package. those bullets entered a neighboring apartment, Schroeder said
Those protections became a point of controversy in Hankison’s recklessness posed a “substantial danger of death
Louisville, Kentucky, following the March 13, 2020, police and serious injury” to the public.
shooting of Breonna Taylor, a 26-year-old black woman. City “I find your conduct a shock to the conscience,” Schroeder
police used a battering ram to knock down Taylor’s door in the wrote in a letter announcing his intent to terminate
middle of the night while serving a search warrant based on Hankinson’s employment. “I am alarmed and stunned you
the unsubstantiated suspicion that she was participating in a used deadly force in this fashion.”
former boyfriend’s drug trafficking operation. But before he could fire Hankison, Schroeder had to go
Taylor and her current boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, were in through the police union. The termination procedures in the
bed at the time. After hearing the tumult at the door, Walker police contract guaranteed a “pre-termination hearing” with
grabbed a handgun and fired once at the intruders, striking an legal counsel present, a right to make a case for less severe pun-
officer in the leg. Walker later said he believed he was defending ishment, and a right to appeal to the Police Merit Board, which
52 MARCH 2021
In 2018, the Austin Police Retirement System had about
$582 million in liabilities, an increase of more than $175 million
from just a year earlier. As a result of this fiscal burden, Moody’s
Investors Service downgraded the city’s bond rating, which was In practice, public-
apt to increase the city’s borrowing costs. Over the summer, the sector unions exert a
city council responded by approving a cut of more than $150
million from the police budget. But the city didn’t touch the pen-
disproportionate amount
sion fund, because in Texas it’s constitutionally protected. And of effort defending their
even after the budget cuts, pension obligations were projected
worst members.
to continue rising. Effectively, the city chopped spending on
day-to-day policing to help offset the cost of continuing to pay
officers who were long off the job.
54 MARCH 2021
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56 MARCH 2021
The
All-American
Arms Dealer
SAMUEL CUMMINGS BUILT A GLOBAL WEAPONS
EMPIRE IN WASHINGTON, D.C.’S SHADOW.
M ARK HEMINGWAY
T
HERE ARE MORE than a few antique shops in historic years, he tried to open a museum in Alexandria to exhibit his
Old Town Alexandria, Virginia, a short walk from collection of exotic and historic weaponry, though that never
my suburban neighborhood. Antiquing is nor- came to fruition.
mally of interest only if my mother-in-law is visit- As interesting as that sounds, Cummings’ collection is in
ing, but some years back a friend messaged me to some respects less interesting than the manner in which he
let me know one of the shops had something I should see. On acquired it. For nearly 50 years, he was the largest arms dealer
the back wall, shunted behind a variety of well-preserved 19th in the world.
century furniture, were two large Soviet propaganda paintings. In recent years, the waterfront in Old Town Alexandria along
The first was a portrait of three strapping Russian sailors, the Potomac River has been redeveloped. Some of the land was
wearing bandoleers across their chests, in front of the Aurora— seized by eminent domain, the area turned into parks and board-
the infamous ship that fired the first shot on the Winter Palace walks and otherwise made an inviting spot for tourists looking to
in St. Petersburg, launching the Russian Revolution. The sec- schlep around the same streets once haunted by George Wash-
ond painting, of soldiers smoking in a field in Afghanistan, was ington. But when I moved to the area a decade ago, there was
less dramatic but a better and more impressionistic piece of also a small wooden building on the water where you could still
art. Both paintings were done by well-known graduates of the make out a sign that said Interarms—the name of Cummings’
Kharkov Art Institute and were fine examples of Soviet socialist company. The building is now gone, and it’s hard to imagine
realism—insofar as one can take any art movement that began that, through the 1980s, the same waterfront now littered with
under Stalin seriously. I inquired about the paintings, and all restaurants and boutiques was an industrial port where Cum-
the clerk was able to tell me was that they originally came from mings owned a series of converted tobacco warehouses stacked
the estate of a man named Samuel Cummings. to the rafters with guns.
If you know anything about Samuel Cummings, you may sus- “At one point, we had 700,000 rifles, machine guns, pis-
pect the two Soviet paintings were some of his more prosaic pos- tols and submachine guns stored in our warehouses in Alexan-
sessions. When the billionaire died in 1998, he owned, among dria,” Cummings told The Washington Post in 1986. “We could
many other things, the sword Napoleon carried at Waterloo. For have instantly overwhelmed the American armed forces. We
AN EDUCATION IN ARMS
CUMMINGS WAS BORN in Philadelphia in 1927 to parents so
wealthy they had never worked. Soon thereafter they lost
everything in the Great Depression. His father died when Cum-
mings was 8 from the stress of having to do actual labor for the
first time in his life.
When Cummings was 5, he found a World War I German
machine gun abandoned outside an American Legion post. An
adult helped him carry the 40-pound weapon back to his house,
where the boy learned to take it apart and reassemble it, spark-
ing a lifelong fascination with guns.
After Cummings’ father died, his enterprising mother found
a way to make one of her primary skills as a rich woman—good
taste—profitable. She convinced a local bank to let her move
into a repossessed house and renovate it in exchange for a share
of the sale profits. Cummings’ mother proved quite adept at flip-
ping houses this way. It eventually brought the family to D.C.,
where the housing market during the Depression was stronger.
This unusual occupation necessitated moving the family every
six months or so into a new home, but Cummings’ mother was
thrifty enough to put her children through some of D.C.’s bet-
ter private schools.
Cummings enlisted immediately after high school, just as
World War II was ending. As a teenager, he headed off to Fort
Lee for basic training with his burgeoning collection of 50 guns
could have armed 700,000 mercenaries that could have goose- packed into the trunk of his car. Cummings excelled in his cadet
stepped right over the [Arlington] Memorial Bridge….We also program in high school, and when he got to the Army he was so
had 150 pieces of artillery, ranging from 25 mm to 150 mm…. familiar with weapons and drills he was immediately made an
So, if I didn’t like a particular piece of legislation in the Congress, acting corporal. He spent his hitch instructing other recruits on
I could have phoned up the speaker and I could have said, ‘My close-order drills and weapons handling. His 18-month service
armies will be rolling over to the Capitol, if you don’t do some- was uneventful—he never left Virginia—and in 1947 he enrolled
thing about that.’” in George Washington University on the GI Bill, earning a degree
Fortunately, Cummings was clearly joking. Well aware that in political science and economics in just two years. While in
such quotes were catnip to reporters, he was famously candid school, Cummings pursued his hobby and supplemented his
with the press, a remarkable trait for an arms dealer. income by buying and selling guns. He even made a tidy profit
By the 1980s, the intrigue surrounding the Cold War’s many after uncovering a cache of German World War II helmets in a
proxy conflicts had made arms dealers figures of notable inter- Virginia scrapyard.
est even in popular culture: The 1983 Chevy Chase comedy It was his time out of school during this period that proved to
Deal of the Century was a satirical take on the arms trade, be the most fateful, however. Cummings headed off to Oxford
and the band Queen even wrote a song, “Khashoggi’s Ship,” for a term abroad during summer 1948. While in England, he
about partying on the yacht of notorious Saudi Arabian arms and two friends pooled their money to buy the cheapest car they
dealer Adnan Khashoggi. (Washington Post columnist Jamal could find and toured the continent. For a young man obsessed
Khashoggi, notoriously dismembered in a Saudi consulate in with the military, the trip was a revelation.
Turkey in 2018, was Adnan’s nephew.) Even though it had been over for years, the scale of World
REASON 59
as it later came to be known, started with no tangible assets. The assault was abruptly stymied, but Trujillo’s men picked
Cummings worked out of his modest house in Georgetown, up AR-10 rifles from the Cuban expeditionary force that were
and the company address was a P.O. box. He did, however, identical to weapons Cummings had sold Trujillo. The dictator
have a valuable list of contacts. Cummings composed a letter was furious. Cummings calmed him down by pointing out that
announcing he was interested in purchasing arms and fired it the Cuban invasion was stopped by strafing the beaches with a
off to dozens of heads of state and military officials. handful of Swedish Vampire jets Cummings had sold Trujillo. (It
The first few months were disconcertingly quiet, until a let- was the only time Cummings, who mostly dealt in small arms,
ter from a colonel in the national guard of Panama arrived. The was involved in the sale of airplanes.)
country had a relatively small weapons surplus it was looking to Despite the hazards of dealing with such unstable leaders,
get rid of. Cummings flew down to inspect the lot—a mix of small Cummings famously told George Thayer, author of the seminal
arms, machine guns, and mortars—and offered $25,000 on the 1969 book on the modern arms trade, The War Business, that he
spot, provided Panama wouldn’t expect payment until the arms liked working with dictators because “they have a sense of order
arrived in the United States. Cummings quickly brokered a deal and pay their bills promptly.”
with Western Arms, whom he’d worked with in Costa Rica, to pur- At the same time, Cummings rigorously observed any
chase the Panamanian shipment from him. He made $20,000 on arms embargo imposed by the U.S. or British governments. He
the deal even after the considerable shipping costs. quickly stopped dealing with Cuba after that first sale to Castro
That provided enough seed capital to cover travel expenses, and shut down an office in Pretoria in the early ’60s when arms
and Cummings was off to the races. Like a lot of wildly success- embargoes were imposed in South Africa.
ful ventures, the growth of Interarms was about 50 percent luck Then there were the questions of his ongoing ties to the CIA.
and 50 percent grit. Cummings traveled so much for the rest of Arms used in the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion came from Cum-
the decade that he calculated he’d spent six months’ worth of mings. That same year, a massive quantity of Soviet ammuni-
hours on planes. His constant absence cost him his first mar- tion—22 boxcars’ worth—was unloaded off trains in Browns-
riage. But his hard work, confident salesmanship, and unusual ville, Texas, triggering a Senate investigation into the shell
combination of discretion and blunt honesty ensured that deals companies behind the shipment. It led back to Cummings.
started falling into his lap. Soon he had full warehouses of arms The ammo may have been meant to support CIA operations in
in Brooklyn and Alexandria. Many of his most notable successes Indochina, where the conflicts were just heating up.
involved profiting off the chaos created by energetic U.S. efforts Regarding the CIA’s ill-advised actions abroad during
to destabilize unfriendly governments in Latin America. Cum- the Cold War, Cummings would dryly tell Brogan and Zarca
mings soon became a Cold War Zelig—but where other historical that an agency starting wars without Congress’ involvement
figures got caught in the crossfire, Cummings was the crossfire. wasn’t exactly what he’d learned was in the Constitution dur-
The Panamanians referred Cummings back to Costa Rica, ing law school.
where he did more arms deals. The Costa Ricans, in turn,
referred him to neighboring Nicaragua. In 1955, Nicaragua’s
U.S.-backed, right-wing Somoza government invaded Costa THE AMERICAN MARKET
Rica. Cummings had armed both sides of the conflict. CUMMINGS DIDN’T MAKE a massive fortune just by shuffling arms
Cummings’ success was also a result of his brazen willing- from one conflict zone to another. His real innovation was dis-
ness to put profits over taking sides. When Cuban President covering there was a massive market among Americans for
Fulgencio Batista fled the country in late 1958, a shipment of military surplus guns.
AR-10 rifles the leader had ordered from Cummings was already In the 1960s, American manufacturers such as Winchester
en route to the island. Rather than chalk up a loss, Cummings and Remington made fine rifles—but at $100–$150 new, they
dashed down to Cuba to demonstrate the rifles in person for were comparatively expensive. Interarms started a mail-order
Fidel Castro, the newly installed head of state, and his right- catalog, Hunters Lodge, that sold some military surplus rifles
hand man Che Guevara. Castro gladly paid for the guns meant for as little as $9.95 (about $80 today, adjusting for inflation).
for Batista. This deal went sideways six months later, in 1959, They were literally marketed as “throwaway guns” a hunter
when Cummings was again in the Caribbean visiting with one could abandon in the woods after bagging his deer. It was the
of his biggest customers, Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo. domestic demand for guns that caused his warehouses in Alex-
Castro chose that moment to launch his first of many foreign andria to reach peak capacity.
escapades by sending a ragtag group of soldiers to invade the Also of interest is how his guns arrived in Alexandria in the
beaches of Hispaniola in an effort, presumably, to foment social- first place. When Cummings started buying up warehouses in
ist revolution. the only non-union port on the East Coast, there was just one
60 MARCH 2021
other major company using the port: The Washington Post. Cum-
mings struck a deal with the same Finnish shipping line that
brought the paper its newsprint to also pick up his arms ship-
ments. For years, the Post subsidized an unholy percentage of
the world’s small arms traffic.
Interarms’ commercial peak ended in 1968, when Congress,
prodded by domestic gun manufacturers upset over their lost
market share, passed a law prohibiting the import of military
surplus guns. (It didn’t help that Lee Harvey Oswald had assas-
sinated JFK with a cheap mail-order Italian rifle.)
Fortunately for Cummings, by then he also had a firm grip on
the international arms trade. He was eagerly sought out for his
ability to seemingly conjure weapons out of thin air. When the
Sudanese ceremonial camel corps needed new lances, he just
happened to have some World War I–era German lances made
of blue steel in an Alexandria warehouse.
Governments the world over owed Cummings favors, big
and small. Oddly, he was trusted by nearly everyone. When the
Falklands War broke out, Argentina, as one of Cummings’ big-
gest customers, approached him for weapons. Cummings—by
then a British citizen—flatly refused to do business with the
country, even as he cheerfully advised its leaders on where they
might obtain what they needed. After the brief conflict ended,
the British Ministry of Defense held a symposium on the war
and wanted to get the Argentine military to participate as well.
The diplomatic niceties could not be resolved in time for the
event, so Cummings represented the Argentine position, to the
satisfaction of everyone involved.
Aside from his regular dealings with the press—he received
major coverage in The New York Times and was the subject of
an Esquire profile in the magazine’s ’70s heyday—Cummings
made his political influence felt in surprising ways. He had sur- edy—but an ironic one, considering how much he both doted on
rendered his U.S. citizenship not for any business or legal reason his children and courted press attention. In 1997, his daughter
but for his family. By the early 1970s, he was remarried with two Susan shot and killed her unfaithful Argentine polo player hus-
daughters and living full-time in Monte Carlo and Geneva. In band on the lavish estate in Virginia’s horse country that her
1971, the Supreme Court ruled that children born to Americans father had given her. She claimed the husband was abusive and
abroad could not become U.S. citizens unless they lived in the had threatened her with a knife. She was convicted of voluntary
United States for three consecutive years before they turned 18. manslaughter and spent 57 days in jail.
Both Monaco and Switzerland had restrictive citizenship laws, The episode was irresistible to the gossip rags. Cummings
so his children were destined to be stateless. Cummings applied died of a series of strokes in April 1998, the same month a
for and received British citizenship, surrendering his status as lurid Vanity Fair story about his daughter’s crime was on news-
an American so his children could get a passport. stands. He was 71.
Still, surrendering his birthright chafed him quite a bit. At the time of Cummings’ death, the industrial Alexandria
Instead of making good on sending soldiers from Alexandria waterfront was already largely redeveloped. He would be unsur-
over the Memorial Bridge to threaten Congress, Cummings prised to see tourists eating ice cream where his lethal empire
hired a lobbyist to change the law like everyone else. In 1980, once stood. But while Interarms’ warehouses may be gone, the
thanks in part to his efforts, Congress passed legislation invali- news that Americans bought 5 million new guns this year would
dating the Supreme Court ruling and allowing his daughters to certainly bring a smile to Cummings’ face.
claim U.S. citizenship.
The final noteworthy episode of Cummings’ life was a trag- MARK HEMINGWAY is a senior writer for RealClearInvestigations.
JESSE WALKER
OW BROAD WAS the California A FAMILIAR METAPHOR—OFTEN attributed to Reagan, though its
tax revolt of the 1970s? Broad origins are cloudy—calls conservatism a three-legged stool. In
enough to stretch from Ronald its idealized form, the three legs are free enterprise, a strong
Reagan to the Black Panthers. national defense, and traditional moral values. In practice,
The Panthers’ position is “free enterprise” is often a cover for protecting or subsidizing
mentioned only briefly in Rick business interests, “national defense” for global intervention,
Perlstein’s Reaganland—just “moral values” for moral panic.
a single sentence meant to get However you define them, each leg grew stronger as the
across how widespread dis- ’70s melted into the ’80s. They gathered this strength not just
satisfaction with the state’s within the organized right but outside it. These weren’t three
property taxes had gotten. But if you start poking around at legs of a stool so much as three sweeping trends that at times
that spot, you’ll find a deep rabbit hole just waiting for you to combined to form the conservative movement but were quite
explore it. With “most tax increases,” proclaimed the Panther capable of operating independently too.
slate in Oakland’s 1973 municipal elections, “the poor always The social conservatives were concentrated in a network
suffer and Black people, in particular, suffer most.” The can- known as the New Right. The New Right’s boundaries are not
didates went on to decry everything from the property tax to easy to define, but three overlapping developments were at
the business license tax, and along the way they complained its core. One was a set of high-profile grassroots right-wing
about how much money was spent on police pensions and rebellions in the early ’70s, notably the anti-busing riots in
downtown businesses. They also grumbled that black Oak- Boston and a dispute over textbooks in West Virginia. Another
landers were being taxed without representation, since the was Christian conservatives’ growing willingness to enter the
levies were imposed “by the all-white Oakland City Council.” political realm—and to work across denominational lines—to
Reaganland is 914 pages long, not including its extensive battle secularism. (The most important causes here were the
endnotes, and nearly every one of those pages could send you fights against legalized abortion and against an effort to strip
down an equally fascinating rabbit hole. This is the fourth and segregated religious schools of their tax-exempt status.) The
probably final volume in Perlstein’s series of books on recent third element was a group of money-savvy activists, many of
American history, and like its predecessors it is both informa- them based in the world of direct mail, who set out to weave
tive and entertaining. Perlstein is an engaging storyteller with those organic backlashes into an organized political force.
a talent for juggling multiple narratives, and he is able—not Perlstein is at his best covering these culture wars. The
always, but usually—to write empathetically about people he lead-up to the National Women’s Conference of 1977, a battle-
fundamentally disagrees with, a useful skill for a liberal histo- ground between feminists and traditionalists, is rendered
rian describing a country’s turn to the right. here as a series of vivid set pieces told from multiple points of
That shift is Perlstein’s big subject, a fact he signals by sub- view. Perlstein’s political sympathies are with the feminists,
titling the book America’s Right Turn, 1976–1980. The combi- but he’s attuned to the reasons many working-class women
nation of title and subtitle might prompt a double take, since felt alienated from the most visible feminist groups. “Femi-
Reagan did not become president until 1981. For the bulk of nist leaders tended to be lawyers, professors, and foundation
Reaganland, the man in the White House is not Reagan but executives. No wonder they viewed working outside the home
Jimmy Carter. as fulfilling,” he writes, summarizing a ’70s study. “The same
Yet the title isn’t an error. One of the book’s chief themes is survey found that most antifeminist activists who worked
that America’s move rightward began well before Ronald Rea- were unmarried, had menial, deadening jobs, and 90 percent
gan entered the Oval Office. Its cover shows Reagan and Carter had no college degree. In the world as these women experi-
seated together in the back of a limo—two rivals riding the enced it, marriage was what rescued you from work.”
same car. Their destination: Reagan’s inauguration. Perlstein is similarly sensitive when describing that con-
62 MARCH 2021
flict over tax exemptions for segregated not mention that the city government
schools. Most modern accounts see constructed housing and subsidized the
this as little more than a batch of rac- harbor ferry on which Friedman was
ists trying to preserve their privileges, filmed praising Hong Kong’s market
but Perlstein notes that the new rules economy. But Friedman was making
really were poorly crafted: The institu- an argument about the absence of trade
tions whose representatives descended barriers and economic controls, not
on Washington to protest the change claiming that the city had no economic
included not just segregation academies interventions at all. (The book version
but schools that made good-faith efforts of Free to Choose, which has more space
to recruit black students. They just for details, does mention both the
couldn’t afford the procedural hurdles public housing and the transportation
the rules would impose. After hearing subsidies.)
many hours of testimony along these Perlstein is better when discuss-
lines, the Internal Revenue Service ing the group he calls the “boardroom
revised the proposal to take some of Jacobins.” Before the ’70s, he notes,
these complaints into account. driven rightward, in part, by their Cold business interests tended to accommo-
That’s not to say the dispute was War commitments—were becoming a date themselves to federal regulation.
a mere misunderstanding, easily bigger presence in elite circles. Their Or at least a certain sort of company
resolved. For many Christians, that favorite politician was Scoop Jackson, did: “blue-chip firms, safe, stable, and
compromise wasn’t enough; there were a senator from Washington who mixed perennially profitable, impervious to
deeper ideological battles, and not just his left-liberal economic opinions economic downturns.” Resistance was
the one over race. To the proposal’s most with militaristic views on foreign more likely to come from businesses
radical opponents, the key question was policy. But with Jackson unable to that were “smaller, family-held, concen-
whether the government could dictate take the Democratic nomination and trated in midsized cities that ordinary
orders to religious institutions in the with Reagan hoisting the anti-détente citizens rarely dealt with, who didn’t
first place. “These men do not have the banner in the GOP, many neocons were care what the New York Times said
rightful authority,” one testified, “to tell willing to cross party lines. They offered about them.” These enterprises “tended
us how to run our schools, our homes, a highbrow counterpart to the lowbrow to operate with less secure profit mar-
and our churches.” jingoism of the New Right, which stoked gins compared to blue-chip firms, and
As the cultural revolutions of the grassroots anger with direct-mail felt far more vulnerable to federal regu-
1960s and ’70s swept through the broadsides against the Panama Canal lation.” And they didn’t have nearly as
country, the backlash was not limited “giveaway.” much pull in Washington.
to the New Right; it wasn’t just Jerry But in the ’60s and ’70s, an anti-
Falwell’s fans who found themselves AND THEN THERE’S the stool’s third business backlash fueled a new wave
uncomfortable with widespread leg—the one that’s either pro-market of restrictive legislation, much of it
marijuana use or the new visibility or just pro-business, depending on how pushed by the crusading attorney-
of gay culture. And the second leg of seriously the speaker takes his small- activist Ralph Nader. Larger businesses
the conservative stool was even more government rhetoric. eager to fend off those rules became
well-represented outside standard I mentioned earlier that Perlstein more willing to criticize the post–New
conservative circles. Liberal hawks usually writes with empathy about Deal state. They also became more
had long been a part of the political positions he doesn’t share. This is the willing to call on voices around the
landscape, and they coexisted uneasily area where he is most likely to let that country—sometimes real grassroots
with the Carter administration’s more slide. Take his discussion of Free to activists, sometimes astroturf fronts—
dovish members. Carter himself grew Choose, a 1980 TV series hosted by the to argue their case. And so Perlstein’s
more hawkish toward the end of his libertarian economist Milton Friedman: Jacobin capitalists were born.
term. And if that wasn’t enough for Here the text sometimes devolves into As always, many politicians of the
antsy Cold War liberals, a new tribe was heckling, as when Perlstein complains era used free market rhetoric as a cover
waiting to welcome them. that the show’s praise for Hong while advancing economic interven-
The neoconservatives—an Kong’s free market successes was a tions on corporate interests’ behalf.
assortment of formerly left-wing figures “thoroughgoing fantasy” because it did In the Republicans’ 1980 presidential
Illustration: Michael Del Priore/Wikimedia REASON 63
BOOKS
primaries, the most pro-business candidate was former Texas libertarians. It’s that the third leg of the conservative stool, like
Gov. John Connally. Connally was happy to invoke the idea those other two legs, was hewn from sentiments that didn’t just
of free enterprise, especially when it came to removing the show up on the right.
regulations that afflicted his beloved energy companies, but In 1980, the socialist weekly In These Times noted that
his platform was filled with not-so-free market ideas about “all three major candidates for chief executive of the world’s
bailouts and subsidies—especially for those aforementioned biggest government are running against big government.”
energy companies. The unsigned editorial did not proceed to defend big
Perlstein regularly highlights moments when Democrats, government. It argued that those candidates—Reagan,
at times including Carter, were less willing to tax, spend, Carter, and independent John Anderson—didn’t really want
and regulate in this period. He is especially attentive to the “to end federal government involvement in the economy,”
ways this strained the president’s relationship with the more since “federal regulation of the economy has been welcomed
conventionally liberal elements of the party—tensions that or sought by American business leaders since the late 19th
culminated in Ted Kennedy’s challenge to Carter in the 1980 century” and most federal regulation “has been a case of big
Democratic primaries. Perlstein arguably overstates Carter’s business regulating itself and others through government.”
fiscal conservatism: The book notes several examples of the Echoing Nader, the editorial went on to distinguish those
president’s reluctance to spend money, but total federal spend- unwelcome rules from legislation “in the spheres of safety,
ing was nonetheless higher when he left office than when he health and the environment,” which it supported. But it
came in. But if anything, Perlstein understates how much this wrapped up by demanding a “socialist federalism that will
rebellion against the liberal state took hold on the left. strengthen the power of state and local governments and
Take the deregulation of trucking and air travel. These are begin dismantling the highly centralized agencies created to
market-friendly policies that were not mere sops to business, insulate corporate power from popular control.”
since they removed the rules that maintained the country’s States’ rights and an assault on the regulatory state, but
transportation cartels. More to the point, they weren’t simply from the left. Is this mirror-universe Reaganism?
signed by President Carter; they were advanced in the Senate The authors of that editorial were not free marketeers, no
by Ted Kennedy, the very man who ran against Carter from more than John Connally was. But they were deeply disil-
the left. Outside the government, they were championed by lusioned with the mid-century liberal consensus. The sheer
the boardroom Jacobins’ bête noire, Ralph Nader. Indeed, ubiquity of this disillusionment suggests that more was afoot
Nader accused Reagan, Connally, and the U.S. Chamber of here than a mere right turn.
Commerce of being weak on trucking deregulation.
Nader was, in fact, a leading voice for loosening large THAT REJECTION OF the consensus had its limits. Most Ameri-
swaths of the regulatory state. In his foreword to the 1973 can voters did not relish the thought of, say, giving up their
book The Monopoly Makers, Nader decried “corporate social- Social Security checks. Periodically in Reaganland, the title
ism,” a system in which “public agencies control much of character claims while campaigning that he had never said
the private economy on behalf of a designated corporate Social Security should be voluntary. Perlstein points out that
clientele,” locking out competition, raising prices, and block- the younger Reagan had, at the very least, called for adding
ing disruptive technologies. Reaganland includes a detailed “voluntary features” to it.
account of Nader’s failed attempt to create a federal agency Once in office, though, Reagan stuck with his revised posi-
of consumer affairs, an entity he hoped would be less suscep- tion. In 1983, facing the possibility that Social Security would
tible to industry capture. It has less to say about his efforts to become insolvent, he raised the payroll tax and forced a host
reduce the powers of those captured agencies. of federal employees to start paying into the system. The
Needless to say, Kennedy and Nader were not opposed to bill that did this, he declared, “demonstrates for all time our
the entire regulatory apparatus. In The Monopoly Makers, nation’s ironclad commitment to Social Security.”
for example, Nader took care to distinguish economic That legislation is discussed in another recent book,
regulation, which he frequently opposed, from health and Marcus Witcher’s thoughtful Getting Right With Reagan. If
safety regulation, “which seeks to complement, not replace, a Reaganland reminds us that America’s right turn began well
market system.” But then, many of those boardroom Jacobins before Reagan became president, Getting Right With Reagan
defended economic interventions when it suited them too. reminds us that it didn’t go nearly as far as the conservatives
(The Carter-era Chamber of Commerce supported several of the 1980s preferred. Witcher, a historian at Huntingdon
subsidies, and it fought to kill a bill that would have loosened College, examines all three legs of the right-wing stool, show-
federal restrictions on peaceful union picketing.) Anyway, ing how economic, social, and defense conservatives each
my point isn’t that the liberal lions of the ’70s were really found disappointment in the Reagan years.
64 MARCH 2021
For angry free marketeers, Reagan conservative band of lobbyists and ideo- three legs are separated, the result is
was a president who promised to keep logues could not. not rubble; it’s a host of alternative
spending under control but instead let The other place where Witcher stools, fashioned from alternative
it explode, who promised free trade but doesn’t grapple as thoroughly as he combinations of legs. Libertarians
imposed new tariffs and quotas, who could with Reagan’s record is the preach open markets without
never deregulated as much as Carter did so-called Reagan Doctrine, a policy of supporting vice laws or the national
and in some spheres regulated more. arming anti-communist forces in the security state. Certain sorts of
For disgruntled social conservatives, Third World. Witcher mentions the most authoritarians do the reverse. And
Reagan was a fair-weather friend who prominent of those rebel groups, the every now and then, there’s a Panther
chased their votes but rarely expended Nicaraguan Contras, noting that several tax revolt.
any political capital on their behalf. The conservatives complained that the
JESSE WALKER is Reason’s books editor.
hawks were particularly prone to curs- White House wasn’t as committed to the
ing the president after he moved toward Contra cause as they were. Fair enough,
negotiations with Soviet leader Mikhail but Reagan did keep the aid flowing.
Gorbachev. More importantly, the president’s
Witcher’s argument isn’t that Reagan willingness to intervene in Third World
wasn’t really a conservative; it’s that conflicts, from Nicaragua to Angola
he wasn’t as uncompromising as his to Cambodia, reveals a record more
base would have liked. (If you’re used hawkish than you see if you focus solely
to hearing AIDS activists arguing that on his relations with the Soviet Union.
Reagan barely lifted a finger to stop Even the Reagan Doctrine had
the disease, your head may spin as you roots—or at least one root—in the
read quotes from New Right activists Carter era. One of the anti-communist
unhappy that he barely lifted a finger to groups receiving U.S. assistance was the
crack down on gays in the name of pub- mujahedeen, a Muslim guerrilla force
lic health.) Witcher makes a good case fighting Soviet invaders in Afghanistan.
that the 40th president didn’t prioritize That particular flow of aid began under
the social conservatives’ issues, though Reagan’s predecessor. Once again, a leg
he doesn’t discuss some places where of the conservative stool looks a lot like
Reagan did give them some wins. It was forces that aren’t ordinarily thought of Reaganland: America’s Right Turn, 1976–
1980, by Rick Perlstein, Simon & Schuster,
Reagan’s attorney general, after all, as conservative. 1,120 pages, $40
whose pornography commission called
for a crackdown on obscenity. And the THE PICTURE BECOMES yet more com-
Federal Communications Commission plicated when you compare the U.S.
tightened its restrictions on “indecent” with the rest of the world. Virtually
radio broadcasts during Reagan’s every country has adopted at least some
presidency, though the so-cons surely degree of market reform since the late
considered that a bittersweet victory as 1970s—and how much they liberalized
not just profanity but nudity became doesn’t seem to be correlated with how
standard fare on cable television. attached they are to moral conserva-
In short, Reagan threw social con- tism or to international saber-rattling.
servatives some bones but didn’t really Who enacted the most radical
try to stop the broad cultural shifts market reforms of the late Cold War?
that their movement was dedicated to The nominally socialist New Zealand
reversing. Tellingly, the administra- Labour Party, which freed prices, dereg-
tion’s most notable socially conservative ulated industries, privatized state-
policy was one that drew support from owned enterprises, and eliminated an
across the political spectrum, not just assortment of subsidies. It also decrimi-
from the New Right faithful: the war on nalized gay sex and barred nuclear- Getting Right With Reagan: The Struggle for
drugs. A broad-based moral panic got armed American ships from its ports. True Conservatism, 1980–2016, by Marcus
M. Witcher, University Press of Kansas, 448
political results that a self-consciously When the conservative stool’s pages, $39.95
REASON 65
BOOKS
CLAYTON TRUTOR
66 MARCH 2021
Labour Party activist who organized Fashion, for example.
a “Worker’s Wimbledon” in the 1930s; Tennis’ tent has proven the largest Berry’s decision
and Leif Rovsing, the Danish tennis star when the sport has gone beyond the to steep his story
who was banned from the sport for his courts, out into the streets, and become
“presumed homosexuality” in 1917. couture. For more than a century, kids in the tropes
But Berry’s book strays too far from of all social classes on both sides of of socialist
these colorful characters too often. He the Atlantic have adopted the fashion
has a tendency to reduce the past to pre- styles popularized by the game’s icons:
realism makes
dictably Manichean morality plays. The Bill Tilden’s V-neck sweaters, Suzanne this otherwise
forces of “the powerful” roam around Lenglen’s revealing tennis skirts,
excellent book
like the shark in Jaws, forever seeking to Maureen Connolly’s cardigans and
wreak havoc on the sterling designs of pleats, the preppy-chic “polo” shirts of weaker.
“the people,” who themselves are pre- René Lacoste and Fred Perry, the sleek
sented as a fairly uniform whole—like Adidas shoes known as Rod Lavers
a collective of scrappy Gavroches sing- and Stan Smiths, the Nike athletic
ing a chorus of “Little People” from Les wear of the Williams sisters, the terry its title, Howard Zinn’s essential but
Miserables. The likes of Major Wingfield cloth headbands that have held back hamfisted A People’s History of the
and Lottie Dod are interesting enough many a flowing lock, most memorably United States. To count as one of “the
in themselves. Berry’s decision to steep Bjorn Borg’s. people” in either people’s history, one
his story in the tropes of socialist real- In the U.K., the sport’s iconography has to be an obvious trailblazer for
ism makes this otherwise excellent has played a particularly profound role some disadvantaged demographic or
book weaker. in shaping youth culture. Fred Perry, part of an organized left-wing political
Moreover, Berry’s assessment of who Fila, Lacoste, and Adidas are standard movement.
counts as part of the establishment is issue for an array of subcultures in the Actual people, rendered in any sort
a bit strange. To be a part of the pow- British Isles. From casuals to chavs to of complexity, bear little resemblance to
ers that be, one need not be wealthy or mods, British kids have appropriated “the people” as invoked in these books’
particularly powerful. One need only the styles of the court to express an titles. However noble the authors’ inten-
hold cultural views that are anything identity apart from the humdrum of the tions, this approach turns the past into a
less than the most progressive at the everyday. floor plan for a coffee-shop manifesto.
time to be considered a part of the David Berry shows some interest
CLAYTON TRUTOR teaches history at Norwich
establishment. in this aspect of tennis history. One University in Northfield, Vermont.
Berry also has a puritanical streak, of his book’s most inspired sections
which comes to the fore when he dis- profiles Lenglen’s 1919 Wimbledon
cusses the sport’s sexuality. Berry is debut, where the English press dubbed
interested in people of different sexual her the “French Hussy” for her risqué
orientations breaking barriers, but he is attire—her mid-calf Jean Patou skirt,
not very interested in people expressing brightly colored cardigans, and silk
their sexuality as either participants chiffon headband. He also touches on
in or spectators of the game. He lauds the British fashion designer Teddy Tin-
the milestones crossed by LGBT players ling and the alluring outfits he created
while avoiding all but the most cursory for the statuesque Gertrude Moran for
mentions of their actual sexuality. her Wimbledon appearances in 1949.
Berry’s most pronounced discussion of But his interest in fashion is scattershot,
sex in the book is an admonishment of depriving his readers of a genuine sense
male spectators for their “gaze” at pro- of the practice of everyday life.
vocatively dressed female tennis play- A People’s History of Tennis is
ers. And this is supposed to be a book of less a people’s history of the game
“the people”! than an odds-and-sods history of
groundbreaking individuals and formal
SOME ELEMENTS OF the game’s cultural political activism. It falls into the same
A People’s History of Tennis, by David Berry,
impact aren’t discussed nearly enough. trap as the work it pays homage to in Pluto Press, 256 pages, $19.95.
Photo: Helen Wills-Moody in the ladies doubles at the 1932 Wimbledon tournament; Iconographic Archive/Alamy REASON 67
REVIEWS
V IDEO GA M E
THE MANDALORIAN
vative themes. That is certainly fans, two animated television puts you in the shoes of a
true of Ron Howard’s adapta- shows—The Clone Wars and Star researcher spending a few late-
tion of J.D. Vance’s memoir Wars: Rebels—had been quietly night hours alone (or are you?)
Hillbilly Elegy, the moral of PETER SUDERMAN in a CIA archive. The gameplay
thrilling the franchise faithful.
which is that hard work and Executive produced by Dave is actually just doing archival
self-discipline can overcome After Disney bought the rights Filoni, the shows filled in the research: flipping through card
the snares of poverty. to Star Wars from LucasFilm gaps of the Lucas prequels while catalogs, retrieving cardboard
In depicting Vance’s true-life in 2012, it promised a revital- expanding the cast of Star Wars boxes from the basement, and
journey from the Appalachian ization of the franchise. Fans regulars. Filoni was interested pinning the clippings you find
hill country to Yale Law School, had mixed feelings about the in governance; the show often onto your corkboard.
the film studiously avoids trio of prequels George Lucas explored the nooks and crannies The incident you investigate
explicit discussion of what released from 1999 to 2005, of the political and economic is the real-life 1980 death of
caused his family’s plight or and there was a sense that order. But he was also interested an Australian banker, whose
what his escape implies. Unlike the brand, once the emperor in people and what motivates associates included former CIA
the book, it is not a political of American pop culture, had them to do right and wrong. agents and U.S. special forces
story. Yet it has been met with fallen into disrepair. In 2019, Filoni’s vision helped soldiers. You uncover a story
all-but-universally negative A sequel trilogy, book- inform The Mandalorian, the first of Cold War dirty laundry as
reviews in the mainstream ended by films directed by J.J. live-action incarnation of Star you use the tidbits you find to
press, and it’s hard not to think Abrams, debuted to big box Wars to hit the small screen. pursue new leads. The game
that has something to do with office numbers. But the rev- Playful, adventuresome, and approximates the feeling and
Vance’s well-known nationalist enues declined as the sequels at times gently profound, the satisfaction of doing actual
conservative politics. went on, and the series was show offered a revived vision investigative work fairly well.
When a movie’s audience plagued by production prob- of Star Wars as a playground It’s short enough that it doesn’t
score on Rotten Tomatoes lems. Fans became increas- for elaborate narrative and wear out its welcome, and it’s
is more than three times its ingly disillusioned. Abrams and worldbuilding rather than a only $5.
critic score, something may Disney, it seemed, had squan- simple family saga. At the end of For those who like to con-
be at work beyond mere dif- dered the Star Wars universe. 2020, a second season explicitly nect dots, A Hand With Many
ferences in artistic preference. Worse, they had narrowed its connected the show to Filoni’s Fingers scratches that very
Hillbilly pulls back the curtain scope, focusing on characters animated series and began particular itch. It even man-
on a slice of America that many and events that sprang from hinting that it might rescue the ages, with impressively minimal
elites would prefer not to think the original series rather than Abrams-era trilogy too—a new effort, to be spooky. You might
about, especially in a post- building out the world they fictional universe built out of the find yourself looking over your
Trump era. inherited. shell of the old one. shoulder as you play.
SUBSTACK
TELEV ISION KATHERINE MANGU-WARD
INTERNET
The Netflix adaptation of Greenwald noped out of
Walter Tevis’ 1983 novel The The Intercept, which he also
Queen’s Gambit has punched helped found. What has lured
above its weight since it started SCOTT SHACKFORD so many big names away from
streaming in October. The sets traditional media? Substack.
and costume are gorgeous Do you actually own those The company, which
and the acting is good, but songs and books you’ve down- enables paid online newslet-
the stakes are nonexistent: We loaded onto your smartphone? DOCUM EN TA RY ters, was founded in 2017;
know from the first episode Why is the government able to it is backed by Andreessen
that child chess prodigy Beth
Harmon (played by 24-year-old
access your online data without
your permission? Why is broad-
BELLY OF THE BEAST Horowitz, Y Combinator, and
other investors known for
Anya Taylor-Joy) is going to band internet so lackluster in BILLY BINION glomming on to the next big
win a lot of matches, even with parts of the country? And how online thing. Many veterans
a tranquilizer habit clinging to exactly does that secret federal of the early blogosphere are
her back. surveillance court work? When you hear the word attracted to Substack because
But there is more to this How we deal with the many eugenics, you may be more they believe it promises a
story than a phenom making privacy and access problems likely to think of Nazi Germany return to the freewheeling
the most of her gifts. Set in the associated with online com- than California. But the former days of chatty, unedited
1950s and ’60s, The Queen’s munications and data storage studied the latter’s sterilization internet commentary—and an
Gambit has more to say about is the focus of How To Fix the practices to hone its approach. opportunity to keep more of
geopolitics and culture than Internet, a six-part podcast And while Germany’s program the fruits of their labors.
it does about opening moves. organized by the Electronic died with the Nazi regime, Cali- I look forward to the day
Episode by episode, we learn Frontier Foundation. Hosted by fornia’s has lasted much longer. when clusters of Substack
that America’s best players Cindy Cohn and Danny O’Brien, To see it at work, watch Belly writers with some kind of
were largely anonymous, duk- each episode brings in a guest of the Beast, a documentary shared interest start publish-
ing it out in drabby hotels and for a breezy but detailed dis- exploring forced sterilizations ing together on a regular
high school cafeterias, while in cussion of a particular internet in the state’s women’s prisons. schedule. Maybe they can call
other countries—particularly issue. The film follows Kelli Dillon, it a “magazine.”
Mexico, France, and the Soviet The Cato Institute’s Julian who spent 15 years in the Cen-
Union—chess was a celebrated Sanchez (a Reason contribut- tral California Women’s Facility
and even glamorous sport. ing editor) joins them to dis- for killing her abusive husband.
It’s fascinating to watch cuss the origins and operations While she was behind bars, her
Taylor-Joy as the only woman of the secretive Foreign Intel- uterus was removed against
climbing the American ranks, ligence Surveillance Court—an her will.
but her speedy evolution into institution initially designed In 2006, Dillon sued the
an anti–Cold Warrior is the to protect Americans from government after experiencing
better subplot. Upon qualify- unwarranted domestic snoop- menopause at the ripe age of
ing to play in Moscow against ing, but which under post-9/11 24. Along the way, she and her
the USSR’s top talent, Harmon governance has evolved into legal team received reports
is recruited first by a Christian something else. Jumana Masa from other prisoners who were
nonprofit hellbent on fighting of the Fourth Amendment Cen- forcibly sterilized while giving
the evils of atheism and then ter visits to discuss how and birth or undergoing unrelated
by a State Department appa- why police are often able to surgeries.
ratchik who cares only that demand your private data from Dillon lost her suit. But
Harmon can beat the Soviets tech companies without your years later, in 2014, she testi-
“at their own game.” permission and sometimes fied in support of a California
She rebuffs both parties by without your knowledge. bill to ban sterilizations as a
refusing the former’s funding Each episode explores form of birth control; that time
and the latter’s instructions how to fix laws that entrench she succeeded. It’s up to the
to bash the Soviet Union. privacy-violating practices viewer to decide if she won
For Harmon, chess no more and what to do about big tech the larger war. “As to whether I
“belongs” to any nation or companies that take advantage think it should be illegal,” says
gender than does the moon. of regulations to suppress com- one anonymous prison nurse
When she wins, it’s for her, not petitive upstarts. shrouded in darkness, “not nec-
the jingoists. essarily.”
20
including some of the most emi-
nent and respectable in the field,
who find, somewhat to their own
surprise as they reflect upon the
matter for the first time, that the
private right to keep and bear
YEARS AGO arms is very much in character
with the Bill of Rights as a whole
March 2001 and with the thinking of the
Framers of the Constitution.”
DANIEL POLSBY
“Whatever one may think of the
“Second Reading”
Florida high court’s handling of
the election cases, there’s no
40
disputing that when it comes to
lack of judicial restraint, it’s the repression and economic hard- but with tomorrow, with youth,
U.S. Supreme Court that takes ship have sought and found with anyone who will listen. Our
the prize.” sanctuary on its welcoming day has not come and gone. But
shores. Until the Immigration it could be coming.”
MIKE GODWIN Acts of 1921 and 1925, few were ROY CHILDS
“Election 2000” turned away, and those who
YEARS AGO “Big Business and the Rise of
were admitted generally found
American Statism, Part Two”
March 1981 a better life than they had left
“Adults who enlist in the anti- behind.”
television crusade always insist
DAVID REES “To decide if the police are effi-
that it is ‘impressionable youths’
“So, while Ronald Reagan is cer- “Who Can Cross Our Borders?” cient, one must question the
whom they wish to protect. In
tainly no libertarian, he has in ethical suppositions which act
the guise of shielding youths,
the past occasionally demon- as the rationale and source of
50
however, adults are trying to
strated healthy attitudes toward wisdom for the present sys-
contain and control them.”
reducing taxation. No doubt this tem. Because efficiency can be
JIB FOWLES has something to do with his defined only with reference to
“The Whipping Boy” almost constant struggle with desired goals, underlying prem-
IRS harassment since the end of ises need to be carefully exam-
World War II, not to mention his ined. Indeed, the greatest por-
“Punditry rests on a foundation experience of having been in the YEARS AGO tion of today’s police problems
of easy stereotypes, clichés 91 percent tax bracket during can be traced to either the fact
that make it easier to fit one’s the late 1940s.” March 1971 that few people really know
ideas into a short op-ed or what they want the police to do
TIMOTHY CONDON
even shorter soundbite. So or to the fact that people have
when social conservatives and “What Will Reagan Do About “Libertarians must stop look- exceedingly hazy or dogmatic
Taxes?” ing to the past for allies in their
liberal social engineers team up reasons for asking police to do
against speech that both find struggle for a rational culture the tasks selected as ‘proper.’”
distasteful—be it pornography, and look toward the future.
“Mr. Reagan should reconsider LANNY FRIEDLANDER
South Park, or video games—the Our hope lies, as difficult as it
the grey areas he has accepted may be for some to accept, not “The Gang That Couldn’t Shoot
combination is inevitably labeled
as warranting compromise of with remnants from an illusory Straight”
an ‘unusual alliance,’ even if
the principle of individual liberty. ‘golden age’ of individualism,
those allegedly unusual allies
He should take to heart his very
have been snuggling for years.”
own words that ‘libertarianism
JESSE WALKER and conservatism are traveling
“Intolerant Alliance” the same path,’ and he should
make this into a policy, not just
25
a bland wish. The world and this
country today need far more
human liberty than anything else
conservatives have to offer.”
TIBOR MACHAN
“Some Thoughts for the New
YEARS AGO President”
March 1996
“The United States has acquired
an enviable reputation as a
“In the law journals if not yet in haven for refugees. The adven-
media of mass circulation, the turous and the skilled have grav-
Second Amendment has cap- itated to its opportunities; the
tured the attention of scholars, victims of political or religious
Walter Williams, RIP A: Not to the California taxpayers. When I finished ripping them off, I
left [the state].
Q: Do you think the roundabout way you got your economics educa-
tion was better for you than if you’d been a childhood whiz kid and
gone straight to college after high school?
A: If I’d gone to college right after high school, it would have been an
unmitigated disaster. I was too immature. I was unprepared to make the
sacrifices necessary. I think that’s true for many people. My daughter
was 17 years old and went right into college. If we had to do it again, I
would have gotten her a job at a McDonald’s or a carwash for a couple
years to let some maturity set in. So maybe take a year or two and then
go to college. But more importantly, pay your own way.
reason.plannedgiving.org