A GRAMMAR OF BHOJPURI

A Dissertation
Submitted to the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of
Tribhuvan University in Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
in
LINGUISTICS

By
GOPAL THAKUR LOHAR
T. U. Regd. No. 14176-83
Ph. D. Reg. No. 24/2010 (January)

Tribhuvan University
Kathmandu, Nepal
July 2020
DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this dissertation entitled A GRAMMAR OF BHOJPURI

submitted to the office of the Dean, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences,
Tribhuvan University, is an entirely original work prepared under the supervision of
my supervisor and expert. I have made due acknowledgements to all ideas and
information borrowed from different sources in the course of writing this dissertation.
The results presented in this dissertation have not been presented or submitted
anywhere else for the award of any degree or for any other purposes. I shall be solely
responsible if any evidence is found against my dissertation.

_________________
Gopal Thakur Lohar
Date: July 12, 2020

iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost, my profound acknowledgement is due to Prof. Dr. Dan Raj
Regmi, my supervisor and former head, Central Department of Linguistics, Tribhuvan
University, Nepal, for his genuine encouragement, continuous guidance, valuable
suggestions and insightful comments in accomplishing this dissertation.

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Prof. Dr. Madhav Prasad Pokharel,
Central Department of Linguistics, T.U., for his encouragement, constructive
suggestions and insightful comments as the expert to improve this dissertation.

I would like to extend my sincere thanks to Dr. Bhim Raj Suwal, the Act. Dean, and
Dr. Govinda Prasad Sharma 'Sukum', Assistant Dean, Faculty of Humanities and
Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, for providing me this opportunity to take part
in the research.

I would also like to thank Mr. Bijaya Kumar Ghimire and Mr. Krishna Karki, assistant
administrators, and other staff of the Dean’s Office, Faculty of Humanities and Social
Sciences, Tribhuvan University, for helping me for completion of the research.

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Prof. Dr. Yogendra Prasad Yadava,
former head of Central Department of Linguistics, who has always encouraged me for
the research since I joined the Department for study. I am thankful to Prof. Dr. Tej
Ratna Kansakar and Prof. Dr. Chudamani Bandhu, former heads, Central Department
of Linguistics, Prof. Dr. Novel Kishore Rai and Prof. Nirmal Man Tuladhar for their
valuable encouragements. I tender my gratitude to Prof. Dr. Paras Nath Yadav,
executive director, CDC, TU for his valuable cooperation.

I am also grateful to Prof. Dr. Dubi Nanda Dhakal, the head, Central Department of
Linguistics, Tribhuvan University, for inspiring and guiding me to this research. I am
indebted to Dr. Balaram Prasain, Reader, Central Department of Linguistics, T. U.,
without whose cooperation in computer handling time and again, this research was
impossible to take shape. I express my sincere thanks to Mr. Krishna Chalise,
Lecturer, Central Department of Linguistics, for his proper technical support.

In particular, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Karnakhar Khatiwada and Dr.
Ambika Regmi, from the Central Department of Linguistics of T.U., for their help and
support in completion of this study.

iv
I express my humble gratitude to my parents Mr. Aphimi Lal Thakur and Mrs.
Parameshwari Devi Thakur who not only encouraged me for my entire studies but
also supported me as informants for acoustic analysis of the aspirate sonorants in
Bhojpuri. I express lovely thanks to my wife Mrs. Gajamatiya Devi Thakur who
supported me in the research. I express thanks to my youngsters Mr. Anand Kumar
Gupta and Ms. Jyoti Tiwari who helped me as informants. I express thanks to Mr.
Chhotelal Prasad Yadav, Mrs. Sabita Yadav, Mr. Rambabu Yadav, Mr. Noor Alam
Badshah and Mrs. Pinky Khatun for the same. I thank Mr. Ram Ekwal Thakur, my
brother-in-law, who assisted me every moment I required for logistic supports.

I pay tributes to the senior citizens Late Harihar Yadav, Late Pt. Deep Narayan
Mishra and Late Hira Bhagat Yadav along with my grandparents Late Dhupa Thakur
and Late Bachiya Devi who inspired me by transmitting different genres of Bhojpuri
folklore as well as responding me in the beginning of this research.

At last but not the least, I express my sincere obligations to Com. Pushpa Kamal
Dahal 'Prachanda', Chairman, and Com. Matrika Prasad Yadav, Member of the
Standing Committee, of the Nepal Communist Party, who encouraged me for
managing time and logistics required for this research.

Gopal Thakur Lohar

v
ABSTRACT

This study presents a grammar of Bhojpuri within the framework of the functional-
typological grammar with adaptive approach developed by T. Givόn (2001a & b and
2009). Bhojpuri is an Indo-Aryan language spoken mainly in the districts of central Tarai
(Madhesh); namely, Sarlahi, Rautahat, Bara, Parsa, Chitwan, Nawalparasi (East and West
of Susta) and Rupandehi in Nepal as well as in the adjacent Indian territories of Western
Bihar and Eastern Uttar Pradesh, and other provinces, too. It is also spoken as mother
tongue worldwide, due to indentured labour in the past and foreign employment
contemporarily. The main goal of this study is to analyze the forms and functions of
different grammatical categories of the Bhojpuri language and compare them to the
characteristic structural features of Indo-Aryan languages from the typological
perspectives. Mainly based on the field study, this grammar examines morphosyntactic
structures manifesting the relationship between linguistic forms and functions at both
sentence and discourse levels of the form of Bara-Parsa variety of Bhojpuri.

The study is organized into 16 chapters. Chapter 1 presents major objectives of the study,
literature review and significance and limitations of the study. Chapter 2 deals with the
theoretical framework of the study. Chapter 3 discusses some sociolinguistic aspects as
background information. Chapters 4-14 deal with different aspects of grammar of the
language, viz., phonology, morphophonology, word classes, simple verbal clauses and
argument structure, grammatical relations and case-marking, noun phrases and word
order, tense, aspect and modality, non-declarative speech-acts, marked topics and
contrastive focus, inter-clausal and referential coherence. Chapter 15 deals with
typological implications of the study. Chapter 16 presents summary and conclusions.

This study has revealed a number of interesting features of the Bhojpuri language. This
language is used in different domains of language use with positive attitude of the
speech community. East-west areal dialectal variations occur in the language along with
ethnic and religious ones. There are 36 consonants and 8 oral vowels with their nasal
counterparts in Bhojpuri. Bhojpuri presents different strategies such as deletion, raising,
assimilation and coalescence between the preceding and succeeding segments during
word formation. Morphosyntactically, Bhojpuri consistently displays nominative-
accusative case-marking system. The case-markers are postpositional, but suffixed with
pronominals. Tense-aspect-modality agreement markers are suffixal in Bhojpuri.
Regular word order in Bhojpuri clauses is SOV with flexibility for different pragmatic

vi
uses. Non-verbal predicates are significantly used for present habitual. Passivization,
reflexivization and causativization are primarily morphological in Bhojpuri. A noun
phrase consists of a single noun or pronoun as the simplex one and with other elements
as the complex. Bhojpuri displays two genders, two numbers and three degrees of
honorificity inherent in as well as marked with nouns and finite verbs morphologically.
The relative clauses occur in externally and internally headed or headless position under
strategies of a gap, pronoun retention and use of different correlative pronouns to
relativize different grammatical relations. The non-declarative speech acts in Bhojpuri
include interrogative with polar, constituent and negative polarity questions, and
manipulative with imperative and hortative constructions. Reflexive, reciprocals,
insertion of dative, benefactive or associative arguments and passive constructions are
used in de-transitive voices. EPCs, Y-movement, left and right dislocations, dative-
shifting and raising may be utilized in marked topic constructions as well as affixes and
quantifiers, contrastive strength, reference and topicality, negation and polar questions
in contrastive focus. The subordinate adverbial clauses are generally marked through
the special non-finite verb forms in Bhojpuri. Conjoined clauses exhibit the
conjunctive, disjunctive and adversative relationships among themselves and express
rejection and cause too. Complement-taking verbs include perception-cognition-
utterance, modality and manipulation verbs. The referential coherence is encoded by the
morphological devices in terms of grammar of pronouns and the grammatical
agreement. Bhojpuri displays a number of typologically interesting features similar to
and different from its neighbouring Indo-Aryan languages.

This study has also revealed some striking features in the language. They may include
aspirate sonorants, triphthongization, phonemic word-stress, smaller to greater order of
counting upto 200, declension of adverbs in word-formation as well as for emphasis,
development of genuine prefixes and infixes, allocutive agreement and absence of
gender marking (in eastern variety), use of present tense copula bɑ with its negative
counterpart nʌikʰe, verbless utterances in proverbs and relative clauses and clause-final
plural maker particle sʌ, sʌn and jɑ with a consistent nominative-accusative pattern.

The annexes include details of sociolinguistic data collection and informants in the
study, map of the common Bhojpuri speech zones in Nepal and India, tables of
distribution of consonants and vowel sequence and samples of the analyzed texts,
followed by references.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Recommendation letter i
Approval letter ii
Declaration iii
Acknowledgements iv
Abstract vi
List of tables xvii
List of figures xx
List of diagrams xx
List of maps xx
List of abbreviations xxi
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1-12
1.0 Background 1
1.1 Statement of the problem 1
1.2 Objectives of the study 2
1.3 Review of the literature 2
1.4 Research methodology 9
1.5 Justification of the study 11
1.6 Limitations of the study 11
1.7 Organization of the study 12
CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 13-34
2.0 Outline 13
2.1 Theoretical developments in grammar writing 13
2.2 Functional-typological and adaptive approaches 16
2.2.1 Functional-typological approach 16
2.2.2Adaptive approach to grammar 29
2.3 Assumptions of the framework 32
2.4 Summary 33
CHAPTER 3: SOME SOCIOLINGUISTIC ASPECTS 35-52
3.0 Outline 35
3.1 The native speakers and language 35
3.1.1 Caste/Ethnic groups 37
3.1.2 Religion 38

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3.1.3 Literacy 38
3.1.4 Marriage system 38
3.1.5 Occupation 38
3.1.6 Demography and distribution 39
3.1.7 Linguistic affiliation 40
3.1.8 Writing system 41
3.2 Language resources and organizations 43
3.3 Language proficiency and multilingualism 44
3.3.1 Mother tongue proficiency in Bhojpuri 44
3.3.2 Bi/multilingualism 44
3.4 Domains of language use 45
3.5 Language vitality, transmission and maintenance 45
3.6 Language attitude 45
3.7 Language development 45
3.8 Dialectal variation 46
3.9 Summary 51
CHAPTER 4: PHONOLOGY 53-102
4.0 Outline 53
4.1 Inventory of the consonants 53
4.1.1 Phonological oppositions in consonants 54
4.1.2 Aspirate sonorants 68
4.1.3 Distribution of consonants 79
4.2 Vowels 81
4.2.1 Inventory of oral monophthongs 81
4.2.2 Phonological contrasts in oral monophthongs 82
4.2.3 Nasal monophthongs 88
4.2.4 Diphthongs and tripthongs 92
4.3 Distinctive features 93
4.3.1 Distinctive features of the consonants 93
4.3.2 Distinctive features of the oral monophthongs 94
4.4 Syllable 95
4.4.1 Syllable pattern 95
4.4.2 Syllable structure 95

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4.5 Phoneme-grapheme interface 96
4.5.1 Phonological facts of representation 96
4.5.2 Historical phonological facts 98
4.5.3 Orthographic and phonological levels 100
4.6 Summary 101
CHAPTER 5: MORPHOPHONOLOGY 103-122
5.0 Outline 103
5.1 Deletion 103
5.1.1 Deletion of a vowel 103
5.1.2 Deletion of a consonant 104
5.2 Raising 107
5.2.1 Vowel raising in preceding segment 107
5.2.2 Vowel raising in succeeding segment 107
5.2.3 Vowel raising in both segments 108
5.3 Assimilation 108
5.3.1 Progressive vs. regressive 109
5.3.2 Contiguous vs. non-contiguous segments 113
5.3.3 Types of articulation 116
5.3.4 Partial vs. complete 118
5.3.5 Processes involving assimilation 119
5.4 Epenthesis 120
5.4.1 Vowel insertion 120
5.4.2 Consonant insertion 120
5.5 Coalescence 121
5.6 Stress 121
5.7 Summary 122
CHAPTER 6: WORD CLASSES 123-198
6.0 Outline 123
6.1 Major word classes 123
6.1.1 Properties of nouns 123
6.1.2 Properties of adjectives 135
6.1.3 Verbs 155
6.1.4 Adverbs 168

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6.2 Minor word classes 172
6.2.1 Postpositions 172
6.2.2 Determiners 172
6.2.3 Compounding and reduplication 174
6.2.4 Independent subject and object pronoun 178
6.2.5 Inter-clausal connectives 179
6.2.6 Quantifiers, numerals and ordinals 183
6.2.7 Auxiliary verbs 183
6.2.8 Interjections 183
6.2.9 Clitics 185
6.2.10 Particles 190
6.3 Summary 197
CHAPTER 7: SIMPLE VERBAL CLAUSES AND ARGUMENT
STRUCTURE 199-228
7.0 Outline 199
7.1 Nonverbal or nominal clauses 199
7.1.1 Copular clauses with nominal predicates 200
7.1.2 Copular clauses with adjectival predicates 204
7.1.3 Copular clauses with locative expressions 204
7.1.4 Other copular or copula-like expressions 205
7.2 Verbal predicates 207
7.2.1 Argument structure and transitivity 207
7.2.2 Simple intransitive verbs 208
7.2.3 Simple transitive verbs 209
7.2.4 Intransitive verbs with an indirect object 210
7.2.5 Transitive verbs with an indirect object 211
7.2.6 Bi-transitive verbs 212
7.2.7 Non-standard valence patterns 213
7.2.8 Valence patterns of conjunct verb constructions 216
7.3 Summary 228
CHAPTER 8: GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS AND CASE
MARKING 229-266
8.0 Outline 229

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8.1 Grammatical relations 229
8.1.1 Overt coding properties 229
8.1.2 Behaviour-and-control properties 241
8.2 Case marking system 251
8.2.1 Some common patterns 252
8.2.2 Case determination 264
8.3 Summary 265
CHAPTER 9: NOUN PHRASES AND WORD ORDER 267-299
9.0 Outline 267
9.1 Noun phrases 267
9.1.1 Simplex noun phrases 267
9.1.2 Complex noun phrases 274
9.2 Word order in simple clauses 287
9.2.1 Order of constituents in simple clauses 287
9.2.2 Order of the constituents in phrases 292
9.2.3 Order of clauses in complex sentences 295
9.2.4 Order of bound morphemes 296
9.3 Summary 298
CHAPTER 10: TENSE, ASPECT AND MODALITY 300-344
10.0 Outline 300
10.1 Tense 300
10.1.1 Past tense 302
10.1.2 Future tense 305
10.1.3 Present tense 308
10.2 Aspect 311
10.2.1 Perfective 312
10.2.2 Imperfective 313
10.2.3 Perfect 326
10.3 Modality 330
10.3.1 Epistemic modality 330
10.3.2 Evaluative (deontic) modality 336
10.4 Mood 338
10.4.1 Declarative (indicative) mood 339

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10.4.2 Interrogative mood 339
10.4.3 Imperative mood 339
10.4.4 Optative mood 339
10.4.5 Conditional (subjunctive) mood 340
10.4.6 Allocutive agreement 341
10.5 Summary 342
CHAPTER 11: NON-DECLARATIVE SPEECH ACTS 345-379
11.0 Outline 345
11.1 Interrogative speech acts 345
11.1.1 Polar questions 345
11.1.2 Constituent questions 349
11.1.3 Negative polarity indefinities 355
11.2 Manipulative speech acts 356
11.2.1 Imperative 356
11.2.2 Hortative 360
11.3. De-transitive voice 361
11.3.1 Reflexive 361
11.3.2 Reciprocals 363
11.3.3 Insertion of dative, benefactive or associative arguments 364
11.4 Passive voice 366
11.4.1 Process of passivization 373
11.4.2 Functional domains of passive voice 376
11.5 Summary 378
CHAPTER 12: MARKED TOPICS AND CONTRASTIVE FOCUS 380-436
12.0 Outline 380
12.1 Marked topic constructions 380
12.1.1 Existential-presentative constructions 380
12.1.2 Y-movement 384
12.1.3 Left dislocation 385
12.1.4 Right dislocation 392
12.1.5 Dative-shifting 396
12.1.6 Raising 398
12.2 Contrastive focus constructions 411

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12.2.1 Contrastive affixes and quantifiers 411
12.2.2 Contrastive strength 422
12.2.3 Contrastive focus, reference and topicality 427
12.2.4 Assertion scope and contrastive focus: Negation and yes/no-questions 433
12.2.5 Other focus attractive devices 434
12.3 Summary 435
CHAPTER 13: INTER-CLAUSAL COHERENCE 437-503
13.0 Outline 437
13.1 Complement clauses 437
13.1.1 Complement-taking PCU predicates 437
13.1.2 Complement-taking modality predicates 446
13.1.3 Complement-taking manipulation predicates 452
13.2 Adverbial subordinate clauses 455
13.2.1 Temporal adverbial clauses 456
13.2.2 Conditional adverbial clauses 470
13.2.3 Cause or reason adverbial clauses 475
13.2.4 Concessive adverbial clauses 477
13.2.5 Substitutive adverbial clauses 477
13.2.6 Additive adverbial clauses 479
13.2.7 Purpose clauses 481
13.3 Participial adverbial clauses 482
13.3.1 Sequential participial clause 483
13.3.2 Simultaneous participial clause 484
13.4 Relative clauses 485
13.4.1 Non-finite and finite relative clauses 486
13.4.2 The position of the relative clause vis-à-vis its head 487
13.4.3 The mode of expression of the relativized NP 488
13.4.4 Grammatical relations that can be relativized 491
13.5 Clause chaining 494
13.5.1 Same-subject chaining 495
13.5.2 Different-subject chaining 496
13.6 Conjoined clauses 497
13.6.1 Conjunctive coordinator (conjunction) 497

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13.6.2 Disjunctive coordination (disjunction) 498
13.6.3 Adversative coordination 500
13.6.4 Rejection 501
13.6.5 Causal coordination 501
13.7 Summary 502
CHAPTER 14: REFERENTIAL COHERENCE 504-550
14.0 Outline 504
14.1 Major morpho-syntactic devices 504
14.2 Pronominal system 504
14.2.1 Personal pronouns 505
14.2.2 Demonstrative pronouns 510
14.2.3 Interrogative pronouns 511
14.2.4 Indefinite pronouns 512
14.3 Anaphoric coherence 514
14.3.1 Zero anaphora 515
14.3.2 Unstressed anaphoric pronouns 516
14.3.3 Stressed independent pronouns 516
14.3.4 R-dislocation, neutral word order and L-dislocation 517
14.3.5 Pronouns and zero anaphors vs. R-dislocated definite full-NPs 521
14.3.6 R-dislocated DEF-NPs 523
14.3.7 Y-moved NPs (contrastive topicalization) 524
14.3.8 Cleft/focus constructions 526
14.3.9 Referential indefinite NPs 526
14.4 Reference and definiteness 527
14.4.1 Grammatical marking of indefinite and definite reference 527
14.4.2 Suffixes for definiteness 529
14.5 Topic (referential) continuity 531
14.6 Action continuity 537
14.7 Thematic continuity 542
14.8 Summary 549
CHAPTER 15: TYPOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS 551-571
15.0 Outline 551
15.1 Phonological implications 551

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15.1.1 Consonants 551
15.1.2 Vowels 554
15.1.3 Syllabicity 554
15.2 Morphosyntactic implications 560
15.2.1 Affixation 560
15.2.2 Word order 568
15.2.3 Morphological valence increasing strategies 569
15.2.4 Reflexive and numeral classifiers 569
15.2.5 Verbs with nominal and adjectival functions 570
15.2.6 Evidentiality in the verb complex 570
15.2.7 Dative subject construction 570
15.2.8 Participials 570
15.2.9 Complex predicates 570
15.2.10 Cleft construction 570
15.2.11 Other features 570
CHAPTER 16: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 572-582
16.0 Outline 572
16.1 Major findings 572
16.1.1 Sociolinguistic features 572
16.1.2 Phonological features 573
16.1.3 Morphophonological features 574
16.1.4 Morphological features 575
16.1.5 Syntactic features 576
16.1.6 Coherent pragmatics 580
16.2 Conclusions 582
Annexes 583-630
References 631-645

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1 Difference between transformational-generative and functional- 28
typological grammars
Table 3.1: Stronghold of the Bhojpuri native speakers in Nepal 39
Table 3.2: Population of the Bhojpuri speech community in the censuses of Nepal 41
Table 4.1: Consonant phonemes in Bhojpuri 54
Table 4.2: Vowel length before voiced consonants and their sonorant counterparts 77
Table 4.3: Length of voiced consonants and their sonorant counterparts 78
Table 4.4: Distribution of consonants in Bhojpuri 79
Table 4.5: Oral monophthongs in Bhojpuri 82
Table 4.6: Distinctive features of the consonants in Bhojpuri 93
Table 4.7: Distinctive features of the Bhojpuri oral monophthongs 94
Table 4.8: Shwa deletion in Bhojpuri 97
Table 4.9: Nasal assimilation (anuswāra) 97
Table 4.10: Consonant gemination in Bhojpuri 98
Table 4.11: Voiceless post-alveolar and retroflex fricatives श[ʃ] and ष[ʂ] 98

Table 4.12: Non-syllabic र/ri/ in Bhojpuri from syllabic ऋ/ɹ/ in Sanskrit 99

Table 4.13: Palatal and retroflex nasals in Bhojpuri orthography 99

Table 4.14: Insertion in tatsama in Bhojpuri 99
Table 4.15: Vowel insertion in loanwords in Bhojpuri 100
Table 6.1: Semantic change due to vowel alternation 161
Table 6.2: Stem-final consonant dropping 162
Table 6.3: Change of the whole stem 162
Table 6.4: Passivity, transitivity and causativity 163
Table 6.5: Passivity and causativity 163
Table 7.1: Distribution of standard copular forms and expressions 199
Table 7.2: Summary of valence patterns 208
Table 7.3: Internal agreement कर- /kʌr-/ conjuntcts 217

Table 7.4: External agreement कर- /kʌr-/ conjuncts 218

Table 7.5: Postpositions in the valence pattern of some कर- /kʌr-/ conjuncts 220

Table 8.1: Case marking in Bhojpuri 265

Table 9.1: Lexical elements of the noun phrase 268

xvii
Table 9.2: Grammatical morphemes modifying a noun phrase 269
Table 10.1: Verb-stems and their infinitive and participle paradigms 301
Table 10.2: Paradigms of the verb खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in past tense 304

Table 10.3: Paradigms of the verb देख /dekʰ/ in past tense 304

Table 10.4: Paradigms of the verb खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in future tense 307

Table 10.5: Paradigms of the verb देख /dekʰ/ 'see' in future tense 308

Table 10.6: Paradigms of the verb खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in present tense 310

Table 10.7: Paradigms of the verb देख /dekʰ/ 'see' in present tense 311

Table 10.8: Paradigms of the copula रह /rʌɦ/ 'be' in past progressive 316

Table 10.9: Paradigms of the verb खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in present habitual 325

Table 10.10: Paradigms of the verb देख /dekʰ/ 'see' in present habitual 325

Table 10.11: Distribution of modality in tense-aspect 332

Table 11.1 Patterns of passivization in Bhojpuri 374
Table 11.2 Activation of passive roots in Bhojpuri 376
Table 13.1 Interrogatives, relatives and correaltives in Bhojpuri 494
Table 14.1: Personal pronouns in Bhojpuri: First person 505
Table 14.2: Personal pronouns in Bhojpuri: Second person 506
Table 14.3: Personal pronouns in Bhojpuri: Third person 507
Table 14.4: Demonstrative pronouns in Bhojpuri 511
Table 14.5: Interrogative pronouns in Bhojpuri 511
Table 14.6: Indefinite/non-referring pronouns in Bhojpuri 513
Table 14.7: Permutations of the constituents of the clauses 519
Table 15.1: Reduction of gemination 555
Table 15.2: Nasalization of the vowel or replacing the consonant with nasal 555
Table 15.3: Loss of nasal 556
Table 15.4: Phonological features of the NIA languages and Bhojpuri 557
Table 15.5 Phonological features of Bhojpuri and its close neighbours 558
Table 15.6 Case markers in Bhojpuri and its close neighbours 562
Table 15.7 Borrowed prefixes 564
Table 15.8 Bhojpuri prefixes 564
Table 15.9 Bhojpuri infixes 564
Table 15.10 Negative affixes 565

xviii
Table 15.11 Tense marking system in Bhojpuri and its close neighbours 566
Table 15.12 Pronouns in Bhojpuri and its close neighbours 567
Table 15.13 Summary of the word orders and the Bhojpuri language 569
Table 15.14 Morphosyntactic features of the NIA languages and Bhojpuri 571

xix
LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1 Three levels of cognitive representation system 21

Figure 2.2 Communicative coding system 25
Figure 3.1: Indo-Aryan languages 40
Figure 4.1: Acoustic presentations of म/m/ and /m̥ / 70

Figure 4.2: Acoustic presentations न/n/ and ऩ/n̥ / 71

Figure 4.3: Acoustic presentations of ङ/ŋ/ and /ŋ̊ / 72

Figure 4.4: Acoustic presentations of lateral ल/l/ and /l̥ / 73

Figure 4.5: Acoustic presentations of र/r/ and ऱ/r̥ / 74

Figure 4.6: Acoustic presentations of ड़/ɽ/ and ढ़/ɽ̊ / 75

Figure 8.1: Bhojpuri case marking strategy 251
Figure 10.1: Perfective lens focus 312
Figure 10.2: Imperfective lens focus 313

LIST OF DIAGRAMS

Diagram 4.1: Bhojpuri syllable 96

Diagram 10.1: Tense and temporal anchoring 2300

LIST OF MAPS

Map 3.1: Bhojpuri speaking areas in Nepal 40

xx
ABBREVIATIONS

ABL ablative
ACC accusative
ADD additive
ADJ adjectival
AP adjective phrase
AUX auxiliary
CA Constituent Assembly
CAUS causative
CLF classifier
COM comparative
COMP complimentizer
COND conditional
COR correlative
DAT dative
DEF definitizer
DEM demonstrative
DIST distal
DO direct object
DUB dubitative
EMPH emphatic
F feminine
FM Frequency Modulation
FUT future
GEN genitive
H full honorific
IMP imperative
IMPF imperfective
INST instrumental
INT interrogative
IO indirect object
IRR irrealis

xxi
LOC locative
M masculine
MH mid-horofic
MOD modal particle
ND nominal derivative
NEG negative
NH non-honorific
NMZ nominalizer
NOM nominative
OBL obligatory
ONOM onomatopoeia
OPT optative
PART particle
PL plural
POSS possessive
PP Past participle
PRD Predicate
PRES present
PRF perfective
PROX proximant
PST past
PUR purposive
QUA quantity
REL relativizer
SBJ subject
SEQ sequential participial
SG singular
SIM simultaneous participial
Skt Sanskrit
SPEC specifizer
SUB substitutive
UML Unified Marxist-Leninist
V verb

xxii
VD verbal derivative
VOC vocative
1 first person
2 second person
3 third person

xxiii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Background
This study is an attempt to present a linguistic analysis of the Bhojpuri
language within the framework of functional-typological grammar developed by
Givón (2001a and b), with adaptive approach to grammar (Givón, 2009). Bhojpuri
belongs to a group of languages usually referred to as Indo-Aryan, a branch of the
Indo-European family of languages. Within Indo-Aryan trait, it is the western in the
group of Maithili, Magahi and Bhojpuri as Grierson (1883) and Tiwari (1954 and
1960). According to the Census Report, 2012; there are 1,584,958 Nepalese citizens
who speak Bhojpuri as their mother tongue, comprising 6% of the total population of
Nepal.1 The spread of Bhojpuri in Nepal is observed in the districts of Sarlahi,
Rautahat, Bara, Parsa, Chitwan, Nawalparasi (east and west) and Rupandehi. The
Bhojpuri speech community also resides in the adjacent Indian bordering territories of
west Bihar and east Uttar Pradesh along with Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand and
Chhattisgarh, as well as worldwide due to indenture labour in the past and foreign
employment contemporarily.
Till date, Bhojpuri has been described in the framework of Sanskrit tradition,
structural and transformational-generative models by some grammarians and linguists
but no attempt has been made to describe this language within functional-typological
perspective including adaptive approach to grammar.
1.1 Statement of the problem
Significant attempts have been made so far to describe grammar of the
Bhojpuri language. But no attempts have ever been made into functional approach to
language and typological approach to grammar of Bhojpuri at the propositional and
multi-propositional levels. The main problem of this study is how to write a grammar
of Bhojpuri from the perspective of the functional-typology with adaptive approach to
grammar. The specific problems of this study are as follows:
a) What are the sociolinguistic aspects of the language?
b) What are the phonetic, phonological and the morphophonemic features of
the language?

1. However, there is discrepancy between the data about the total population of Bhojpuri speakers published
by CBS, 2012 and the one as expected by the speech community itself during the survey. It is estimated to
be at least 2,000,000 Bhojpuri native speakers in Nepal by the Bhojpuri speech community.

1
c) How are the morphosyntactic features of the language realized at the
propositional and multi-propositional levels in the language?
d) Why is this study typologically significant?
1.2 Objectives of the study
The main objective of this study is to present the linguistic analysis of the
Bhojpuri language from the functional-typological perspective with adaptive approach
to grammar. The specific objectives of the study are as follows:
a) To present the socio-linguistic aspects of the language;
b) To analyze the phonetic, phonological and the morphophonemic aspects of
the sounds as well as lexicon in the language;
c) To analyze morphosyntactic properties of the language at propositional
and multi-propositional levels; and
d) To present the typological implications of the study.
1.3 Review of the literature
Attempts have been made by different grammarians to describe grammar of
Bhojpuri from different aspects. The important works include Beames (1868),
Kellogg (1876), Hoernle (1880), Grierson (1883; 1884a-b and 1903), Tiwari (1954
and 1960), Singh (1967), Trammell (1971), Arun (1972), Nirbhik (1975), Masica
(1976), Pandey (1979), Shukla (1981), Ojha (1982), Zograph (1982), Srivastava
(1983), Marhé (1985), Tripathy (1987), Srivastava, S. (1999), Srivastava, V. (1999),
Ashk et al. (2002 and 2003), Verma (2003), Anjoria (2004a and b), Vairagi (2004),
Kushawaha (2005), Das (2006), Lohar (2006), Mehta (2006), Jaiswar (2007), Lohar
(2007), Sharma and Ashk (2007), Kalwar (2008), Lohar (2008), SCERT (2008),
Singh, R. (2008), Singh, V. (2008), Yadav (2008), Lohar (2009), Patel (2009), Singh
(2009), Lohar (2010), Upadhyay (2010), Boodhoo (2011), Thakur (2011), Khatri
(2012), Mishra and Bali (2014) and Thakur et al. (2017). These works exhibit the
following approaches to linguistic analysis:
(a) Traditional approach
(b) Structural approach
(c) Transformagional-generative approach
(d) Comparative approach
(e) Functional-typological approach

2
1.3.1 Traditional approach
Beames (1868), Grierson (1883; 1884a-b and 1903), Nirbhik (1975), Ojha
(1982), Marhé (1985), Tripathy (1987), Awadhut (1994), Srivastava (1999), Ashk et
al. (2002-3), Anjoria (2004a and b), Vairagi (2004), Lohar (2006), Sharma and Ashk
(2007) and Buddhoo (2011) have almost based their description and analysis of the
Bhojpuri grammar on traditional model. The grammars of Bhojpuri presented on this
model by different grammarians have roughly the following common characteristics:
(a) Bhojpuri is treated as a dialect of either Hindi (Beames, 1868) or Bihari
(Grierson, 1883) preliminarily, but as an independent language by other
grammarians later.
(b) The geographical boundary of the Bhojpuri natives' territory is surveyed by
Beames (1868) and Grierson (1883 and 1903) to a greater extent within India.
(c) Grammar is primarily based on Sanskrit tradition in terms of writing system,
description of parts of speech, case-marking system and other grammatical
items.
(d) Grammar is prescriptive as footprints of the language to use it in purity.
(e) The grammar is mainly classified in terms of phonology and morphology.
As these studies are preliminary and traditional, they certainly have some limitations
as follows:
(a) Bhojpuri is neither dialect of Hindi nor of Bihari. It has now become the third
national language of Nepal and an independent language in the world arena.
(b) What Bhojpuri natives' territory has been traced out, it lacks Nepalese
territory.
(c) Though Bhojpuri has a great affinity with Sanskrit, it is doubtful whether it
has been a Sanskrit descendent. Grierson (1883) suggests that Sanskrit cannot
be called as the origin of vernaculars of India as Sanskrit and Prakrit were the
languages from the same origin but in literary and spoken forms and that each
of the two influenced the other. That is why, tʌtsʌmʌ and tʌdb̤ ʌvʌ are not from
the same sources but from Sanskrit and Prakrit respectively in the separate
forms from the very beginning. In this way, it is not Prakrit only that has
cultivations of Sanskrit but also the vice versa: ɡeɦʌ from Prakrit is found to
be used at the place of ɡriɦʌ in Sanskrit for 'house' (Grierson, 1883:4). So,
grammar of Bhojpuri should be written in its own way.

3
(d) Grammar must not be prescriptive but a descriptive one. It should be described as it is
used by its natives and be analyzed typologically.
(e) The grammar is described in different layers according to the specific need of the
users of language.
Besides these, the traditional approach of grammar writing can also contribute
in this study as what it has described is not quite irrelevant in terms of the functional-
typological perspective.
1.3.2 Structural approach
Tiwari (1954 and 1960), Trammell (1971), Srivastava (1983), Verma (2003),
Lohar (2008 and 2009), SCERT (2008), Singh, R. (2008), Singh, V. (2008) and
Khatri (2012) have almost based their description and analysis of the Bhojpuri
grammar and grammatical items on structural model. The grammar or grammatical
items of Bhojpuri presented on this model by different grammarians have roughly the
following common characteristics:
(a) Following Beames (1868) and Grierson (1883), Tiwari (1954 and 1960) traced
out Bhojpuri natives' territory within India and Nepal empirically up to 43,000
square miles.
(b) Bhojpuri grammar is described more independently than it has been done in
traditional approach, but structurally.
(c) Though it seems to be different from Sanskrit tradition, it emphasizes on
structure or form rather than functions.
(d) It seems to be between Sanskrit and English in structural description.
(e) It describes Bhojpuri in different dialects but overlooks how Bhojpuri is used
in Nepalese context.
Tiwari (1954 and 1960) almost agrees with Grierson (1883; 1984a and b;
1903) and reveals that dialect of Bhojpuri spoken in Baliya and Shahabad (now
Bhojpur) districts is the standard one. He is the first linguist to demarcate Bhojpuri on
his own field visit including Nepalese territories. The details also include a brief
history of the language. Moreover, he denotes Bhojpuri being written in Kaithi script
contemporarily. In this way the work can be considered as an historical and analytic
grammar of Bhojpuri and can be useful to enrich historical, geolinguistic and
sociolinguistic profile of Bhojpuri, to guide for a functional typological approach to
Bhojpuri grammar.

4
Trammell (1971) focuses on phonology the northern standard dialect of
Bhojpuri but almost traditionally.
Srivastava (1983) is a work on formation of the Bhojpuri language. The work
is a concise but a philological analysis in depth, a comparative sociolinguistic and
grammatical structure of Bhojpuri among its other neighbouring languages. Regarding
composition of the Bhojpuri language, he claims that it is one of the Indo-Aryan
languages composed by those Aryans who inhabited in North India with their own
language and culture earlier than the Vedic language was introduced. He groups
Bhojpuri with Asamese, Udiya, Bengali, Maithili and Magahi derived from the same
latest root of मागधी अप ंस-अवह /mɑɡʌd̤ i ʌpʌb̤ rʌns-ʌwʌɦʌʈʈʌ/ 'Magadhi deviations'.
He claims Bhojpuri originated from mid and western Magadhi.
Ultimately, the work is a milestone, though in brief, to consolidate functional
approach to language and typological approach to grammar in this study.
Lohar (2008) is a work on Bhojpuri sound system with recommendation of a
writing system for standardization of the language. The paper defines grammar as a
scientific system to study a particular language so that anyone who masters the
vocabulary and have knowledge of grammar of a language can learn and study the
language.
The paper is a preliminary effort to bring uniformity in writing of the
language, but it is still missing some devoicing sonorant consonants in Bhojpuri.
Besides, it gives an insight to finalize phonology while writing Bhojpuri grammar to a
greater extent.
SCERT (2008) is an official work on Bhojpuri grammar and composition by
State Council for Education Research and Training of Bihar, targeted for Higher
Education of Class XI-XII.
The work is significant as it has officially been authorized. At the same time
the vernacular is simple and clear. Peculiarity of Bhojpuri is clearly observed as
needed. Ultimately, the work is fruitful for the study to write Bhojpuri Grammar
proposed.
Singh, V. (2008) is a work on writing system of Bhojpuri. The author opines
that the writing system of the language should be considered while writing grammar.
Lohar (2009) is a work on passivization in Bhojpuri. Like the other Indo-
Aryan languages, the work classifies two types of transitive verbs: simple transitive

5
and ditransitive. Both exist in a pair of related sentences, traditionally called active
and passive but semantically alike. Active and passive sentences are differentiated as
per the role of the verb in agreement with agent or otherwise.
Lohar (2012) is a work on participial clauses in Bhojpuri. It tries to discuss
both the sequential and simultaneous clauses Bhojpuri uses with their overlapping
characters with cliticization.
These contributions from structural approach to grammar emphasize on
structure or form overlooking functions. Besides, they contribute in the endeavour to
some extent while describing forms based on functions.
1.3.3 Transformational-generative approach
Shukla (1981) is a detailed work on Bhojpuri grammar. Shukla is a native
Bhojpuri speaker and linguist by training and profession. This is the first time that a
native Bhojpuri speaking linguist has written Bhojpuri Grammar in transformational-
generative (TG) model.
The grammatical components included in the work make it clear that the work
is significant. Besides these, it prefers forms rather than function. It is based on
Chomskyan notion of transformational generative grammar. It is a structuralist
approach that is insufficient to describe a language as a functional phenomenon. But it
can be helpful in the study to analyze Bhojpuri Grammar with description of the
grammatical components under notion of functional approach to language and
typological approach to grammar.
1.3.4 Comparative approach
Kellogg (1876), Hoernle (1880), Singh (1967), Arun (1972), Masica (1976),
Pandey (1979), Zograph (1982), Kushawaha (2005), Mehta (2006), Jaiswar (2007),
Kalwar (2008), Singh, V. (2008), Yadav (2008), Patel (2009), Singh (2009),
Upadhyay (2010), Mishra and Bali (2014) and Thakur et al. (2017) are the significant
works on Bhojpuri with comparative approach to other languages.
Kellogg (1876) is a work on Hindi Grammar with comparative paradigms of
different parts of speech of more than a dozen of languages including Bhojpuri.
Though it is not a specific grammar of Bhojpuri, it is significant for all those who are
interested in the Neo-Indo-Aryan languages. As it is descriptive and comparative, it
helps in the study to analyze Bhojpuri grammatical categories with implications of the
neighbouring languages typologically.

6
Hoernle (1880) is a work on a comparative grammar of the Gaudian
languages. It is in special reference to the Eastern Hindi. Hoernle adopts Gaudian for
Sanskrit affinities considering it the least objectionable and the most convenient. His
analogy might be considerable as all vernaculars in North-India are not Hindi.
Likewise, he takes Western and Eastern Hindi synonymous with Braj and Bhojpuri
respectively, claiming that the two are the principal vernaculars among others. He also
admits that his subject is grammar of Bhojpuri more prominently. In this way the
work can easily be considered as Bhojpuri Grammar in comparison with some other
North-Indian languages what Hoernle terms as Gaudian.
Singh (1967) is the first comparative work on grammars of Bhojpuri and Hindi
and Arun (1972) on comparative study of Bajjika, Hindi and Bhojpuri. Masica (1976)
is a work on areal typology of South Asia. Pandey (1979) is a work on comparative
study of Angika and Bhojpuri grammars. Zograph (1982) is a work on languages of
South Asia that Bhojpuri belongs to.
Masica (1991) is a work on the Indo-Aryan languages. It describes features of
the new Indo-Aryan languages in general. So, it is not any specific work on Bhojpuri.
But we find some grammatical categories of Bhojpuri described in paradigms with the
other neighbours of Bhojpuri. Srivastava, S. (1999) is a work on Bhojpuri vocabulary.
As a native Bhojpuri speaker by birth she makes it clear that the work is not merely
collection of all vocabularies in Bhojpuri but compilation of those typical words that
are now at verge of extinction. Kushawaha (2005) is a comparative study on negative
and interrogative transformation in English and Bhojpuri. Mehta (2006) is a
comparative study on subject-verb agreement in Bhojpuri and English and shows
form and function relation of the Bhojpuri utterances in all tenses, aspects and moods
and compared them with those of English. Jaiswar (2007) is a comparative study of
passivization in English and Bhojpuri. As the work is a comparative study, it focuses
on the process of passivization in both the languages. Lohar (2007) is a paper on
sociolects of Bhojpuri. As the other Indo-Aryan languages do, Bhojpuri has east-west
geographical variation getting influenced by its neighbouring languages Maithili and
Awadhi respectively. Kalwar (2008) is a comparative study on forms of suggestion in
English and Bhojpuri. The work seems to be oriented on study of forms and function
of suggestion in the two languages. Yadav (2008) is a dissertation on case in Bhojpuri
and English. As it is centred on only a topic of grammar, it describes the case system
in detail in both the languages. Patel (2009) is a study on semantic analysis of English
7
and Bhojpuri verbs. Singh (2009) is a detailed work on comparative study of Hindi
and Bhojpuri grammars. The work starts with backgrounds of development of Indo-
Aryan languages with classification of modern Indo-Aryan languages. Upadhyay
(2010) is a comparative study on the grammatical categories of Nepali and Bhojpuri
languages. Going through strengths and weaknesses of the work, it can be concluded
that the research is comparative as well as descriptive. Still it follows Sanskrit
tradition. Besides, it can help in the study to describe Bhojpuri functionally and
Bhojpuri grammar typologically. Mishra and Bali (2014) significantly studies
phonologies of some of the IA languages termed as dialects of Hindi. Thakur et al.
(2017) is a comprehensive work on a multilingual dictionary of the Bhojpuri
language. This is the first work on its kind to serve both the monolingual and the
multilingual aspects of dictionary. This is Bhojpuri-Bhojpuri-Nepali-English
Dictionary with transliteration of the Bhojpuri entry into IPA phonemic symbols. The
work includes over 24,000 entries of Bhojpuri lexemes.
1.3.5 Functional-typological approach
Lohar (2010) is a work on relativization in Bhojpuri. It tries to discuss the
morphosyntax of relativization in Bhopuri with functional-typological perspective.
Thakur (2011) is a preliminary attempt to present Bhojpuri grammar from functional-
typological perspective. It covers sociolinguistic context and phonetic, phonological,
morphological and morphosyntactic description of the language. It also presents inter-
lingual influences in Bhojpuri as well as Bhojpuri semantics. Though it can contribute
in this research, the traditional and structural approaches still look significant in
presentation of Bhojpuri grammar.
The extracts of the prominent works done in Bhojpuri conclude that it is a rich
language with all genres of language, folklore and literature in it. It is an animate
language generationally being transformed in a healthy way. To sum up, the previous
works certainly helps in this study, to some extent, most of them follow either of the
traditional, structural, transformational-generative and comparative approaches. The
works of this researcher reviewed certainly have made efforts to follow the
framework of functional-typological grammar, they are inadequate. Some domains
are still missing as well as some are out of this frame-work.
Therefore, an appropriate presentation of a grammar of Bhojpuri must be
based on the propositional and multi-propositional data from the formal and
functional perspective as well as the data and analysis in the significantly contextual
8
works have to be cross-checked for reliability and validity to meet the objectives of
this study to present sociolinguistic, phonetic, phonological, morphophonemic,
mrophosyntactic and discourse-pragmatic properties of the Bhojpuri language from
functional-typological perspective and adaptive approach to grammar.
1.4 Research methodology
1.4.1 Collection of data
This is a field-based study of the Bhojpuri language. Though the spread of
Bhojpuri has been found in the Sarlahi, Rautahat, Bara, Parsa, Chitwan, Nawalparasi
(east and west from Susta) and Rupandehi districts of the Federal Democratic Republic
of Nepal, the dialect spoken in Bara and Parsa is central and considered the standard
one, in accordance with Lohar (2006) and Lohar and Regmi (2012). Therefore, the
primary data were collected from the Bhojpuri native speakers mainly from Bara and
Parsa districts, whereas, the other native speakers were also consulted with.
Different methods of field linguistics were used in collecting data. The
researcher is a native speaker from Bara and this research is oriented to write
grammar of the language in the standard dialect. Ultimately, it is based on purposive
sampling for presentation of sociolinguistic aspects of the language as well as on
random sampling for grammar. Therefore both primary and secondary data were used
in the study.
As Lohar (2006) and Lohar and Regmi (2012) have already presented reports
of the sociolinguistic survey of Bhojpuri and the researcher already involved in the
field study, the aspects of the sociolinguistic features of the language rely upon the
secondary data, collected and used in those surveys.2
To verify nature of aspirate sonorants in Bhojpuri consonants, the researcher
consulted with a number of informants for samples. Among them, the samples from
six informants were selected for analysis avoiding the technical error as far as
practicable. For morphosyntactic analysis of the language, Folk-tales, radio
conversations and monologues, interviews, procedural activities were collected from
different sources. The four folk-tales, An Ill-mannered Old Woman, Peasant Couple
and the Children, A Family of Deaf and Dumb and Two Chapatis or Three?; two
radio interviews, one on contemporary politics and Bhojpuri and the other on the
contemporary situation of the Bhojpuri language and literature; a magazine interview

2. Please see Annex I for the details of data collection for Lohar (2006) and Lohar and Regmi (2012).

9
on contemporary Bhojpuri language and literature; two radio monologues on the
topics of Agriculture and Raxabandhan festival; and clauses expressing different
situations in neighbourhood along with procedural activities were selected and
analyzed. Moreover, a conversation between two villagers was extracted from
Grierson (1884a), analyzed and included in the texts.3
1.4.2 Analysis and instances
Digital audio recorder, audio editor (Audacity 2.2.2), Praat and Toolbox
softwares were the tools utilized to obtain, process and analyze the data. The
computer softwares "Audacity 2.2.2" and “Praat” were used to analyze devoicing
sonorant consonants for phonological analysis. The oral texts were analyzed by using
the computer software "Toolbox". The data collected were cross-checked with other
native speakers of the language. As a native speaker of Bhojpuri, the researcher's
intuition about the language was also utilized.
In this study, abundance of instances have been provided at word and sentence
levels in descriptions of phonological, morpho-phonological, morphological and
morphosyntactic aspects of Bhojpuri. They are presented as following:
(a) The word or sentence is first presented in Devanagari script, so that, the
native speakers, especially literate in only Devanagari script, can also be
benefitted.
(b) Such words and sentences are transliterated in IPA (International Phonetic
Alphabet) below Devanagari presentation.
(c) The transliterated IPA presentation is broken into morphemes. If
morpheme-break is indifferent from its initial IPA presentation, this step is
probably omitted.
(d) The lexical items of the morphemes are translated into English and the
grammatical items are presented with their functional terminology in
abbreviated form according to Leipzig glossing rules as far as practicable.
(e) At last, the free translation of the word or sentence is presented below each
example.
As a model of grammatical description and analysis of the language, the
functional-typological grammar developed mainly by Givón (2001a and b) with

3. Please see Annex I for details of the informants.

10
adaptive approach to grammar (Givón, 2009) was mainly used; however, insights
from other prominent models of linguistic analysis were also utilized.4
1.5 Justification of the study
This study attempts to present a linguistic description and analysis on the
sociolinguistic, phonological and morphosyntactic properties of the language. It is of
great significance from different points of view presented below:
a) This study has laid foundation for a much more extensive research on
Bhojpuri and its speech community regarding language and culture spreading
in different parts of the country and abroad.
b) This research has contributed to a significant study of Bhojpuri. It has been
corrected, refined and added to in order to finally arrive at a much prosperous
understanding of the Bhojpuri language.
c) This study has eased the researches on different dialects of Bhojpuri in
particular and other related Indo-Aryan languages spoken particularly in
Madheshi community of the country.
d) The findings of this study may be used for evaluating the empirical adequacy
of the assumptions made in language typology as well as linguistic theories.
1.6 Limitations of the study
This study has the following limitations:
a) This study has primarily been based on the form of the Bhojpuri language
mainly spoken in Bara and Parsa districts of Nepal. The dialects spoken in
Sarlahi, Rautahat, Chitwan, Nawalparasi and Rupandehi districts have also
been taken into consideration as far as practicable in the study.
b) Mainly the study purports to describe the language from the formal and
functional perspective. However, the insights from other models of linguistic
analysis have also been taken for analysis of the language.
c) The morphosyntactic properties of the language have been typologically
compared with that of other related languages spoken in Madheshi community
of Nepal as far as possible.
d) As phonological descriptions of Bhojpuri have already been presented from
different points of view, the researcher has only analyzed devoicing sonorant

4. Chapter 2 deals with the theoretical framework in detail.

11
consonants in Bhojpuri because they have been presented as breathy sonorants
previously.
e) Texts were collected from different genres of Bhojpuri. But those texts may
create this study voluminous, so, only a few of them have been included in
annexes, as suggested. Likewise, glossary prepared from the data has not
annexed as advised because Prajñá Bhojpuri-Bhojpuri-Nepali-English
Dictionary has already been published and marketed by the Nepal Academy.
1.7 Organization of the study
This study has been organized mainly into two parts: introductory and
descriptive. The introductory part includes introduction, theoretical framework of the
study and the sociolinguistic features of Bhojpuri. The descriptive part presents
descriptions of the language. This work includes 16 chapters. Chapter 1 is
introduction of the research. Chapter 2 presents theoretical framework of the study.
Chapter 3 presents some sociolinguistic aspects of Bhojpuri. Chapter 4 deals with
phonology and we introduce morphophonology in Chapter 5. In Chapter 6, we
describe the word classes and Chapter 7 presents simple verbal clauses and argument
structure. Chapter 8 examines grammatical relations and case-marking and we present
noun phrases and word order in Chapter 9. Chapter 10 inspects on tense, aspect and
modality and Chapter 11 presents non-declarative speech-acts. Chapter 12 examines
marked topics and contrastive focus constructions and Chapter 13 describes inter-
clausal coherence. The referential coherence is presented in Chapter 14 and Chapter
15 presents typological implications. At last we present summary and conclusions in
Chapter 16. Samples of the analyzed texts are given in Annex V, followed by
references in alphabetical order.

12
CHAPTER 2
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.0 Outline
This chapter deals with the theoretical framework adopted as guideline for the
study. It consists of four sections. Section 2.1 provides theoretical developments in
grammar writing. In section 2.2 we briefly discuss functional-typological and adaptive
approaches to grammar. Section 2.3 deals with assumptions of the framework. In
section 2.4, we summarize the chapter with a brief account of the theoretical works
we have followed and consulted during this research.
2.1 Theoretical developments in grammar writing
A number of approaches have been developed and adopted to describe a
natural language since the linguistic tradition begins. Schmidhauser (2010:499) traces
origin of grammar back to fourth century B. C. in ancient India followed by Greeks in
the third century B. C. In the Indian traditions Panini invents सू /sutrʌ/ 'threads or

formulae', sandhi rules, कारक /kɑrʌkʌ/ 'case', zero-representation and theory of

sentence structure; followed by Patanjali with discovery of विन /d̤ wʌni/ 'sound' and

फोट /ʂpʰoʈʌ/ 'underlying form' defining a sound unit in terms of वण फोट /vʌrɳʌ
ʂpʰoʈʌ/ (Syal and Jindal 1999:38). Bhartṛhari and others contributed in the primitive
Indian traditions.
The origin of traditional grammar or the entire European linguistics can be
traced back to the Greeks with the word grammatiké 'grammar' meant simply the
understanding of letters. It was so because linguistics was only part of philosophy, not
an autonomous discipline of knowledge, consequently, Protagoras differentiated three
genders in Greek Sophistes, Plato analyzed nominal (ōnomɑ) and verbal (rhēma) parts
of a sentence and Aristotle added a class of sȳndesmoi that included all the other words
such as conjunctions, articles and pronouns. Following set up of a library in the Greek
colony of Alexendria, Dionysus Thrax summarized the Greek grammatical tradition.
Romans on the other hand wrote their Latin grammar influenced by the Greeks.
It was the foundation of the grammatical tradition in Europe. Though they slightly
modified the Greek grammatical system, it was carried out to serve the purposes of
philosophy, literary criticism and rhetoric (Lyons 1968:13). As a result the theory of
speculative grammar (grammatical specultiva) emerged in the medieval period.

13
In the modern era, the European structuralism emerged as a traditional theory
a bit earlier to the first quarter of the 20th century and attempts of the grammarians
centred on describing language not based on one's unique individual features but
following models of the European classical languages. Instead of covering the actual
speech categories of a particular language, such grammatical descriptions imposed the
canonical models on almost all the target languages as Romans used to do. This
approach, basically descriptive in nature, exhibits what languages are like but fails to
explain why languages are the way they are (Dryer 2006:207).
There emerged the structural approach to the language in Course in General
Linguistics of Ferdinand de Saussure first published posthumously by his pupils in
1915. It was based on the concepts of language like arbitrariness, langue and parole,
and synchronic and diachronic study of language. Lyons (1968:38) states that
Saussurean concept of structuralism influenced various schools of structural
linguistics in Europe for at least fifty years in the 20th century.
Bloomfield (1923) laid foundation of American structuralism in the field of
linguistics as the most dominating theoretical work for the next thirty years. Language
based on the objective data is emphasized under this structural approach to only study
the phonological, morphological and syntactic aspects of a language. Bloomfield
adopted Immediate Constituent (IC) analysis method for the syntactic study of a
language in which a sentence is broken into smaller units such as clauses, phrases,
words and morphemes.
Chomsky (1957) emerged as the transformational-generative approach to
grammar and influenced the next two decades in the field of linguistics. Since its
inception, it has gone through several modifications, but the transformational-generative
grammar is the one that makes use of sequential, hierarchical and transformational
breaking up (Pandey 2013:62). It accepts the Saussurean concept of langue and parole
in terms of competence as the set of internalized rules of grammar in a native speaker's
mind, and performance as the actual utterance produced by speaker in the process of
communication respectively. In this concept, competence controls performance.
As an alternative to the formal linguistic theories of either Saussurean or
Bloomfieldian structuralism or of Chomskyan transformational-generative grammar,
functional approach to grammar was developed in the mid-1970s out of the work of a
group of linguists mostly centred in California, including Talmy Givón, Charles Li,
Sandra Thompson, Wallace Chafe, Paul Hopper, among others (DeLancy 2019:6).
14
Givón (1979:6) alleges the history of transformational-generative linguistics of
'boiling down to nothing but a blatant attempt to represent the formalism as "theory,"
to assert that "it predicts a range of facts," that "it makes empirical claims," and that it
somehow "explains." It further mentions that Chomsky's TG model makes no
reference to explanation of any kind, it is rather Bloomfieldian in ignoring the natural
explanatory parameters of language, and rather Harrisian in motivating the formalism
purely on the grounds of simplicity-economy in the name of explanation.
Givón (1979:44) blames TG grammar of combining theoretical vacuity of
empiricism and the empirical irresponsibility of rationalism and further mentions that if
the study of language, in Chomsky's view, must play in elucidating the nature of human
cognition and human behaviour, it must be rejected as a pseudo-theory and useless
methodology. It is so because neurological and cognitive development has outpaced
socio-cultural development and the functional and adaptive necessities imposed by ––
and mediated through –– the socio-cultural environment (Givón 1979:290).
According to Cristofaro (2003:7), the functional theories "seek to account for
language structure in terms of language function". Givón (2001a:2) quotes Halliday
(1973:7) clearly defining the functional approach to language as follows:
… A functional approach to language means, first of all, investigating how
language is used: trying to find out what are the purposes that language serves
for us, and how we are able to achieve these purposes through speaking and
listening, reading and writing. But it also means more than this. It means
seeking to explain the nature of language in functional terms: seeking whether
language itself has been shaped by use, and if so, in what ways–how the form
of language has been determined by the function it has evolved to serve …
The functional linguists consider language as a means of human
communication. They believe that all the natural languages have infinite number of
pragmatic functions to be performed with the limited number of linguistic structures.
Therefore "roughly-the-same propositional semantic contents can be packaged into a
wide array of different syntactic clause-types" (Givón 2001a:17), and several pragmatic
functions can be accomplished by the same formal structure. "This is where the clause-
in-isolation method becomes unreliable and must be supplemented with the study of
grammar in its natural communicative context" (Givón 2001a:18). The task of a
linguist, according to this perspective, is aimed at explaining the relation between forms
and functions of the language and analyzing how functions shape the grammatical
15
structures, is to describe the complex interaction of forms and functions in the language.
Yadava (2004:268) exhibits focus of this model to be that "formal properties of
language are constrained by communicative functions in verbal interaction".
DeLancy (2019:13) states that the generative linguistics believes there is an
autonomous language "module" in the brain, and that most basic facts about language
are what they are because they are constrained by the structure of this module. It
regards a so-called "main, declarative, affirmative, active clause" as the "'syntactic' deep
structure of all other clause-types" (Givón 2001a:19) to be transformed into under
transformational rules. However, Dryer (2006:208) denies the new generative approach
to be practical as a theoretical framework for describing an entire language.
Similarly, Givón (1995a:9) outlines some parameters that make functionalists
distinct from formalists or transformational-generativists:
(a) Language is a socio-cultural activity.
(b) Structure serves cognitive or communicative function.
(c) Structure is non-arbitrary, motivated and iconic.
(d) Change and variation are ever-present.
(e) Meaning is context-dependent and non-atomic.
(f) Categories are less-than-descrete.
(g) Structure is malleable, not rigid.
(h) Grammars are emergent.
(i) Rules of grammar allow some leakage.
Thus, the formalist theories like structuralism and transformational-generative
grammar that regard language as an autonomous and self-contained system, the
formalists seldom pay attention to the discourse pragmatic functions the functionalists
primarily rely on.
2.2 Functional-typological and adaptive approaches
2.2.1 Functional-typological approach
Though a kind of extremism occurred between formalists and functionalists in
the beginning, a realization about each others have also been exhibited later. Givón
(1984/1990) treats grammar responsibly in terms of both its adaptive motivation and
typological diversity. But an explicit account of the more formal aspects of syntactic
structure is overlooked as an over-reaction to the formalism in those days (Givón

16
2001a: xv). Similarly, Both Cartesian and anti-Cartesian formalists have also not
denied function of language though they emphasize on its form.1
Chomsky (2009:77) observes that language serves as a medium of thought
begins to be rephrased as the view that language has a constitutive function with
respect to thought. Furthermore, the study of the creative aspect of language use
develops from the assumption that linguistic and mental processes are virtually
identical, language providing the primary means for free expression of thought and
feeling, as well as for the functioning of the creative imagination (Chomsky 2009:78).
Therefore, Givon (2001a:xvi) pays heed to Chomsky's exhortation to seek
universal principles, while affirming the mental reality of syntactic structures.
Conclusively, Givon (2001a:xvi) mentions that the chasm between the formal
generative approach to grammar and the adaptive perspective it pursue seems at times
unbridgeable, but it can be narrowed down to a relatively small number of issues that
are, in principle, empirical.
Givon (2001a:20) exhibits the functional basis of grammatical typology
stating that "the typological approach to cross-language grammatical diversity has
been historically associated with a functionalist perspective on grammar, from von
Humboldt down to Greenberg". Although Whaley (1997:18) traces back the origin of
this approach to the German linguists Freidrich von Schlegel and Wilhelm von
Humboldt in the 1800s, it was flourished only in the mid-1970s. Greenberg (1963)
infuses the field of linguistics with optimism about potentials of typology to deliver
major discoveries about the nature of language and introduces the modern typological
model of grammar. Obviously, it is an approach to grammar as an alternative to the
transformational-generative theory advocated by Chomsky. Though it seems to be
very close to the traditional grammar in a number of ways but Dryer (2006:210)
reveals that it brought the notions like subject and object to the central stage which
had not played any important role rather in structuralism or in generative grammar.
On the basis of the analysis of 30 languages, Greenberg (1963) claims that the
languages of the world have some unique linguistic features of their own and share
some features with others. The common features shared by all the languages are
termed as universals classified into two types: absolute and implicational universals,

1. "We have seen that the Cartesian view, as expressed by Descartes and Cordemoy as well as by such
professed anti-Cartesians as Bougeant, is that in its normal use, human language is free from
stimulus control and does not serve a merely communicative function, but is rather an instrument for
the free expression of thought and for appropriate response to new situations" (Chomsky 2009:65).

17
and found some tendencies that can be attested in languages (Comrie 1989:15-6). The
statements made about the linguistic properties without referring to any other element
are absolute universals, such as the statement 'all languages have oral vowels'. On the
other hand, the statements that relate "the presence of one property to the presence of
some other property, i.e., a given property must, or can only, be present if the other
property is also present, such as 'if a language has first/second person reflexives, then
it has the third person reflexives'"(Comrie 1989:17). It also proposes some parameters
for the typological study of phonology, morphology and syntax, and sets some rules
for avoiding biasness while selecting languages for typological studies.2 Givón
(2001a:23) explains the functional-typological approach go grammar as "in
grammatical typology, one enumerates the main structural means by which different
languages code the same functional domain".
Thus, it is Givón (1984/1990, 2001a and 2001b) that interlinked the
typological approach to grammar with the functional approach to language and
developed a theoretical framework 'functional-typological grammar', though Dik
(1978), Greenberg et al. (1978), and Givón (1979) have made a great contribution to
its development. Cristofaro (2003), Dixon and Aikhenvald (2004), Bhat (2004) and
Shopen (1985, 2007a, 2007b and 2007c) among others have contributed for its further
enrichment as a cumulative framework which has gradually been developed over the
past few decades.
It is diachronic in nature for an attempt to explain the language at the level of
language change. Functionalists believe there is, sometimes, a competition in the
motivating factors. Dryer (2006:213) states that "once one motivation 'wins', then that
is the way the language is". Certain aspects of language structures depending upon the
language function is the distinguishing feature of the functional-typological approach.
Therefore, the functional-typological research is interested in correspondence between
the linguistic structures and the functional domain. Thus the individual
morphosyntactic features and the functional domains they are associated with may not
be similar cross-linguistically what functional-typologists argue because each
individual language is unique.

2. "In attempting to construct a grammatical typology by purely structural means, one must first decide
why structure A (in language a) and structure B (in language b) should be grouped together as sub-
types of structural meta-type I; while structure C (in language C) and structure D (in language D)
should be grouped together as sub-type of structural meta-type II" (Givón 2001a:20).

18
Givón (1984/1990) has introduced the functional-typological approach to
grammar explaining the lapses of the formal linguistic theories of either structuralism
or transformational-generative grammar. Givón (2001a and 2001b) further explains
this approach to language and grammar with correction of the mistakes, including the
aspects — constituency, hierarchy, grammatical relations, clause-union, finiteness and
syntactic control—previously taken for granted but chosen to defer.
Going through the analogy of convention of the form and function, we come
to conclude that a certain structure is required to perform a specified function. So,
humane anatomy and anatomy of other animals differ from each other as they differ
from one another to function separately. Likewise, an axe and a sickle are certainly
different in shape and size as the axe cuts hard wood but a sickle cuts grass or straw.
Consequently, "this is akin to suggesting, by analogy, that the evolutionary
mechanism that gave rise to a particular life form is irrelevant to our understanding of
the structure of that life form" (Givón, 2001a:7).
This framework tries to investigate how language is used, i.e., what are the
purposes that languages serve for human beings and how human beings are able to
achieve these goals through speaking, listening, reading and writing. Furthermore, the
nature of language is explained in functional terms.
The functional explanation requires how and in what ways the forms of
language may be determined by function it is developed to perform if it is formed by
use of itself. Thus, this framework believes, not in competence, but in performance.
According to this framework, grammar emerges and changes and the forms adjust to
narrate functions. So, the meanings of the forms shaped by the functions are extended
only for performance.
From the functional point of view, there are two primary functions of a
human language:
a. Representation of knowledge
b. Communication of knowledge
According to this approach, language is a system in which the primary
functions of representation and communication of knowledge are realized through the
two subsystems of language: cognitive representation system and communicative
coding system.

19
(a) The cognitive representation system
According to Givón (2001a:7), the human cognitive representation system
consists of three concentrically-linked levels: the conceptual lexicon, propositional
information and multi-propositional discourse. They are presented in Figure 2.1.
Figure 2.1 Three levels of cognitive representation system
Multi-propositional
discourse (discourse)

Propositional information
(clauses)
Conceptual lexicon
(words)
Source: Givón (2001a:43)
i) The conceptual lexicon
Givón (2001a:7-8) describes the human conceptual lexicon in terms of "a
repository of relatively time-stable, relatively socially-shared and relatively well-
coded concepts which, taken together, constitute a cognitive map of our experimental
universe: the external physical universe, the social-cultural universe and the internal-
mental universe".
Following Givón (2001a:8), by time stability we mean that the meaning of a
lexeme, say of the word 'cat' today will remain the same tomorrow. Similarly, socially-
shared concepts mean that when grounding into communication the speaker assumes that
a word has roughly the same meaning for each member of a particular speech
community. Likewise, well-coded concepts mean that each chunk of lexically-stored
knowledge is more-or-less uniquely, or at least strongly, associated with its own
perceptual code-level though in a certain degree it might be. The conceptual lexicon is
most likely organized as a network of nodes and connections. A word-node automatically
activates a prototypical bunch of other closely-related word nodes. Atkinson and Shiffrin
(1968:117) exhibits cognitive psychologists to have long recognized the conceptual
lexicon under the label of permanent semantic memory.
ii) Propositional information
The level of propositional information is the second component of human
cognitive representation system. At this level, concepts or words are combined into
propositional information or clauses about states and events, relations and qualities
that entities partake in. Such states, events, relations and qualities may pertain "to the

20
external physical world, the mental-internal world, the culturally-mediated world, or
to various combinations thereof" (Givón 2001a:8).
Givón (2001a:8) quotes Atkinson and Shiffrin (1968) and Squire (1987) as
mentioning episodic-declarative memory that cognitive psychologists have long
recognized our capacity to process and store propositional information.
iii) Multi-propositional discourse
The third component of human cognitive representation system is the level of
multi-propositional discourse. It is obvious the individual state and event clauses are
simply combined into coherent discourse. Besides, human discourse is predominantly
multi-propositional, i.e., its coherence transcends the bounds of its component
clauses. Givón (2001a:8) quotes Loftus (1980), Gernsbacher (1990), and Ericsson &
Kintsch (1995) as describing multi-propositional discourse being processed and stored
in episodic-declarative memory.
Givón (2007:31) notes that early childhood and primate communication are
almost absolutely mono-propositional.3 In contrast, well developed human
communication is, at the use-frequency level, overwhelmingly multi-propositional.
This is mirrored in the fact that most of the grammatical system is dedicated to code
multi-propositional (cross-clausal) coherence.4 Grammar-coded discourse coherence
is primarily involved with mental models of the interlocutors' current epistemic and
deontic states. Furthermore, individual states or events may be combined into
coherent discourse. Its coherence exceeds the limits of its component clauses. Multi-
propositional discourse is also processed and stored in episodic declarative memory.
The immediate speech situation is mentally represented in the working
memory/attention system. Such representation shifts from one moment to the next,
and is thus temporally unstable. In contrast, displaced referents are more likely to be
represented in episodic memory. Compared to working memory, "episodic
representation is a much more stable mental representation and this temporal stability
may have contributed toward the objectivization of verbally-coded referents,
including mental predicates" (Givón 2007:30).

3. Further, Givón (2002b:5-6) elaborates that individual propositions may be combined together into
coherent discourse. Human discourse is predominantly multi-propositional, in that its coherence
transcends the bounds of isolated propositions. The lowest multi-propositional unit of coherence
discourse is coded grammatically as a clause-chain.
4. Coherence may be taken to mean continuity, connectivity or grounding (Givón 2005:126).

21
(b) The communicative coding system
The symbolic communicative codes (Givón 2002b:8) of a language may be
distinctly divided into the following two types:
i) The peripheral sensory-motor codes
The peripheral sensory-motor codes of human language comprise of the
domain of phonetics, phonology and neurology (Givón 2001a:11). This coding system
of human language serves "primarily to map lexical-conceptual meaning onto
phonological words" (Givón 2002b:8). This presumably involves both coding (speech
production) and decoding (speech perception) operations and is adjusted to pertinent
perceptual and motor modalities.
ii) The grammatical codes
Givón (2007:4) notes that "grammar is probably the latest evolutionary
addition to the mechanisms that drive human communication."5 Although the
evolutionary argument regarding grammar remains basically speculative, it is
supported by a body of supportive evidence. Ontogenetically, both through hearing
and signing children acquire the lexicon and the pre-grammatical pidgin much earlier
than grammar.
Similarly, natural second language acquisition follows the same route. Furthermore,
many non-human species like birds, dogs, horses and primates are easily taught auditory or
visual lexical code labels for nouns, verbs and adjectives. This supports the proposition that
the neuro-cognitive structures which underlie semantic memory are old pre-human, pre-
linguistic structures (Givón 2002a:146). In contrast, "the communicative natural use of
grammar (i.e., morphology and syntax) in non-human species has neither been attested, nor
has any success in teaching grammar to nonhuman species been reported. Therefore,
grammar is uniquely a human capacity" (Givón 2007:5).
In addition, the grammar is a much more abstract and complex code than the
sensory motor codes of the lexicon. Most tangibly, the primary grammatical signal
involves four major coding devices: morphology, intonation, rhythmics and sequential
order of words or morphemes. Among these, some coding devices like morphology
and intonation are more concrete. They involve the very same physical signals
(sounds, gestures and letters) that code lexical meaning. The most concrete element of

5. "Two distinct cycles of symbolization – or code-development – must have taken place in the
evolution of human language. The first involves the rise of a well-coded lexicon and its coding
instrument, phonology. The second involves the rise of grammar and its coding instrument,
morphosyntactic structure (Givón 2002b:4)."

22
the grammatical code, grammatical morphology, is a diachronic derivative of lexical
words. But these concrete devices are integrated into a complex whole with the more
abstract elements of the codes like rhythmics and sequential order. These more
abstract elements of the grammatical code are the second order constructs, inferred
from more concrete signals. From the primary grammatical coding devices more
abstract level of grammatical organization like hierarchic constituency organization,
grammatical category labels, scope and relevance relations and government and
control relations may be extracted (Givón, 2001a:12). The primary grammar-coding
devices are in turn used to signal further more abstract levels of grammatical
organization. The central question in the study of language processing is how the
abstract components of grammar are extracted from its more concrete signals.
Simultaneously, grammar codes both propositional semantics and discourse
coherence (pragmatics). Therefore, grammar is predominantly about the coherence
relations between the propositional (clausal) and its wider discourse context. But the
traditional structuralist methodology, of examining (or experimenting on) isolated
clauses, has tended to obscure this overwhelming fact about what grammar does.
Some of the major grammatical sub-systems that code primarily discourse
pragmatics are grammatical roles (subject, direct object); definiteness and reference;
anaphora, pronouns and agreement; tense, aspect, modality and negation; de-transitive
voice; topicalization; focus and contrast; relativization; speech acts; and clausal
conjunction and subordination (Givón, 2001a:13).
Coding instruments of the communicative coding system, according to Givón
(2001a:11-3), are presented in figure 2.2.

23
Figure 2.2 Communicative coding system
COMMUNICATIVE CODING SYSTEM

PERIPHERAL SENSORY-MOTOR CODES

Phonetics,
Phonology and Neurology

GRAMMATICAL CODES

PRIMARY GRAMMATICAL CODES

Morphology: Clause level melodic contours
& word level stress or tone
Rythmics: Place or length & pauses
Order of words or morphemes

ABSTRACT GRAMMATICAL CODES

Hierarchic constituency organization: Morphemes into words,
words into phrases & phrases into clauses
The grammatical category-levels: Noun, verb, adjective &
noun phrase, verb phrase
Scope and relevance relations: Operator-operand relations,
noun-modifier relations & subject-object relations
Government and control relations: agreement, co-reference,
modality & finiteness

DISCOURSE-PRAGMATIC CODES
Grammatical roles
Definiteness & reference
Anaphora, pronoun & agreement
Tense, aspect, modality & negations
De-transitive voice
Topicalization
Focus & contrast
Relativization
Speech acts
Clause conjunction & subordination

Source: Adapted from Regmi (2013:28) on the basis of Govón (2001a:11-3)

It may be clearly observed in figure 2.2 that there are three communicative
coding instruments in a human language. The peripheral sensory-motor codes apply at
the conceptual lexicon where the meaningful words are coded with sounds. Primary
grammatical codes are used to convey propositional information where clauses are
coded with grammar. The propositions (i.e., clauses) express information. Discourse-
pragmatic coding entities apply in multi-propositional discourse components of

24
human cognitive representative system where combined clauses are coded with
grammar.6 Such clauses provide multi-propositional information. In this framework,
the syntactic constructions (i.e., clause types) are taken as the focal point of
grammatical description and various types of clauses or constructions are taken as
grammatical coding instruments that signal discourse pragmatic function.7 The
primary grammar-coding devices are in turn used to signal more abstract levels of
grammatical organization.
Functions of grammar
Grammar codes both propositional semantics and discourse coherence
(pragmatics) side by side.8 Although, it is solely located in the clause, its functional
scope is not primarily about the propositional information displayed in the clause in
which it dwells. Rather, grammar is predominantly about the coherent relations
between propositional information (clause) and its wider discourse context.9 The most
common discourse-pragmatic domains coded by grammar are listed in (1-3)
(Givón 2007: 6-7).
(1) Noun phrase grammar
Structures Functions
VP grammar Referential coherence
a. Grammatical relations referential coherence
b. Definiteness, reference referential coherence
c. Anaphora, pronoun referential coherence
d. Deictic referential coherence
e. Pragmatic voice referential coherence

6. Givón (1979:303) states, "At an evolutionary level where discourse is already multi-propositional
and where coherence and topic have emerged, the clausal order of agent-patient-verb is, at least in
terms of discourse frequency, also most likely to be topic-patient-verb."
7. Givón (1979:297) exhibits, "The pragmatic mode of discourse is used either in the society of
intimates, where all generic information is shared, or in communication about the immediate context,
where all specific information is shared. These are the two contexts where this mode of
communication is used in extant human language, such as in pidgins, child language, and informal
unplanned register of adults."
8. Gernsbacher, Morton Ann and T. Givón (1995: vii) state "coherence is a mental phenomenon rather
than an inherent property of a written or spoken text. The fact that readers or listeners can indeed
judge with high agreement that one text is more coherent than another. But neither the words on the
page nor the words in the speech stream of themselves confer coherence."
9. Givón (1995b: 61) defines coherence as continuity by stating "coherence is the continuity or
recurrence of some element (s) across a span (or spans) of text." He further notes that of the many
elements that can recur across text, the six are more visible, concrete and the easiest to track and
measure. They are: a. referents, b. temporality, c. aspectuality, d. modality/mood, e. location and f.
action/script.

25
f. Topicalization referential coherence
g. Relativization referential coherence, event grounding
(2) Verb phrase grammar
Structures Functions
VP grammar Event coherence
a. Tense temporal grounding of event
b. Aspect aspectual grounding of event
c. Modality epistemic-deontic grounding of event
d. Speech act epistemic-deontic grounding of event to speaker/hearer
(3) Cross-clausal grammar
Structures Functions
Cross-clausal grammar Event-chain coherence
a. Inter-clausal connective event grounding, chain grounding
b. Chain-initial adverbials chain grounding
c. Presentative constructions referential grounding, chain grounding
As can be seen in (1-3), some grammatical systems can function in more than one
discourse-pragmatic domain. Thus, for example, relativization (2g) and contrastive
focus (2h) are part of the grammar of both referential coherence and event
coherence/grounding. Tense (3a), aspect (3b) and modality (3c) are used to signal
both temporal-aspectual-modal grounding and event coherence. And the grammar of
inter-clausal connectives in (3a) integrates devices that signal both referential
coherence and event-coherence, albeit often at higher hierarchic levels.
The distinctness of propositional semantics from discourse pragmatics does
not mean the lack of overlap or interaction between the two. Thus, for example,
morphological case marking codes both the discourse pragmatic functions of subject
(nominative) and direct object (accusative), and the propositional semantic functions
of agent, patient, dative, locative, instrumental or associative cases. Similarly, tense,
aspect, modality (henceforth, TAM) and negation display both propositional semantic
and discourse pragmatic functions. While the morphology of TAM system is part of
clausal structure, its functional scope is not the propositional semantics of the atomic
event or state, but rather the pragmatics, or connectivity, of the clause in relation to its

26
discourse context (Givón 2001a:285).10 It is easy to see that tense is fundamentally a
pragmatic rather than propositional semantic phenomenon, anchoring the proposition
to a temporal point outside itself. And, the grammar of detransitive clauses ranges
over both propositional semantic and discourse-pragmatic functions like agent
suppression in passive, reflexive and detransitive constructions. According to Givón
(2010:42), "the grammar of non-declarative (manipulative) speech acts is confined to
here-and-now, you-and-I, the immediate speech situation which is more related to
discourse-pragmatic context."
The differences between the transformational-generative and functional-typological
approaches can be summarized as in the Table 2.1, based on Givón (1984:7-9).

10. Givón (1995a: 305) notes, "tracking the communicative use of grammar via the distribution of
grammar in text has been the central tool in the methodological arsenal of the functional
grammarian."

27
Table 2.1 Difference between transformational-generative and functional-
typological grammars

Parameters TG Grammar FT Grammar

1. Structure and Language is conceived as Language is an instrument
function structure independent of used to perform some socio-
meaning and function. Syntax linguistic functions. No
is autonomous. linguistic component is
autonomous.
2. Innateness It emphasizes on the innate Language is explained in
formal properties, i.e., the terms of pragmatic functional
inbuilt genetic-neutral structure behavior with ecological and
referred to as "universal evolutionary mediation.
grammar"
3. Language and The formal properties of language Language is explained in
cognition are emphasized with notion of terms of general cognitive
mentalism, i.e., structure. capacities and processes.
4. Formalization Language is described as Language is an instrument for
formal, deductive, closed and carrying on communication,
complete system, and the so, it is pragmatically based
grammar of "competence" is and recognizes open-ended,
deterministic automation. contingent and less than
categorical nature of
language behavior and
cognition.
5. Empirical The linguistic data are used to The linguistic data are
integrity of the construct the models of analyzed to examine the form
database 'competence', the inbuilt system and function relation and to
of language implanted in the seek how the function shapes
brain. the form of the language.
6. Cross-language It disregards the nature and Each and every language has
variability significance of cross-language unique linguistic features of
typological variability, and its own, and so must be
regards the syntax of the studied independently. No

28
language like Greek, Latin and grammatical features of a
French as the basis for language should be imposed
typological-syntactic upon another language.
universals. Languages cannot be
evaluated as 'superior' or
'inferior'.
7. Language It separates linguistic studies It is diachronic and
development, into two parts: synchronic and developmental in nature, and
change and diachronic, and believes that recognizes the determinative
evolution language universals can be role of language acquisition,
formulated on purely language change and
synchronic basis. language evolution in
Communicative functions and shaping extant language,
socio-cultural pragmatic culture and cognition.11
context are not regarded as
variables in language
acquisition.
8. Social and It detaches linguistics from It attaches linguistics with
cultural context language as a socio-cultural language in its biological-
phenomenon, expression and socio-cultural context.
instrument.
Source: Adapted from Paudyal (2013:21)
2.2.2 Adaptive approach to grammar
Givón (2009) outlines the adaptive approach to grammar as an approach that is
biological in the grand tradition of Aristotle and Darwin. According to Aristotle, the
extant biological structures are functionally motivated. Similarly, Darwin elucidates
that the extant biological structures perform their functions with the mechanism of
adaptively selected evolution.
Language is one of the defining characteristics of Homo sapiens. It is deployed
in a wide range of adaptive contexts: social interaction, cultural transmission, education,
literature, theatre, music, humour and play, love and war. Of this rich array of useful

11. (Givón 1984:44-5) displays, "… we must remind orselves periodically that language never rests, it is
always in the middle of change, in pronunciation, in lexicon and syntax. So thet often, in order to really
understand why syntax is the way it is and how it performs its complex coding functions, one must
investigate the way in which syntax–through childhood, history or evolution–came to be what it is."

29
applications, two core adaptive functions make all the rest possible: mental
representation and communication of information (Givón, 2009:19).
Mental representation is the individual mental affair to code, make sense of,
interpret and construct 'reality', be it external, mental or social. On the other hand
communication is chiefly an interactive affair of two (or more) minds exchanging
mentally-represented information; or, as is often the case, negotiating and
constructing it jointly. Of these two core functions of language, as one can represent
information in the mind/brain, mental representation is ontogenetically and phylo-
genetically older, often automatically and sub-consciously, without intending to
communicate it, but, nobody can intentionally communicate information that is not
first represented in the mind.
As Givón (2009:21-2) quotes Geary (2005), Cheyney and Seyfarth (2007),
Carter (1974) and Givón (2002a, ch. 4,5) as mentioning overwhelming evidence from
animal communication, child language development and neurology that cognitive
representation preceded communication in evolution, whereas, representation and
communication are the two core adaptive functions of human language and it can be
taken for granted that cognitive representation is present in pre-human species, and is
a development pre-requisite to language. There are two specific communicative codes
– phonology and grammar – that human communication added to the pre-existing
cognitive representation system.
Atkinson and Shiffrin (1968) counts three major systems of mental
representation in the human mind/brain recognized by cognitive scientists long
before. Givón (2009:22) compares them with their linguistic equivalences as follows:
(4) Major cognitive representational systems:
Cognitive label Linguistic equivalence
 permanent semantic memory the mental lexicon
 episodic memory the current text
 working memory and attention the current speech situation
Semantic memory is the mental lexicon, a long-term repository of nouns,
adjectives and verbs. Episodic ('declarative') memory is the long-term repository of
propositional information about unique events, states or specific individuals, and
working memory represents what is available in the mind for immediate attentional
activation (Givón 2009:22-3), i.e., the human language is a combinatorial system of

30
the three labels in terms of lexicons (words), propositions (clauses) and multi-
propositional discourse (coherence) to support human communication.
Givón (2009:28) states that the adaptive function of grammar comes into sharp
relief what one notes that humans can, in some developmental, social or neurological
contexts, communicate without grammar, i.e., the pre-grammatical pidgin
communication." It clearly reveals that grammar is an adaptive human phenomenon as
the structural and functional differences between pre-grammatical and grammatical
communication may be summarized as follows (Givón 1979 and 1989):
(5) Pre-grammatical vs. grammatical communication
properties grammatical pre-grammatical
STRUCTURAL
a. morphology abundant absent
b. constructions complex, embedded, simple, conjoined, non-
hierarchic hierarchic
c. word-order grammatical (subj/obj) pragmatic (topic/comment)
d. pauses fewer, shorter copious, longer
FUNCTIONAL
e. processing speed fast slow
f. mental effort effortless labourious
g. error rate lower higher
h. context lower higher
dependence
i. processing mode automated attended
j. development later earlier
k. consciousness sub-conscious more conscious
Thus, Givón (2009:30) states that "the adaptive function of grammar is to code
the communicative functions – or discourse context – of propositions/clause. So, it is
adapted to represents – systematically, in the mind of the hearer-speaker – the
constantly shifting epistemic and deontic mental states that the interlocutor is
presumed to hold during ongoing communication. In other words, grammar is a code
adapted for the mental representation of other minds, what is currently known in
cognitive neuroscience as theory of mind."

31
Going through the notions of adaptive approach to grammar, it is considered
as an enrichment to the functional-typological approach to grammar.
2.3 Assumptions of the framework
The main goal of the functional-typological grammar (FTG) with an adaptive
approach, by T. Givon, is to study the diversity of the structural means of affecting the
same adaptive communicative functions from the formal and functional perspectives.
Going through Regmi (2007), Dhakal (2010), Paudyal (2013), Regmi (2013)
and Khatiwada (2016), some of the basic assumptions of FTG are summarized in the
points as follows:
a. All components of a language like phonology, morphology, syntax and
semantics are interdependent, rather being autonomous from each other.
b. Language and communication are viewed as maturation phenomena and being
part of general Piagetian cognitive abilities.
c. FT approach is basically developmental in the sense that it considers how
acquisition, evolution and change in a language affect its behavior.
d. Human languages consist of categories that are defined not as discrete, but
rather based on prototypes with fuzzy boundaries and contingent pragmatically
based rules, shading off into one another.
e. Language universals are explained at the surface level in terms of functions
cross-linguistically.
f. Syntax which encodes propositional semantic information and discourse
pragmatic function is functionally bound.
g. FTG follows an empirical approach and it views data of language use,
variation, development, behaviour, and discourse processing and experimental
cognitive psychology as part and parcel of one empirical complex.
h. FTG is concerned with the intricate relationships between form and function,
which gives importance to the subtle details of distribution to enrich further
grammatical description.
i. FTG uses the processes of syntactic argumentation used in generative
grammar in analyzing the syntax of a particular language.
j. FTG has the rich view of linguistic structure. It allows for insight from various
linguistic levels simultaneously, thus providing a variety of information of interest
to linguists working within a number of different subfields of linguistics.

32
k. FTG generally makes use of a mix of elicited and discourse data. However,
the emphasis placed upon the discourse data to provide more natural database
upon which the description is based.
l. FTG, particularly, in the areas of phonology and morphology attempts to
describe languages in a more user-friendly fashion by including semantic
considerations in its analyses, and by employing terminology that has been
used for similar phenomena in other languages.
m. FTG admits the phoneme as probably the most central concept in describing
the phonology of a language. It uses generative phonology and the descriptive
tools of more recent phonological theories.
n. FTG redefines syntax in terms of propositional information and discourse
pragmatic function, and thus about the relation between the function of
grammatical devices and their formal properties.
o. Since FTG believes in evolution it obviously also believes in universals, both
formal and functional. The functional universals guide diachrony, then,
diachrony produces structural universals as well as typological diversity.
p. FTG proposes that the cross-language typological diversity at whatever level
must be based on a study of representative diversity of types whereas other
functionalists remain committed to the existence of language universals,
presumably both of meaning/function and grammatical structure.
q. FTG is strongly committed to the view of language as primarily an instrument
of communication, and to the importance of this in explaining why languages
are as they are (Butler, 2003a:49).
r. FTG focuses the centrality of semantics and pragmatics as the motivating
factors of the syntax of a language.
s. FTG organizes the linguistic materials in terms of the three ‘functional realms’ coded
by syntax: lexical semantics, propositional semantics and discourse pragmatics.
2.4 Summary
For this study, the perspective of FTG with adaptive approach to grammar
might be summarized as an appropriate theoretical framework. It is so because Bhojpuri
has certainly been described earlier but not in the shape Bhojpuri looks within. Within
this framework, the Bhojpuri language has been described as it is along with
explanations why Bhojpuri is the way it is. This framework prefers 'source of terms' to
be under theory specific terminology, unlike the formal ones. FTG with adaptive
33
approach views that only descriptions are not enough to get at the essential nature of
language, they must be explained for why they exist so.
This framework seeks for analysis outside the system of language, so, the
explanations in the study are focused on the fact that grammatical rules do not produce
words and phrases in vacuum. The structures they produce are used purposive and
contextual. In this framework, we have sought explanations in coherence processing,
economy, perception-cognition and iconicity. We have provided examples mostly from
our discourse data and partially also from the elicited clauses. We have made efforts to
highlight the typologically significant features of the language. Within this study, we
have analyzed basically the propositional information and multi-propositional discourse
preceded by a general overview of the conceptual lexicon (word classes). Consequently,
the structures of morphology, syntax and discourse in Bhojpuri have been analyzed at
lexical (i.e., conceptual), propositional (i.e., clausal) and multi-propositional (i.e.,
discourse) levels, making efforts "to explain why some forms coincide consequently
with some functions than ones" (Regmi 2007:13).
Therefore, Givón (1984, 2001a, 2001b and 2009) were taken as the guideline
for the overall theoretical framework while accomplishing this study, though insights
were also sought from Shopen (1985, 2007a, 2007b and 2007c), Dixon (2010a and b,
2012), Noonan (2006), Rice (2006) and Bright (2006) among others. Besides, as
Bhojpuri is an Indo-Aryan language, Grierson (1884a, 1884b, 1903a, 1903b, 1903c,
1904 and 1909), Masica (1976, 1991 and 1993), Verma (2003) and Subbārāo (2012)
were proved very helpful for typological implications.

34
CHAPTER 3
SOME SOCIOLINGUISTIC ASPECTS
3.0 Outline
This chapter deals with some sociolinguistic aspects of Bhojpuri. It consists of
9 sections. Section 3.1 describes the native speakers and language, section 3.2
presents language resources and organizations, we present mother tongue proficiency
and bi/multilingualism in section 3.3. Section 3.4 describes domains of language use
and section 3.5 presents language vitality, transmission and maintenance. Section 3.6
examines language attitudes and section 3.7 describes language development. In
section 3.8 we describe dialectal variation and we conclude the chapter in section 3.9.
3.1 The native speakers and language
Bhojpuri is an Indo-Aryan language spoken in Sarlahi, Rautahat, Bara, Parsa,
Chitwan, Nawalparasi (east and west) and Rupandehi districts of the Province No. 2,
Bagmati, 4 and 5 of Nepal. According to the Census Report, 2012; 1,584,958
Nepalese citizens speak Bhojpuri as their mother tongue comprising 6% of the total
Nepalese population.1
According to Ethnologue (2012), there are about 124 living languages and
dialects of four different genetic stocks spoken within the country. The latest official
census of 2011 records the numbers of speakers for 123 languages and also an
additional category of ‘other unknown languages’ with close to half million speakers.
However, there is no reliable estimate of the actual number of languages spoken
within the country.
According to the Census 2011, Bhojpuri is the language spoken by divergent
groups of religions, ethnicities and cultures of Nepal, living in low land locally known
as Tarai/Madhesh. There are different caste and creed living in the region such as
Hindus, Muslims and Christians by faith; Baji, Tharu and other indigenous
nationalities by ethnicities that comprise Madheshi and others as social communities.
Native Bhojpuri speakers also live in the wide stretch of the adjacent Indian territories
of western Bihar, eastern Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and other Indian provinces.
Besides, it is also spoken in Mauritius, Fiji, Trinidad, Tobago, Suriname, South Africa

1. However, the researcher observed some discrepancy in between the data of the total population of
Bhojpuri speakers published by CBS, 2012 and assumptions of the speech community itself during the
survey. The Bhojpuri speech community claims their population to be at least 2,000,000.

35
and other different countries worldwide due to indentured labour in the past and
foreign employment contemporarily.
From Bhojpur, a place near Baxar belonging to the district of Bhojpur in the
northern Indian state of Bihar, the language named Bhojpuri and the inhabitants
Bhojpurias are thought to have spread in western Bihar and Eastern Uttar Pradesh along
with some other provinces in India as well as in the adjacent Madheshi territory of
Nepal from Sarlahi in the east till Rupandehi in the west. This Bhojpuri speaking belt
was divided into two countries following the Sugauli Treaty reached between the then
Government of Nepal and the East India Company, ruling in India on behalf of the then
Government of the United Kingdom, in 1816. In reality, the Bhojpurias do not feel any
linguistic and cultural boundary due to unhindered and regular movement among each
other between the two states besides the political partition into two countries.
Grierson (1903:41-2) traces out some 50,000 square miles of area covered by
Bhojpuri within Nepal and India as well as three main varieties of the language – the
standard , the western and Nagpuria – along with Madhesi and Tharu. Tiwari (1954:9-
11/1960:xxiv-vi) traces out some 43,000 square miles of area covered by Bhojpuri
within the two countries and five varieties of the language – the northern standard, the
southern standard, the western standard, Nagpuria, and Nepal variety which is the
concern of this study. Map of the common Bhojpuri speech zone within Nepal and
India is presented in Annex II.
The Bhojpuri civilization has commenced from wild lifestyle. It has still been
relied basically upon agriculture. That is why; the Bhojpurias have gathered their
recognition in the field of agriculture and animal farming. They grow food-grains,
fruits, lentils, vegetables, oil-seeds and keep cows, buffaloes, goats and so on.
But majority of Bhojpurias still have no means other than selling labour as a
consequence of medieval feudal economy giving birth to capitalism. Bhojpurias
scattered in Diaspora have reached in different parts of the world due to the same reason
seeking for a sale of their physical labour in global market. Furthermore, Grierson
(1927:151) portrays Bhojpuri speech community as an alert and active nationality with
few scruples and considerable abilities they have spread over Aryan India, each man
ready to carve his fortune out of any opportunity that may present itself.
Madhesh (terrain land) is the granary of Nepal and Bhojpuri area is renowned
there for the highest fertility. Bhojpurias are still there in their ancestral occupation,
agriculture and animal farming.
36
3.1.1 Caste/Ethnic groups
The Hindu caste system still plays a dominant role in the Bhojpuri Society.
Traditionally, it is a common society of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra
castes. The system of untouchability still exists in Bhojpuri society. Consequently, a
major part of the society is living in bitter hardships because of belonging to so-called
lower castes locally known as अछोप /ʌcʰop/ or अछू त /ʌcʰut/ 'untouchable' or दिलत
/dʌlit/ 'down-trodden'.
Generally Brahmins, who are even not rich economically, deserve ultimate
supremacy and enjoy a prestigious life till date. Kshatriya community of Rajputs and
Bhumihars has still been landlords.
Vaishyas also include both, touchable and untouchable castes. But gradual
economic growth in Vaishyas has been removing the problems of untouchability in recent
days, at the same time, those economically weak are facing a kind of social exclusion. For
example: हजाम /ɦʌjɑm/ 'barbar', लोहार /loɦɑr/ 'blacksmith', and माली /mɑli/ 'floriculturist'
are touchable but compelled to stretch their palm before the untouchable wealthy
Vaishyas. These castes are locally known as पउनी /pʌuni/ 'castes living on semi-annual

remuneration of grains' and a proverb reveals how the society looks at them, पउनी के

दउनी कइसन ? /pʌuni ke dʌuni kʌisʌn/ 'Paunis should gather no harvest'.

Shudras' life is more deteriorating. They are subject to do all physical labour
but barred from utilizing any products facing untouchability. They build house but
cannot enter after घरपूजा /ɡ̈ʌrpujɑ/ 'a ritual for formal entry of the house owners'.
They dig the well but are not allowed to carry water. One incident is very interesting.
Marriage ceremony of all castes is incomplete until डोम /ɖom/ 'Hindu scavenger'

brings डाला /ɖɑlɑ/ 'a bamboo container to perform wedding rituals' but he is only
provided the food left over by eating in a feast.
This is the root cause why a large number of downtrodden Bhojpurias turned
Muslims following Muslim invasion on the land. Today also, people are adopting
Christianity high in number.
Bhojpuri society includes Hindus and Muslims on religious ground, Tharu and
Baji (a name given by Tharu for non-Tharu people) on communal ground. Besides, the
religious and communal tolerance is integral part of the Bhojpuri society in Nepal. Only
the need is to eliminate the inhumane system of untouchability in the Hindu society.

37
Besides, the superstitious practices of witches, magic-spell, ghosts and animal-
sacrifice are also found remnants of the medieval period.
In spite of strength and weaknesses, the Bhojpuri society has also given births to
renowned personalities, e. g., First Indian President Rajendra Prasad, a world famous
philosopher and writer Rahul Sankirtayan, Shakespeare of Bhojpuri playwright
Bhikhari Thakur and great poet of Nepalese Bhojpuri Gopal Ashk and so on.
3.1.2 Religion
Dominantly, Bhojpuri speech community follows Hinduism and Islam.
However, at present, a few of them are following religions other than the two, e. g.,
Christianity, Buddhism, Samanism and so on.
3.1.3 Literacy
Generally literacy in Bhojpuri speech community is still poor. Ehnologue,
2012 has data of literacy rate of the Bhojpuri speech community in the first language
to be 5%–30% and that in the second language to be 50%–75% respectively.
Especially women are deprived of formal education.
3.1.4 Marriage system
As the Bhojpuri speech community is heterogeneous in terms of religion, so is
observed the marriage system. There is tradition of early marriage among both the
Hindus and Muslims, but it is rapidly receding recently. In both the religious
communities of the Bhojpuri native speakers, there is arranged marriage system still
continuing in practice. Priests are required in both the communities. Moreover, the
marriage is arranged by the parents of both the bride and the bridegroom. Previously
they were not allowed to see each other before marriage, but such practice is now
being discouraged. Besides, the practice of the second wedding ceremony, locally
known as ि रागमन /dwirɑɡʌmʌn/ or गौना /ɡɔnɑ/ or दोङा /doŋɑ/ among Hindus, is also
being wiped out. These days, the practice of love marriage and court marriage is also
gathering momentum in slow motion.
3.1.5 Occupation
Primarily Bhojpuri community is entirely involved in agriculture. Most of
them are farmers and cattle herders. So, they have their own agro-economy following
self-reliant living system by tradition. Consequently, they are either farmers or petty-
farmers or peasants or shepherds. Besides, they are also engaged in business,
household works, government and public services and so on these days.

38
3.1.6 Demography and distribution
Bhojpuri is a multi-ethnic language spoken by the different ethnic groups of
people. Being a multi-ethnic language, it is spoken in far and wide regions of Nepal as
well as in India both as mother tongue as well as a second language by heterogeneous
groups of people irrespective of caste and creed. It is spoken in Central Madhesh-
Terai in Nepal as well as in the adjacent neighbouring territories of Western Bihar and
Eastern Uttar Pradesh in India aboriginally. This language is said to have been written
in Kaithi script in the past but now it is written in the Devnagari script. As the district-
wise demography of the native Bhojpuri speakers of 2011 census depicts a clear
picture of distribution of its demography, Table 3.1 presents the stronghold of
Bhojpuri populace in Nepal.
Table 3.1: Stronghold of the Bhojpuri native speakers in Nepal
Districts Population Bhojpurias Percentage
1. Sarlahi 769,729 6,868 0.89%
2. Rautahat 686,722 29,481 4.29%
3. Bara 687,708 495,307 72.02%
4. Parsa 601,017 469,619 78.14%
5. Chitwan 579,984 9,668 1.67%
6. Nawalparasi 643,508 186,840 29.03%
7. Rupandehi 880,196 322,067 36.59%
Total 4,848,864 1,519,850 31.34%
Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, Census Report, 2012
The internal migration of non-Bhojpuri speakers and a shift of the Tharu
population from Bhojpuri into their own ethno-linguistic identity in recent days are
responsible for a very thin population of Bhojpurias in Chitwan, though it has slightly
increased from that of 2001 census. Likewise, the Bhojpuri population has decreased
in Rautahat and Sarlahi as the previous population made a shift from Bhojpuri to
Bajjika recently.
Besides, Bhojpuri migrants are available in all the districts of Nepal except
Jajarkot, Dolpa, Kalikot, Mugu, Humla and Bajura.
Likewise, 95.89% of the Bhojpuria population lives at their native places and
others elsewhere as migrants in Nepalese territories.
Moreover, the latest census of 2011 shows Bhojpuri spoken by 159,379 Nepalese
citizens as the second language in 44 districts of Nepal. It comprises 0.6 percent of the
total population. In this way Bhojpuri is spoken by 1,744,337 Nepalese populace
comprising 6.6 percent of the total population. Though it is the official data of Bhojpuri

39
speakers in Nepal, Bhojpuri speech community looks reluctant to accept it as they
speculate more people speak Bhojpuri in Nepal than those shown in the census report.
Map 3.1 presents the geographical location of the Bhojpuri speech community in Nepal.

Map 3.1: Bhojpuri speaking areas in Nepal2

Bhojpuri Area in Nepal

3.1.7 Linguistic affiliation

Bhojpuri is one of the members of eastern zone in the Indo-Aryan languages. Figure
3.1 presents its linguistic affiliation.
Figure 3.1: Indo-Aryan languages

Central Eastern
Kathoriya Tharu

Gujrati
Marathi
Hariynwi
Urdu
Hindi

Sadri
Kumali
Koche
Oriya
Assamese
Bangla
Magahi
Majhi
Bhojpuri
Angika
Bajjika
Maithili
DagauraTharu

Source: Yadava (2004) and Ethnologue (2012)

2. We would like to acknowledge SIL International for the map used in this study.

40
Figure 3.1 shows that the Bhojpuri language (bho, ISO code) belongs to the
western part of the Eastern Zone of Indo-Aryan group of Indo-Iranian branch of the
Indo-European language family.
Similarly, since the Public Census began in Nepal, the ratio of the Bhojpuria
population has been observed as given in Table 3.2:
Table 3.2: Population of the Bhojpuri speech community in the censuses of Nepal

Year (AD) 1952-54 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011

Total Pop. 4,235,079 9,412,996 11,555,986 15,022,839 18,491,097 11,736,934 26,494,504

Bhojpurias 477,281 577,357 806,480 1,142,805 1,3797,17 1,712,536 159,379

Ratio 5.8% 6.13% 6.98% 7.61% 7.46% 7.53% 6.0%

Source: Central Bureau of Statistics

Studying the rate of population growth in the country, the growth in
population of Bhojpurias from 1952 to 1981 is increasing whereas it has sharply
decreased in 1991. Relatively it has again regained a slight increase in 2001 and a
decline in 2011. The cause behind this might be an issue of study.
3.1.8 Writing system
The earlier records indicate that Bhojpuri was using its own script, Kaithi,
previously (Grierson 1883:18 and 1927:151, and Sharan & Das, 2014). The very
name has come from a traditional clerk caste, Kayastha, who were clerks of the
medieval states using this script. In those days all official records were maintained in
the same script but now it is almost extinct. Now it is written in Devanagari script.
Besides, the other new Indo-Aryan Languages such as Nepali, Hindi, Maithili and
Awadhi even including some Tibeto-Burman languages like Newar are also being
written in Devanagari script these days. Moreover, Pandey (2007) proposed to include
it in ISO/IEC 10646. Consequently, Kaithi script was added to the unicode standard in
October 2009 with the release of version 5.2.
The Devanagari script used in Bhojpuri mainly transcribes the spoken form of
the language into the written one. It is obvious because of the fact that there exists a
close correspondence between the phonemes and their written symbols in the
language unlike in Modern English, where pronunciation and its related spelling are
mostly arbitrary. As pointed by Shukla (1981:62), all the alphabets in this script are
not, however, distinctive and phonemic.

41
Thus, the Bhojpuri language being written in Devanagari script has the
alphabet almost correspondent to the phonemes. Bhojpuri has eight basic vowels and
36 consonants.3 Now their written presentation is as follows:
a) Vowels
(i) Basic vowels
The basic vowels in Bhojpuri in written form both in Kaithi and Devanagari
scripts are as follows:
अ आ इ उ ए ऐ ओ औ

अ आ इ उ ए ऐ ओ औ
ʌ ɑ i u e ɛ o ɔ
(ii) Alphabetic vowels and the corresponding diacritics
Besides these, the Sanskrit tradition of vowel length as well as an extra vowel
ऋ [ri] is also used for tatsamas. Likewise, ऐ /ɛ/ and औ /ɔ/ are also used as diphthongs

अइ /ʌi/ and अउ /ʌu/ respectively. Similarly, ऑ /ɔ/ is also adopted for some English

words transcribed in Bhojpuri as ऑि सजन /ɔksijʌn/ 'oxygen'. Besides, all vowels

except अ /ʌ/ are represented in diacritics in Bhojpuri as its neighbours do. In this way,
the vowels and their corresponding diacritics both in Kaithi and Devanagari scripts
with IPA transliteration are as follows.
अ आ इ ई उ ऊ िर ए ऐ ओ औ

अ आ इ ई उ ऊ ऋ ए ऐ ओ ऑ औ
a i ी ु ू े ै ो ौ

◌ा ि◌ ◌ी ◌ु ◌ू ◌ृ ◌े ◌े ◌ो ◌ॉ ◌ौ
ʌ ɑ i i u u ri e ɛ/ʌi o ɔ ɔ/ʌu
b) Consonants
Regarding consonants in Bhojpuri the retroflex nasal ण /ɳ/ has already been
dropped but it is still being used in some tatsamas. Likewise, palatal and velar voiceless
fricatives श /ʃ/ and ष /ʂ/ respectively have already been dropped in Bhojpuri but they

are still being used for tatsamas as allophonic with alveolar voiceless fricative स /s/. But

ष /ʂ/ is sometimes allophonic with ख /kʰ/, too. The consonants in Kaithi and Devanagari
alphabets used in Bhojpuri with their IPA transliteration are presented as follows:

3. They have been described with details in Chapter 4.

42
क ख ग घ ङ ङ़

क ख ग घ ङ
kʌ kʰʌ ɡʌ ɡ̈ʌ ŋʌ ŋ̊ʌ
च छ ज झ ञ

च छ ज झ ञ
cʌ cʰʌ jʌ ȷ̈ ʌ ɲʌ
ट ठ ड ड़ ढ ढ़ ण

ट ठ ड ड़ ढ ढ़ ण
ʈʌ ʈʰʌ ɖʌ ɽʌ ɖ̈ʌ ɽ̊ ʌ ɳʌ
त थ द ध न ऩ

त थ द ध न ऩ
tʌ tʰʌ dʌ d̤ ʌ nʌ n̥ ʌ
प फ ब भ म म़

प फ ब भ म
pʌ pʰʌ bʌ b̤ ʌ mʌ m̥ ʌ
य र ऱ ल ल़ व श ष स ह

य र ऱ ल व श ष स ह
yʌ rʌ r̥ ʌ lʌ l̥ ʌ wʌ sʌ sʌ/kʰʌ sʌ ɦʌ
c) Other diacritics
The nasalization of all vowels in Bhojpuri is phonemic. In Bhojpuri
nasalization is represented by a diacritic [◌ँ] called cʌndrʌbindu. It is presented with
[˜] in this study. Likewise, all nasals in Bhojpuri are presented by a point on the main
character called ʌnuswɑr or sirbindu [◌ं] if they drop the final vowel [ʌ] with them.
Likewise, all consonants drop their inherent vowel partner in word final, and if
necessary, such case is presented by ɦʌlʌnt [◌्]. There is one more diacritic visʌrɡʌ

[◌ः] for aspiration of the consonant final inherent vowel.

3.2 Language resources and organizations
The resources available in the Bhojpuri language are folktales and folklore,
songs, religious literature and modern literature. The people of the old generations tell
stories about their ancestors, supernatural stories and stories related to the animal

43
kingdom. They have different types of songs for different rites and rituals from birth
ceremony to the funeral ceremony. The modern language transmission resources like
radio, cinema, films and CD/DVD are also available in abundance in the language.
Though Bhojpuri is a sound and strong language in its speech community, it
has little access in education and public administration. The mother tongue education
has entered into the speech community and the Bhojpuri native speakers have started
to develop some materials in their mother tongue. Lohar and Regmi (2013) records
availability of phonemic inventory, grammar, dictionary, textbooks, literacy materials,
newspapers, magazines and abundance of written literature with folklore in Bhojpuri.
Likewise, Bhojpuri Society of Nepal, Bhojpuri Literature and Arts Council of Nepal
based in Birganj and Bhojpuri Development Forum based in Birganj, Bhojpuri
Academy of Nepal, Bhojpuri Students' Society of Nepal and Centre for Study and
Research in Bhojpuri based in Kathmandu are the prominent organizations among
others to promote Bhojpuri culture, language, literature and folklore.
3.3 Language proficiency and multilingualism
3.3.1 Mother tongue proficiency in Bhojpuri
The Bhojpuri speech community is almost monolingual, especially in the rural
areas. But the official vernacular is Nepali and so is the medium of instruction. So, the
newer generation is stepping towards multilingualism, especially among those
educated as well as those living in urban areas. However, they are highly proficient in
mother tongue speaking. Regarding reading and writing, those who are literate all can
read and write Bhojpuri. It shows that there is cent percent proficiency in Bhojpuri
speaking in the speech community. Likewise all of the literate male and female of
them can read and write in their mother tongue.
3.3.2 Bi/multilingualism
No doubt the Bhojpuri natives prefer to speak Bhojpuri first. Besides, Bhojpuri
individuals are found bilingual with Hindi, Nepali, Maithili and English (Lohar &
Regmi, 2013). The newer generations are rapidly acquiring proficiency in Nepali as
well as in English. At the same time their close access to movies, religious literature
along with Indian markets, they are retaining their proficiency in Hindi as well.
As already mentioned, most of the Bhojpuri children have learnt Nepali in
schools and colleges; they face maximum difficulties in understanding Nepali when
they first go to school.

44
3.4 Domains of language use
Domains of language evaluate the vitality of the language. Bhojpuri is used in
different common domains of language use such as counting, singing, joking,
bargaining/shopping/marketing, story-telling, discussing/debate, praying, quarrelling,
abusing (scolding/using taboo words), telling stories to children, singing at home, family
gatherings and village meetings. Besides, Lohar (2011) mentions that Bhojpuri has
already been included in the Nepalese education system as a subject in primary section of
basic schools as well as an optional subject in secondary education for class 9-10.
3.5 Language vitality, transmission and maintenance
Bhojpuri community in common is seen to have maintained their language
vitality. The rate of shifting toward Nepali is very low. Even small children of the
community speak their mother tongue. Almost all the Bhojpuri native children speak
mother tongue and almost all the parents speak Bhojpuri with their children.
Similarly, all of the young people in the Bhojpuri speech community use their
mother tongue in their day-to-day communication. It shows that language
transmission in Bhojpuri speech community is satisfactory till now.
Bhojpuri native speakers have positive attitudes towards their language. They
are eager to maintain the transmission and vitality of the language. They like their
children learn/study in mother tongue.
3.6 Language attitude
In general, Bhojpuri speakers have very positive attitudes towards their
language. They feel prestigious to speak their mother tongue even before the other
language speakers, But sometimes they face problem of misunderstanding while
speaking Bhojpuri before other dominant language speakers. Besides, they look
confidant for continuity of their language even in the grandchildren's generation.
3.7 Language development
The Bhojpuri speakers are proud of their linguistic identity to have their own
kinds of custom, language, life-style, way of thinking, belief. They are eager to run
mother tongue schools with formations of curriculum, to safeguard their custom and
costumes, they want to write grammar and compile dictionary of Bhojpuri. Furthermore,
they want to implement Bhojpuri as an official language of Nepal and a vernacular of
education in primary schools seeking help on behalf of the state and the community.

45
3.8 Dialectal variation
The Nepalese Bhojpuri region, geographically, from Jamuni river westward in
Bara up to whole Parsa district is the central Bhojpuri region, Nawalparasi and
Rupandehi western Bhojpuri region, Jamuni eastward in Bara up to Bakeya river in
Rautahat mid eastern Bhojpuri region and Bakeya eastward up to Sarlahi is the
eastern Bhojpuri region (Lohar, 2006).
Similarly, on the basis of community, Lohar (2006) considers the dialect
spoken by Tharu community in Rautahat as Tharu Bhojpuri and on the religious basis,
the dialect of Sheikh community of Muslims in central and western part of Rautahat
as Sheikh dialect of Bhojpuri.
The central Bhojpuri dialect in the entire Bhojpuri speaking area is nearer to
Champarani Bhojpuri in India. It means neither it is influenced by Awadhi nor by
Maithili. The sentences with action verb in present tense end in copula बा /bɑ/, बानी

/bɑni/, ता /tɑ/, तानी /tɑni/ with imperfective marker -अत /-ʌt/ suffixed with the main

verb, as shown with खा- /kʰɑ-/ 'eat' in (1a-e):

(1) a. उहाँका आम खात बानी/खातानी ।

uɦɑ̃kɑ ɑm
uɦɑ̃-kɑ ɑm
3SG.H-SPEC mango
'He is eating a mango.' (Honorific)
b. हम आम खात बानी/खातानी ।
ɦʌm ɑm
ɦʌm ɑm
1SG.NOM mango
'I am eating a mongo.'
c. रउआ आम खात बानी/खातानी ।
rʌuɑ ɑm kʰɑt bɑni kʰɑtɑni
rʌuɑ ɑm kʰɑ-ʌt bɑni kʰɑ-ʌt bɑni
2SG.NOM.H mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'You are eating a mango.' (Honorific)
d. ऊ आम खात बा/खाता ।
u ɑm kʰɑt bɑ kʰɑtɑ

46
u ɑm kʰɑ-ʌt bɑ kʰɑ-ʌt bɑ
3SG.NOM mango eat-IMPF be.3SG.PRES eat-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'He is eating a mango.'
e. तू आम खात बाड़ऽ/खाताड़ऽ ।
tu ɑm kʰɑt bɑɽʌ
tu ɑm kʰɑ-ʌt bɑɽʌ
2SG.NOM.MH mango eat-IMPF be.2SG.PRES.MH
kʰɑtɑɽʌ
kʰɑ -ʌt bɑɽʌ
eat -IMPF be.2SG.PRES.MH
'You are eating a mango.' (Mid-honorific)
Towards east, in the mid-eastern Bhojpuri, the endings in the same situation
are replaced with बाड़ी /bɑɽi/or ताड़ी /tɑɽi/, बाड़न /bɑɽʌn/, ताड़न /tɑɽʌn/ with imperfect

marker -इत /-it/ suffixed with the main verb, as shown with खा- /kʰɑ-/ 'eat' in (2a-e):

(2) a. ऊ आम खाइत बाड़न/खाइताड़न ।

u ɑm kʰɑit bɑɽʌn
u ɑm kʰɑ-it bɑɽʌn
3SG mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'He is eating a mango.' (Honorific)
b. हम आम खाइत बाड़ी/खाइताड़ी ।
ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑit bɑɽi kʰɑitɑɽi
ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑ-it bɑɽi kʰɑ-it bɑɽi
1SG.NOM mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'I am eating a mongo.'
c. रउआ आम खाइत बाड़ी/खाइताड़ी ।
rʌuɑ ɑm kʰɑit bɑɽi kʰɑitɑɽi
rʌuɑ ɑm kʰɑ-it bɑɽi kʰɑ-it bɑɽi
2SG.NOM.H mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'You are eating a mango.' (Honorific)
d. ऊ आम खाइत बा/खाइता ।
u ɑm kʰɑit bɑ kʰɑitɑ

47
u ɑm kʰɑ-it bɑ kʰɑ-it bɑ
3SG.NOM mango eat-IMPF be.PRES eat-IMPF be.PRES
'He is eating a mango.'
e. तू आम खाइत बाड़ऽ/खाइताड़ऽ ।
tu ɑm kʰɑit bɑɽʌ
tu ɑm kʰɑ-it bɑɽʌ
2SG.NOM.MH mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.MH
kʰɑitɑɽʌ
kʰɑ-it bɑɽʌ
eat-IMPF be.PRES.MH
'You are eating a mango.' (Mid-honorific)
Besides, the ending in the same environment is also replaced by even छी /cʰi/
in the dialect, as shown in (3a-c).
(3) a. हम आम खाइत छी/खाइछी ।
ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑit cʰi kʰɑicʰi
ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑ-it cʰi kʰɑ-it cʰi
1SG.NOM mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'I am eating a mongo.'
b. रउआ आम खाइत छी/खाइछी ।
rʌuɑ ɑm kʰɑit cʰi kʰɑicʰi
rʌuɑ ɑm kʰɑ-it cʰi kʰɑ-it cʰi
2SG.NOM.H mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'You are eating a mango.' (Honorific)
c. तू आम खाइत छऽ/खाइछऽ ।
tu ɑm kʰɑit cʰʌ kʰɑit cʰʌ
tu ɑm kʰɑ-it cʰʌ kʰɑ-it cʰʌ
2SG.NOM.MH mango eat-IMPF be.2.PRES.MH eat-IMPF be.2.PRES.MH
'You are eating a mango.' (Mid-honorific)
When we go more eastward, the use of बाड़ी /bɑɽi/, ताड़ी /tɑɽi/, बाड़ऽ /bɑɽʌ/ or

ताड़ऽ /tɑɽʌ/ is completely overshadowed by छी /cʰi/ and छऽ /cʰʌ/ along with the second

person honorific into आँहाँ /ɑ̃ɦɑ̃/ and consequently, the language turns to be Maithili.

48
Likewise, the western Bhojpuri uses बाटी /bɑʈi/, ताटी /tɑʈi/, बाटऽ /bɑʈʌ/, ताटऽ /tɑʈʌ/,

बाटे /bɑʈe/ or ताटे /tɑʈe/. Besides, हो /ɦo/ is also used in the place in the dialect, as
shown in (4a-e).
(4) a. उहाँका आम खात बाटी/खाताटी ।
uɦɑ̃kɑ ɑm kʰɑt bɑʈi kʰɑtɑʈi
uɦɑ̃-kɑ ɑm kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈi kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈi
3SG.H-SPEC mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'He is eating a mango.' (Honorific)
b. हम आम खात बाटी/खाताटी ।
ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑt bɑʈi kʰɑtɑʈi
ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈi kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈi
1SG.NOM mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'I am eating a mongo.'
c. आप आम खात बाटी/खाताटी ।
ɑp ɑm kʰɑt bɑʈi kʰɑtɑʈi
ɑp ɑm kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈi kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈi
2SG.NOM.H mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'You are eating a mango.' (Honorific)
d. ऊ आम खात बाटे/खाताटे ।
u ɑm kʰɑt bɑʈe kʰɑtɑʈe
u ɑm kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈe kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈe
3SG.NOM mango eat-IMPF be.3SG.PRES eat-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'He is eating a mango.'
e. तू आम खात बाटऽ/खाताटऽ ।
tu ɑm kʰɑt bɑʈʌ
tu ɑm kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈʌ
2SG.NOM.MH mango eat-IMPF be.2SG.PRES.MH
kʰɑtʌʈʌ
kʰɑ-ʌt bɑʈʌ
eat-IMPF be.2SG.PRES.MH
'You are eating a mango.' (Mid-honorific)

49
Hence, बाटे /bɑʈe/ or ताटे /tɑʈe/ is normally retained in central, mid-eastern and
even in eastern dialects of Bhojpuri too. So, the sentence exemplified in (4d) is
accepted in Central Bhojpuri without any change as well as it is also accepted in mid-
eastern and eastern dialects as shown in (5).
(5) ऊ आम खाइत बाटे/खाइताटे ।
u ɑm kʰɑit bɑʈe kʰɑitɑʈe
u ɑm kʰɑ-it bɑʈe kʰɑ-it bɑʈe
3SG.NOM mango eat-IMPF be.3SG.PRES eat-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'He is eating a mango.'
In the Tharu community, the place is slotted by सी /si/, as shown in (6a-b).

(6) a. हम आम खाइत सी/खाइसी ।

ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑit si kʰɑisi
ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑ-it si kʰɑ-it si
1SG.NOM mango eat-IMPF be.PRES.H eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'I am eating a mongo.'
b. तू आम खाइत सऽ/खाइसऽ ।
tu ɑm kʰɑit sʌ
tu ɑm kʰɑ-it sʌ
2SG.NOM.MH mango eat-IMPF be.2SG.PRES.MH
kʰɑisʌ
kʰɑ-it sʌ
eat-IMPF be.2SG.PRES.MH
'You are eating a mango.' (Mid-honorific)
This particular dialect seems to be in rare use of honorificity. They use रउआ

/rʌuɑ/ or अपने /ʌpne/to some extent to address the strangers in place of 'you' in
English. These are the honorific second person pronouns in Bhojpuri. Besides, this
researcher has also experienced the use of िहन /ɦin/ during communication between
Tharus themselves in the slot.
On religious basis, Sheikh Bhojpuri lacks having रउआ /rʌuɑ/ or अपने /ʌpne/तू

 replaces the slot. The honorificity is denoted by -अ /-ʌ/ at the end of the sentences.
Otherwise the sentences are thought to be non-honorific, as shown in (7a-b).
(7) a. तू घरे चलऽ ।

50
tu ɡ̈ʌre cʌlʌ
tu ɡ̈ʌr-e cʌl-ʌ
2SG.NOM home-LOC move-IMP.H
'Please move for home.' (honorific)
b. तू घरे चल ।
tu ɡ̈ʌre cʌl
tu ɡ̈ʌr-e cʌl
2SG.NOM home-LOC move.IMP
'Move for home.' (non-honorific)
Central Bhojpuri does also have the similarity for family members and
neighborhood. Outside, central Bhojpuri has the honorific structure रउआ घरे चल

/rʌuɑ ɡ̈ʌre cʌlĩ/ or अपने घरे चलल जाओ /ʌpne ɡ̈ʌre cʌlʌl jɑo/ for the extract above from
Sheikh Bhojpuri. It is learnt that the lack of honorificity in Sheikh Bhojpuri has
occurred due to marital affairs to happen between old relationships. That is why there
is no necessity of honorificity to maintain formality among relatives.
3.9 Summary
In this chapter we have dealt with some sociolinguistic aspects of Bhojpuri. It
is a New Indo-Aryan language spoken in western part of State No. 2 along with the
bordering districts of State No. 3, 4 and 5 in Nepal and the adjacent neighbouring
territories of India in western Bihar and Eastern Uttar Pradesh though it spreads in
other Indian provinces and in a number of foreign countries. The majority of Bhojpuri
native speakers are Hindus but the number of Muslims, Buddhists, Samanists and
Christians is also meaningful. It has acquired its name from Bhojpur, now a district
and a pair of villages in Bihar. Bhojpurias retain themselves in majority in agriculture
and animal farming but they have also been scattered in Diaspora initially as
indentured labourers and contemporarily in different professions in foreign
employment too. Hindu caste system still exists, though efforts are being made to
abolish untouchability. Ethnologue, 2012 has data of literacy rate of the Bhojpuri
speech community in the first language to be 5%–30% and that in the second
language to be 50%–75% respectively. The early marriage system still remains both
in Hindus and Muslims but rapidly receding because of new legal system.
The resources available in the Bhojpuri language are folk stories and folklore,
songs, religious literature and modern literature. The people of the old generations tell

51
stories about their ancestors, supernatural stories and stories related to the animal
kingdom. They have different types of songs for different rites and rituals from birth
ceremony to the funeral ceremony. Phonemic inventory, grammar, dictionary,
textbooks, literacy materials, newspapers, magazines and abundance of written
literature with folklore are now available in Bhojpuri along with different institutions
to promote Bhojpuri culture, language, literature and folklore.
The Bhojpuri speech community is almost monolingual, especially in the rural
areas. But due to the official vernacular Nepali as the medium of instruction, the
newer generation is stepping towards multilingualism, especially among those
educated as well as those living in urban areas. However, they are highly proficient in
mother tongue speaking.
Bhojpuri is used in different common domains of language use such as
counting, singing, joking, bargaining/shopping/marketing, story-telling,
discussing/debate, praying, quarrelling, abusing (scolding/using taboo words), telling
stories to children, singing at home, family gatherings and village meetings. It has
also been included as a subject in the basic and secondary education in Nepal.
Bhojpuri community in common is seen to have maintained their language
vitality. The rate of shifting toward Nepali is very low.
In general, Bhojpuri speakers have very positive attitudes towards their
language and they look confidant for continuity of their language even in the
grandchildren's generation.
The Bhojpuri speakers are proud of their linguistic identity to have their own
kinds of custom, language, life-style, way of thinking, belief and they want to
implement Bhojpuri as an official language of Nepal and a vernacular of education in
primary schools seeking help on behalf of the state and the community.
The Nepalese Bhojpuri region, geographically, from Jamuni river westward in
Bara up to whole Parsa district is the central, Nawalparasi and Rupandehi western,
Jamuni eastward in Bara up to Bakeya river in Rautahat mid eastern and Bakeya
eastward up to Sarlahi is the eastern Bhojpuri regions. Similarly, on the basis of
community, the dialect spoken by Tharu community in Rautahat is considered as
Tharu Bhojpuri and on the religious basis, the dialect of Sheikh community of
Muslims in central and western part of Rautahat as Sheikh dialect of Bhojpuri.

52
CHAPTER 4
PHONOLOGY
4.0 Outline
This chapter deals with the phonology of Bhojpuri. It consists of 6 sections.
Section 4.1 analyzes consonants. In section 4.2 we present vowels. Section 4.3
presents distinctive features of the Bhojpuri phonemes. Section 4.4 exhibits syllable
structure in the language. Section 4.5 describes phoneme and grapheme interface and
we summarize findings in the chapter in section 4.6.
4.1 Inventory of the consonants
Going through Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996) and Ladefoged (2001)
Bhojpuri has 36 consonant phonemes discussed in this study.1 They can be described
and classified primarily according to their phonation. According to the place of
articulation, the Bhojpuri consonants can be classified into nine categories: 1.
Bilabial, 2. Dental, 3. Alveolar, 4. Apico-alveolar, 5. Alveo-palatal, 6. Retroflex, 7.
Palatal, 8. Velar, and 9. Glottal. Likewise when classified according to their manner
of articulation, they can be grouped into seven categories: 1. Stops, 2. Fricatives, 3.
Affricates, 4. Nasals, 5. Flap, 6. Lateral and 7. Approximants. As in other Indo-Aryan
neighbours voicing and aspiration are contrastive in Bhojpuri. In terms of voicing,
there are two types of consonants: voiceless and voiced; whereas in terms of
aspiration, there are also two types: aspirated and unaspirated. The Bhojpuri

1. Masica (1991:94-104) records five distinctive tongue positions: labial, dental, retroflex, palatal and
velar for the basic Indo-Aryan stops /p, t, ṭ, c, k/ from Sanskrit, quotes Indian phoneticians observing
five nasals [m, n, ɳ, ɲ, ŋ] corresponding to those five oral stops, depicts two laterals /r, l/, one more
retroflex /ṛ/, three fricatives /ʃ, s, h/, two semivowels /y, w/, five voiced counterparts /b, d, ḍ, j, g/ of
the basic stops /p, t, ṭ, c, k/ respectively and aspirate pairs /pʰ, tʰ, ṭʰ, cʰ, kʰ/ and /bʰ, dʰ, ḍʰ, jʰ, gʰ/ of
each of the voiceless and voiced stops respectively in general. Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996:58)
records stops from Hindi as /p, t̪ , ṭ, t̠ ʃ, k/, /pʰ, t̪ ʰ, ṭʰ, t̠ ʃʰ, kʰ/, /b, d̪ , ḍ, d̠ ʒ, ɡ/ and /bʱ, d̪ ʱ, ḍʱ, dʒʱ, ɡʱ/.
Grierson (19883:19) presents 35 consonants for what it says Bihari which Bhojpuri belongs to /k, kh,
ɡ, ɡh, n̆ , ch, chh, j, jh, ń, ṭ, ṭh, ḍ, ṛ, ḍh, ṛh, ṇ, t, th, d, dh, n, p, ph, b, bh, m, y, r, l, w, ś, sh, s, h/.
Likewise, Trammel (1971:128) introduces bi-labial stops /p, p', b, b'/, apico-dental stops /t, t', d, d'/,
retroflex stops /ṭ, ṭ' ḍ, ḍ'/, dorso-velar stops /k, k', g, g'/, alveo-alveolar affricates /č, č', j, j'/, groove /s,
h/, lateral /l/, nasals/m, n, ṇ, ñ, ŋ/, flaps /r, r', ṛ, ṛ'/ and glides /w, y/. Tiwari (1960:9-14) records labial
plosives /p, ph, b, bɦ/, dental stops /t, th, d, dɦ/, retroflex stops /ṭ, ṭh, ḍ, ḍɦ/, velar stops /k, kh, g, gɦ/,
affricates /c͡ ʃ, c͡ ʃh, ɟ͡ʒ, ɟ͡ʒɦ/, nasals /m, mɦ, n, nɦ, ɲ, ŋ, ŋɦ/, laterals /l, lɦ/, rolled /r, rɦ/, flapped /ṛ, ṛɦ/,
fricative /s, h/ and semi-vowels /w, j/. Similarly, Shukla (1981:13) collects bilabial stops /p, pʰ, b, bʰ/,
dental stops /t, tʰ, d, dʰ/, retroflex /T, Tʰ, D, Dʰ/, velar stops /k, kʰ, g, gʰ/, affricates /c, cʰ, j, jʰ/,
fricatives /s, h/, nasals /m, mʰ, n, nʰ, n̰ , n̰ ʰ/, laterals /l, lʰ/, flaps /r, rʰ, R, Rʰ/ and glides /y, w/.
Moreover, Verma (2003:520) sketches Bhojpuri consonants in terms of labial stops /p, ph, b, bh/,
dental stops /t, th, d, dh/, retroflex stops /ṭ, ṭh, ḍ, ḍh/, palatal stops /c, ch, j, jh/ and velar stops /k, kh,
g, gh/, nasals /m, mh, n, nh, ŋ, ŋh/, fricatives /s, h/, flaps /r, rh, ṛ, ṛh/, laterals /l, lh/ and glides /w, y/.

53
consonants can further be classified into voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and
breathy2 ones. Table 4.1 presents inventory of the consonants in Bhojpuri.
Table 4.1: Consonant phonemes in Bhojpuri
Place

Palato-alveolar
Apico-alveolar
Manner

Retroflex
Alveolar
Bilabial

Glottal
Palatal
Dental

Velar
Vl. Unasp. p t ʈ k
Vl. Asp pʰ tʰ ʈʰ kʰ
Stop

Vd. b d ɖ ɡ
Breathy b̤ d̤ ɖ̈ ɡ̈
Fricative Vl. Unasp. s
Vd. ɦ
Vl. Unasp. c
Affricate

Vl. Asp. cʰ
Vd. j
Breathy ȷ̈
Nasal Vd. m n ŋ
Asp. Son. m̥ n̥ ŋ̊
Lateral Vd. l
Asp. Son. l̥
Vd. r ɽ
Flap

Asp. Son. r̥ ɽ̊
Glide Vd. w y
4.1.1 Phonological oppositions in consonants
Stops conventionally include the class of plosives and are further classified
according to manner of articulation such as aspiration, voicing and breathiness in
terms of oppositions as unaspirated vs. aspirated, voiceless vs. voiced and voiced vs.
breathy as follows:

2. Traditionally, the voiceless aspirated and voiced aspirated opposition was in practice. But Ladefoged
(1971:8-12; 2001:123-7), Catford (2001:52) and Ladefoged and Johnson (2011:149-50) have
introduced 'murmur' sounds and explained them as 'breathy voice' in place of voiced aspirated ones, as
used in Hindi, Gujarati, and other Indo-Aryan languages including Bhojpuri.

54
a) Bilabial stops
There are four bilabial stops in Bhojpuri: प /p/, फ /pʰ/, ब /b/, and भ /b̤ /. The

phoneme प /p/ is a voiceless bilabial unaspirated stop whereas फ /pʰ/ is a voiceless

bilabial aspirated stop. Phoneme ब /b/ is a voiced bilabial unaspirated stop whereas भ
/b̤ / is a breathy bilabial stop. Bhojpuri bilabial stops are the same as exhibited in
Maithili (Yadav 1996:21), Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:61), Awadhi (Saksena
1937/1971:24), Hindi (Koul 2008:15) and Nepali (Adhikari 2014:10). They all show
phonological contrast in all positions word-initial, inter-vocalic and word-final, as
shown in (1a-d).
(1) a. Minimal pairs of प /p/ and फ /pʰ/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
पल /pʌl/ 'a moment' दपा /dʌpɑ/ 'sneak (IMP )' कप /kʌp/ 'cup'

फल /pʰʌl/ 'fruit, result' दफा /dʌpʰɑ/ 'clause' कफ /kʌpʰ/ 'cough'

पाँक /pɑ̃k/ 'mud' हापी /ɦɑpi/ 'encroachment' बाप /bɑp/ 'father'

फाँक /pʰɑ̃k/ 'crack' हाफ /ɦɑpʰi/ 'Quran orator' बाफ /bɑpʰ/ 'vapour'

पुल /pul/ 'bridge' गपी /ɡʌpi/ 'talkative' स प /sʌũp/ 'tender (IMP)'

फू ल /pʰul/ 'flower' गफ /ɡʌpʰi/ 'handful' स फ /sʌũpʰ/ 'fennel seed'

b. Minimal pairs of प /p/ and ब /b/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
पल /pʌl/ 'a moment' पपनी /pʌpʌni/ 'eye-lash' जाप /jɑp/ 'prayer'

बल /bʌl/ 'force' पबनी /pʌbʌni/ 'a holy fasting' जाब /jɑb/ 'an animal's mouth cover'

पेर /per/ 'crush (IMP)' तोपा /topɑ/ 'cover' कप /kʌp/ 'a cup'

बेर /ber/ 'time' तोबा /tobɑ/ 'contempt' कब /kʌb/ 'when'

प ी /pʌtti/ 'a blade' खपर /kʰʌpʌr/ 'skull' आप /ɑp/ 'experience(IMP)'

ब ी /bʌtti/ 'burning thread' खबर /kʰʌbʌr/ 'news' आब /ɑb/ 'condition'

c. Minimal paris of ब /b/ and भ /b̤ /

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
बाला /bɑlɑ/ 'bangle' आबा /ɑbɑ/ 'father' लब /lʌb/ 'rude'

भाला /b̤ ɑlɑ/ 'spear' आभा /ɑb̤ ɑ/ 'dream/glow' लभ /lʌb̤ / 'bow'

बाल /bɑl/ 'ear' लबनी /lʌbʌni/ 'earthen pot'

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भाल /b̤ ɑl/ 'bear' लभनी /lʌb̤ ʌni/ 'obeying'

बार /bɑr/ 'obstruct' उबार /ubɑr/ 'relieve'

भार /b̤ ɑr/ 'weight' उभार /ub̤ ɑr/ 'uprise'

बर /bʌr/ 'bridegroom' उबरल /ubʌrʌl/ 'to remain, to recover'

d. Minimal pairs of फ /pʰ/ and भ /b̤ /

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
फर /pʰʌr/ 'fruit' आफार /ɑpʰɑr/ 'uncultivated' लफ /lʌpʰ/ 'palmful'

भर /b̤ ʌr/ 'fill, support' आभार /ɑb̤ ɑr/ 'gratitude' लभ /lʌb̤ / 'bow'

फू ल /pʰul/ 'flower' गोफा /ɡopʰɑ/ 'angry'

भूल /b̤ ul/ 'mistake' गोभा /ɡob̤ ɑ/ 'blossom'

फोर /pʰor/ 'break' सोफा /sopʰɑ/ 'sofa'

भोर /b̤ or/ 'dawn' शोभा /sob̤ ɑ/ 'attraction'

b) Dental stops
There are four dental stops in Bhojpuri: त /t/, थ /tʰ/, द /d/ and ध /d̤ /. The dendal
stops in Bhojpuri are the same as exhibited in Maithili (Yadav 1996:21), Chitoniya
Tharu (Paudyal 2013:61), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:24) and Hindi (Koul
2008:15). But Nepali (Adhikari 2014:10) displays they are apico-dental. The phoneme
त /t/ is a voiceless dental unaspirated stop whereas थ /tʰ/ is a voiceless dental aspirated

stop. The phoneme द /d/ is a voiced dental unaspirated stop whereas ध /d̤ / is a breathy
dental stop. They show phonological contrast in all positions: word-initial, inter-
vocalic and word-final, as shown in (2a-d).
(2) a. Minimal pairs of त /t/ and थ /tʰ/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
तर /tʌr/ 'below, soaked' सुतरी /sutʌri/ 'a jute thread' लात /lɑt/ 'foot'

थर /tʰʌr/ 'cowshed' सुथरी /sutʰʌri/ 'beautiful' लाथ /lɑtʰ/ 'falsification'

तार /tɑr/ 'wire' हाता /ɦɑtɑ/ 'bounary' बात /bɑt/ 'talk'

थार /tʰɑr/ 'a metal plate' हाथा /ɦɑtʰɑ/ 'bunch' बाथ /bɑtʰ/ 'rheumatism'

तोर /tor/ 'your, yours' माता /mɑtɑ/ 'mother' सात /sat/ 'seven'

थोर /tʰor/ 'less' माथा /mɑtʰɑ/ 'forehead' साथ /sɑtʰ/ 'support'

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b. Minimal pairs of त /t/ and द /d/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
तान /tɑn/ 'pitch' माता /mɑtɑ/ 'mother' बात /bɑt/ 'talk'

दान /dɑn/ 'donation' मादा /mɑdɑ/ 'female' बाद /bɑd/ 'later, collapse'

ताई /tɑi/ 'a frying pan' बाती /bɑti/ 'a bamboo plank' लात /lɑt/ 'foot'

दाई /dɑi/ 'grandmother' बादी /bɑdi/ 'a petitioner' लाद /lɑd/ 'abdomen'

ितल /til/ 'sesame' गतर /ɡʌtʌr/ 'organ' बरत /bʌrʌt/ 'burning'

दल /dil/ 'heart' गदर /ɡʌdʌr/ 'a paddy' बरद /bʌrʌd/ 'an ox'

c. Minimal pairs of द /d/ and ध /d̤ /

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
दाम /dɑm/ 'price' नदी /nʌdi/ 'a river' बेद /bed/ 'veda'

धाम /d̤ ɑm/ 'pilgrimage' नधी /nʌd̤ i/ 'fastener' बेध /bed̤ / 'pierce'

दामा /dɑmɑ/ 'asthma' अ दन /ʌdin/ 'bad day' नाद /nɑd/ 'tub'

धामा /d̤ ɑmɑ/ 'container' अधीन /ʌd̤ in/ 'dependent' नाध /nɑd̤ / 'commence'

दान /dɑn/ 'donation' सुदी /sudi/ 'bright fortnight' सूद /sud/ 'interest'

धान /d̤ ɑn/ 'paddy' सुधी /sud̤ i/ 'concern' सूध /sud̤ / 'straight'

d. Minimal pairs of थ /tʰ/ and ध /d̤ /

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
थर /tʰʌr/ 'cowshed' बाथा /bɑtʰɑ/ 'pain' मथ /mʌtʰ/ 'churn'

धर /d̤ ʌr/ 'catch' बाधा /bɑd̤ ɑ/ 'obstacle' मध /mʌd̤ / 'honey, honey bee'

थारी /tʰɑri/ 'a metal plate' बथी /bʌtʰi/ 'pain' साथ /sɑtʰ/ 'company'

धारी /d̤ ɑri/ 'edge, row' बधी /bʌd̤ i/ 'cotton साध /sɑd̤ / 'aim, target'
garland'
थान /tʰɑn/ 'bundle of बाथा /bɑtʰɑ/ 'pain' नाथ /nɑtʰ/ 'master, a rope through
cloth' pierced nose of an animal'
धान /d̤ ɑn/ 'paddy' बाधा /bɑd̤ ɑ/ 'obstacle' नाध /nɑd̤ / 'to yoke an ox'
c) Apico-alveolar stops
There are four apico-alveolar stops in Bhojpuri: ट /ʈ/, ठ /ʈʰ/, ड /ɖ/ and ढ /ɖ̈/.
Maithili (Yadav 1996:21), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:24) and Hindi (Koul 2008:15-
6) exhibit them as retroflex, Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:56) displays they are

57
alveolar and Nepali (Adhikari 2014:10) mentions they are post-alveolar. The
phoneme ट /ʈ/ is a voiceless apico-alveolar unaspirated stop whereas ठ /ʈʰ/ is a voiceless

apico-alveolar aspirated stop. The phoneme ड /ɖ/ is a voiced apico-alveolar unaspirated

stop whereas ढ /ɖ̈/ is a breathy apico-alveolar stop. Among them, ट /ʈ/ and ठ /ʈʰ/ show
phonological contrast in all positions: word-initial, inter-vocalic and word-initial;
whereas ठ /ʈʰ/, ड /ɖ/ and ढ /ɖ̈/ do not show contrast in word-final, as shown in (3a-d).

(3) a. Minimal pairs of ट /ʈ/ and ठ /ʈʰ/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
टाड़ /ʈɑɽ/ 'push' घाटा /ɡ̈ɑʈɑ/ 'loss' काट /kɑʈ/ 'cut'

ठाड़ /ʈʰɑɽ/ 'standing' घाठा /ɡ̈ɑʈʰɑ/ 'habit' काठ /kɑʈʰ/ 'wood'

टन /ʈʌn/ 'noise of a bell' माटा /mɑʈɑ/ 'red ant' पाट /pɑʈ/ 'silk, throne'

ठन /ʈʰʌn/ 'noise of coins' माठा /mɑʈʰɑ/ 'churned curd' पाठ /pɑʈʰ/ 'a lesson'

टनक /ʈʌnki/ 'a bird of prey' पाटा /pɑʈɑ/ 'thigh' साट /sɑʈ/ 'a sign of beating'

ठनक /ʈʰʌnki/ 'hard crust' पाठा /pɑʈʰɑ/ 'wrestler' साठ /sɑʈʰ/ 'sixty'

b. Minimal pairs of ट /ʈ/ and ड /ɖ/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
टहल /ʈʌɦʌl/ 'command' गटी /ɡʌʈi/ 'majority' कोट /koʈ/ 'sensitive'

डहल /ɖʌɦʌl/ 'to burn' गडी /ɡʌɖi/ 'a bundle' कोड /koɖ/ 'code'

टाँड़ /ʈɑ̃ɽ/ 'a bat' हाटा /ɦɑʈɑ/ 'market'

डाँड़ /ɖɑ̃ɽ/ 'waist, fine' हाडा /ɦɑɖɑ/ '

टोला /ʈolɑ/ 'a small village' आटा /ɑʈɑ/ 'slapping'

डोला /ɖolɑ/ 'a planquin' आडा /ɑɖɑ/ 'office'

c. Minimal pairs of ड /ɖ/ and ढ /ɖ̈/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
डोली /ɖoli/ 'a planquin' औडर /ɔɖʌr/ 'order'

ढोली /ɖ̈oli/ 'a pack of औढर /ɔɖ̈ʌr/ 'obstinate'

twenty pieces'
डाला /ɖɑlɑ/ 'a bamboo
container essential for wedding'

58
ढाला /ɖ̈ɑlɑ/ 'jute container'

डोल /ɖol/ 'a small bucket for

pulling water from a well'
ढोल /ɖ̈ol/ 'drum'

d. Minimal pairs of ठ /ʈʰ/ and ढ /ɖ̈/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
ठाठ /ʈʰɑʈʰ/ 'prosperity' ढठड़ /ɖ̈ʌʈʰʌɽ/ 'dry stalks of corn'

ढाठ /ɖ̈ɑʈʰ/ 'a flock' ढढड़ /ɖ̈ʌɖ̈ʌɽ/ 'thick documents'

ठाठा /ʈʰɑʈʰɑ/ 'joke'

ढाठा /ɖ̈ɑʈʰɑ/ 'dry stalks of corn'

ठाड़ /ʈʰɑɽ/ 'standing'

ढाड़ /ɖ̈ɑɽ/ 'pour'

d) Velar stops
There are four velar stops in Bhojpuri: क /k/, ख /kʰ/, ग /ɡ/ and घ /ɡ̈/. The velar
stops in Bhojpuri are the same as exhibited in Maithili (Yadav 1996:22), Chitoniya
Tharu (Paudyal 2013:61), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:24), Hindi (Koul 2008:16)
and Nepali (Adhikari 2014:10).The phoneme क /k/ is a voiceless velar unaspirated stop

whereas ख /kʰ/ is a voiceless velar aspirated stop. The phoneme ग /ɡ/ is a voiced velar

unaspirated stop whereas घ /ɡ̈/ is a breathy velar stop. They show phonological contrast
in both in terms of voicing and aspiration in all positions: word-initial, inter-vocalic and
word-final; as shown in (4a-d).
(4) a. Minimal pairs of क /k/ and ख /kʰ/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
काल /kɑl/ 'time, death' ओकर /okʌr/ 'his, her, hers' रोक /rok/ 'ban'

खाल /kʰɑl/ 'skin' ओखर /okʰʌr/ 'mortar' रोख /rokʰ/ 'front part of a house'

कोइला /koila/ 'coal' सक /sʌki/ 'doubtful' ताक /tɑk/ 'opportunity'

खोइला /kʰoilɑ/ 'stirring' सखी /rekʰi/ 'friend (female)' ताख /tɑkʰ/ 'alcove'

क रा /kira/ 'insect' भूकल /b̤ ukʌl/ 'to bark' पाँक /pɑ̃k/ 'mud'

खीरा /kʰirɑ/ 'cucumber' भूखल /b̤ ukʰʌl/ 'to be hungry' पाँख /pɑ̃kʰ/ 'feather'

59
b. Minimal pairs of क /k/ and ग /ɡ/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
कड़ी /kʌɽi/ 'beam' जाकल /jɑkʌl/ 'to press' नाक /nɑk/ 'nose'

गड़ी /ɡʌɽi/ 'a cart' जागल /jɑɡʌl/ 'to awake' नाग /nɑɡ/ 'cobra'

काजर /kɑjʌr/ 'kajal' नाका /nɑkɑ/ 'entry point' पाक /pɑk/ 'sacred'

गाजर /ɡɑjʌr/ 'carrot' नागा /nɑɡɑ/ 'a hermit' पाग /pɑɡ/ 'turban, syrup'

कोर /kor/ 'edge border' पाकल /pɑkʌl/ 'ripe, to ripen' लोक /lok/ 'world, folk'

गोर /ɡor/ 'white' पागल /pɑɡʌl/ 'mad' लोग /loɡ/ 'people'

c. Minimal pairs of ग /ɡ/ and घ /ɡ̈/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
गर /ɡʌr/ 'neck' बागी /bɑɡi/ 'rebel' बाग /bɑɡ/ 'control, a garden'

घर /ɡ̈ʌr/ 'home' बाघी /bɑɡ̈i/ 'bubo' बाघ /bɑɡ̈/ 'a tiger'

गन /ɡʌn/ 'count (IMP) अगोर /ʌɡor/ 'wait/guard (IMP)'

घन /ɡ̈ʌn/ 'thick/hammer' अघोर /ʌɡ̈or/ 'severe'

गटी /ɡʌʈi/ 'majority'

घटी /ɡ̈ʌʈi/ 'loss'

d. Minimal pairs of ख /kʰ/ and घ /ɡ̈/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
खाटा /kʰɑʈɑ/ 'sour' अखोर /ʌkʰor/ 'useless' मेख /mekʰ/ 'Aries'

घाटा /ɡ̈ɑʈɑ/ 'loss' अघोर /ʌɡ̈or/ 'severe' मेघ /meɡ̈/ 'cloud, rain'

खाँटी /kʰɑ̃ʈi/ 'pure' रे खा /rekʰɑ/ 'line' माख /mɑkʰ/ 'anguish'

घाँटी /ɡ̈ɑ̃ʈi/ 'bell' रे घा /reɡ̈ɑ/ 'lengthen pitch माघ /mɑɡ̈/ 'a month in Hindu
(IMP)' calendar'
खोर /kʰor/ 'core' उखार /ukʰɑr/ 'uproot'

घोर /ɡ̈or/ 'liquidize उघार /uɡ̈ɑr/ 'naked'

(IMP)'
e) Fricatives
There are two fricatives in Bhojpuri: alveolar स /s/ and glottal ह /ɦ/. They are
the same as exhibited in Maithili (Yadav 1996:25), Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal
2013:61), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:24), Hindi (Koul 2008:17) and Nepali

60
(Adhikari 2014:10). But Hindi (Koul 2008:17) exhibits some more fricatives which
are not available in Bhojpuri. Among the two, स /s/ is a voiceless dental fricative

whereas ह /ɦ/ is a voiced glottal one. They show phonological contrast in all
positions: word-initial, inter-vocalic and word-final, as shown in (5).
(5) Minimal pairs of स /s/ and ह /ɦ/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
साल /sɑl/ 'year' रसल /rʌsʌl/ 'to weld' रे स /res/ 'sneaked'

हाल /ɦɑl/ 'condition, moisture in soil' रहल /rʌɦʌl/ 'to be, to live' रे ह /reɦ/ 'dust of soil'

साला /sɑlɑ/ 'wife's brother' गासी /ɡɑsi/ 'complaint' रास /rɑs/ 'control'

हाला /ɦɑlɑ/ 'noise' गाही /ɡɑɦi/ 'a set of five' राह /rɑɦ/ 'way'

सार /sɑr/ 'wife's brother' कसल /kʌsʌl/ 'to tighten, tight' बाँस /bɑ̃s/ 'bamboo'

हार /ɦɑr/ 'a garland, defeat' कहल /kʌɦʌl/ 'to say, to tell' बाँह /bɑ̃ɦ/ 'arm'
f) Affricates
There are four alveo-palatal affricates in Bhojpuri: च /c/, छ /cʰ/, ज /j/ and झ /ȷ̈/.
The affricates in Bhojpuri are exhibited alveolar in Chitotiya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:61)
and Nepali (Adhikari 2014:10) whereas palatal in Maithili (Yadav 1996:22), Awadhi
(Saksena 1937/1971:24) and Hindi (Koul 2008:17). The phoneme च /c/ is a voiceless

alveo-palatal unaspirated affricate whereas छ /cʰ/ is a voiceless alveo-palatal aspirated

affricate. The phoneme ज /j/ is a voiced alveo-palatal unaspirated affricate whereas झ /ȷ̈/
is a breathy alveo-palatal affricate. They show phonological contrast both in terms of
voicing and aspiration in all positions: word-initial, inter-vocalic and word-final; as
shown in (6a-d).
(6) a. Minimal pairs of च /c/ and छ /cʰ/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
चाल /cɑl/ 'speed, habit' काचा /kɑcɑ/ 'a slice' पाच /pɑc/ 'digestible'

छाल /cʰɑl/ 'bark, tide' काछा /kɑcʰɑ/ 'under wear' पाछ /pɑcʰ/ 'back'

चल /cʌl/ 'variable/walk (IMP)' अचल /ʌcʌl/ 'constant' काच /kɑc/ 'cut'

छल /cʰʌl/ 'intrigue' अछल /ʌcʰʌl/ 'be availed' काछ /kɑcʰ/ 'friction-wound'

चोर /cor/ 'thief' पचरा /pʌcʌrɑ/ 'chant' बाच /bɑc/ 'read (IMP)'

छोर /cʰor/ 'end' पछरा /pʌcʰʌrɑ/ 'wrestling' बाछ /bɑcʰ/ 'lessen (IMP)'

61
b. Minimal pairs of of च /c/ and ज /j/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
चाल /cɑl/ 'habit, speed' मचल /mʌcʌl/ 'to break' नाच /nɑc/ 'dance, theatre'

जाल /jɑl/ 'a net' मजल /mʌjʌl/ 'experienced' नाज /nɑj/ 'pride, glory'

चान /cɑn/ 'moon, head' काचल /kɑcʌl/ 'to slice' पाँच /pɑ̃c/ 'five'

जान /jɑn/ 'life' काजल /kɑjʌl/ 'kajal' पाँज /pɑ̃j/ 'disobey'

चाल /cɑl/ 'habit, speed' मचल /mʌcʌl/ 'to break' नाच /nɑc/ 'dance, theatre'

जाल /jɑl/ 'a net' मजल /mʌjʌl/ 'experienced' नाज /nɑj/ 'pride, glory'

c. Minimal pairs of ज /j/ and झ /ȷ̈/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
जोर /jor/ 'a rope' बाजा /bɑjɑ/ 'a musical instrument' माज /mɑj/ 'clean (IMP )'

झोर /ȷ̈or/ 'curry, shake (IMP )' बाझा /bɑȷ̈ɑ/ 'business, obstacle' माझ /mɑȷ̈/ 'middle'

जकड़ /jʌkʌɽ/ 'tighten (IMP)' बाजल /bɑjʌl/ 'to ring' सुज /suj/ 'swell (IMP )'

झकड़ /ȷ̈ʌkʌɽ/ 'storm' बाझल /bɑȷ̈ ʌl/ 'to be lost' सुझ /suȷ̈/ 'behold (IMP )'

जर /jʌr/ 'root/fever' माजा /mɑjɑ/ 'joy' ओज /oj/ 'glow, misery'

झर /ȷ̈ ʌr/ 'placenta' माझा /mɑȷ̈ɑ/ 'sharpener' ओझ /oȷ̈ / 'obstacle'

d. Minimal pairs of छ /cʰ/ and झ /ȷ̈/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
छर /cʰʌr/ 'trick' बाछल /bɑcʰʌl/ 'to select and uproot' पाछ /pɑcʰ/ 'back'

झर /ȷ̈ʌr/ 'placenta' बाझल /bɑȷ̈ʌl/ 'to be trapped, engaged' पाझ /pɑȷ̈/ 'rumination'

छोर /cʰor/ 'end' ओछा /ocʰɑ/ 'short' बाछ /bɑcʰ/ 'select and uproot plants'

झोर /ȷ̈ or/ 'soup' ओझा /ojʰɑ/ 'witch-doctor' बाझ /bɑȷ̈/ 'hawk'

छार /cʰɑr/ 'alkali' माछी /mɑcʰi/ 'fly' रीछ /ricʰ/ 'bear'

झार /ȷ̈ ɑr/ 'plant' माझी /mɑȷ̈ i/ 'boatsman' रीझ /riȷ̈ / 'persuasion'
g) Nasals
There are six nasals in Bhojpuri: bilabial म /m/, alveolar न /n/ and velar ङ /ŋ/
all voiced anaspirated modal sonorants alongwith their aspirate sonorant3 counterparts
/m̥ /, ऩ /n̥ / and /ŋ̊/ respectively. The three nasals म /m/, न /n/ and ङ /ŋ/ are the same
exhibited in Maithili (Yadav 1996:22-3), Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:61), Awadhi

3. All aspirate sonorant consonants in Bhojpuri are discussed in the section 4.1.2 in the chapter.

62
(Saksena 1937/1971:24) and Hindi (Koul 2008:18). But Nepali (Adhikari 2014:10-1)
exhibit न /n/ as apico-dental. Their aspirate sonorant counterparts are displayed

breathy in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:61) as ह /mʰ/, ह /nʰ/ and ह /ŋʰ/ and

Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:24) exhibits only ह /mɦ/ and ह /nɦ/. All the nasals in
Bhojpuri exhibit phonological contrast, in terms of place of articulation and aspirate
sonorants with their close counterparts also, as shown in (7a-f).
(7) a. Minimal pairs of म /m/ and न /n/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
मर /mʌr/ 'die (IMP )' गमल /ɡʌmʌl/ 'to be lost' दाम /dɑm/ 'price'

नर /nʌr/ 'man' गनल /ɡʌnʌl/ 'to count' दान /dɑn/ 'donation'

मार /mɑr/ 'beat/kill (IMP )' जामा /jɑmɑ/ 'shirt' काम /kɑm/ 'work'

नार /nɑr/ 'engage (IMP )' जाना /jɑnɑ/ 'labourer' कान /kɑn/ 'ear'

माल /mɑl/ 'commodity' जामल /jɑmʌl/ 'issue' जाम /jɑm/ 'germinate (IMP )'

नाल /nɑl/ 'barrel' जानल /jɑnʌl/ 'to know' जान /jɑn/ 'life/know (IMP )'

b. Minimal pairs of न /n/ and ङ /ŋ/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
नवे /nʌwe/ 'only nine' रनल /rʌnʌl/ 'to plane' अन /ʌn/ 'food'

ङवे /ŋʌwe/ 'by the side of' रङल /rʌŋʌl/ 'to colour' अङ /ʌŋ/ 'organ'

नौ /nɔ/ 'nine' राना /rɑnɑ/ 'plane' िहन /ɦin/ 'disgraced'

ङौ /ŋɔ/ 'slow and silent' राङा /rɑŋɑ/ 'lead' िहङ /ɦiŋ/ 'asafoetida'

दाना /dɑnɑ/ 'grains, poppy seeds' िलन /lin/ 'lost in pleasure'

दाङा /dɑŋɑ/ 'riot' िलङ /liŋ/ 'penis, gender'

c. Minimal pairs of म /m/ and ङ /ŋ/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
रमल /rʌmʌl/ 'to be amused in' िहम /ɦim/ 'ice'

रङल /rʌŋʌl/ 'to colour' िहङ /ɦiŋ/ 'asafoetida'

दामा /dɑmɑ/ 'asthma' दाम /dɑm/ 'price'

दाङा /dɑŋɑ/ 'riot' दाङ /dɑŋ/ 'a district in Nepal'

अिमआ /ʌmiɑ/ 'sour' सम /sʌm/ 'starting'

63
अिङआ /ʌŋiɑ/ 'blouse' सङ /sʌŋ/ 'friendship'

d. Minimal pairs of म /m/ and /m̥ /

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
खामी /kʰɑmi/ 'fault' जाम /jɑm/ 'germinate'

खा ी /kʰɑm̥ i/ 'pillar' जा /jɑm̥ / 'jam'

जमाई /jʌmɑi/ 'son-inl-law' जम /jʌm/ 'freeze (IMP)'

ज ाई /jʌm̥ ɑi/ 'yawning' ज /jʌm̥ / 'death'

गमार /ɡʌmɑr/ 'rural' थम /tʰʌm/ 'tree'

ग ार /ɡʌm̥ ɑr/ 'a species of wild wood' थ /tʰʌm̥ / 'wait (IMP)'

e. Minimal pairs of न /n/ and ऩ /n̥ /

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
कानल /kɑnʌl/ 'to cry' पेन /pen/ 'bottom'

काऩल /kɑn̥ ʌl/ 'to be yoked' पेऩ /pen̥ / 'put on'

अनार /ʌnɑr/ 'pomegranate' कान /kɑn/ 'ear'

अऩार /ʌn̥ ɑr/ 'dark' काऩ /kɑn̥ / 'shoulder''

िननाइल /ninɑil/ 'to be sleepy' बान /bɑn/ 'habit'

िनऩाइल /nin̥ ɑil/ 'to be cooked' बाऩ /bɑn̥ / 'tie up, barrage

f. Minimal pairs of ङ /ŋ/ and /ŋ̊/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
लाङा /lɑŋɑ/ 'rude' सङ /sʌŋ/ 'friendship'

ला ा /lɑŋ̊ɑ/ 'leapt' स /sʌŋ̊/ 'union'

h) Flaps
There are four flaps in Bhojpuri: alveolar र /r/ and retroflex ड़ /ɽ/, both voiced

and unaspirated modal sonorants with their aspirate sonorant counterparts ऱ /r̥ / and ढ़

/ɽ̊/. Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:24) and Hindi (Koul 2008:18) displays र /r/ and ड़ /ɽ/

as same as in Bhojpuri but their sonorant counterparts are exhibited breathy as ह /rh/

and ह /ɽh/ respectively whereas Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:61) displays only र

/r/ and its breathy counterpart ह /rʰ/. Maithili (Yadav 1996:24) and Nepali (Adhikari

64
2014:11) only display र /r/. They all exhibit phonological contrast, in terms of place
of articulation and aspirate sonorants in Bhojpuri, as shown in (8a-d).
(8) a. Minimal pairs of र /r/ and ऱ /r̥ /
Word- Inter-vocalic Word-final
initial
पारा /pɑrɑ/ 'mercury' गर /ɡʌr/ 'neck'

पाऱा /pɑr̥ ɑ/ 'thickening of clouds' गऱ /ɡʌr̥ / 'create, uproot'

मारा /mɑrɑ/ 'dead' गार /ɡɑr/ 'squeeze'

माऱा /mɑr̥ ɑ/ 'parched rice of a paddy like grain गाऱ /ɡɑr̥ / 'thick
locally known as China' (liquid)'
करी /kʌri/ 'will do' पर /pʌr/ 'lie, a
locative marker'
कऱी /kʌr̥ i/ 'curry, curry of bean's and curd' पऱ /pʌr̥ / 'last year'

b. Minimal pairs of ऱ /r̥ / and ढ़ /ɽ̊

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
अऱै या /ʌr̥ ʌiɑ/ 'master' गाऱ /ɡɑr̥ / 'thick (liquid)'

अढ़ैया /ʌɽ̊ʌiɑ/ 'multiple table of two and a half' गाढ़ /ɡɑɽ̊/ 'difficult'

पऱ /pʌr̥ / 'last year'

पढ़ /pʌɽ̊/ 'read (imp)

c. Minimal pairs of र /r/ and ड़ /ɽ/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
गरल /ɡʌrʌl/ 'to be squeezed and dripped' लर /lʌr/ 'row'

गड़ल /ɡʌɽʌl/ 'to be pricked' लड़ /lʌɽ/ 'fight'

गारल /ɡɑrʌl/ 'to squeeze' गोर /ɡor/ 'bright complexioned'

गाड़ल /ɡɑɽʌl/ 'to bury' गोड़ /ɡoɽ/ 'leg'

गारी /ɡɑri/ 'abuse' मार /mɑr/ 'fight, kill, attack'

गाड़ी /ɡɑɽi/ 'a cart, vehicle' माड़ /mɑɽ/ 'starch'

d. Minimal pairs of ड़ /ɽ/ and ढ़ /ɽ̊/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
पड़ल /pʌɽʌl/ 'to lie down' गड़ /ɡʌɽ/ 'prick'

65
पढ़ल /pʌɽ̊ʌl/ 'to read' गढ़ /ɡʌɽ̊/ 'ceyfort'

ओड़ाई /oɽɑi/ 'defence' ओड़ /oɽ/ 'defend (IMP)'

ओढ़ाई /oɽ̊ɑi/ 'covering' ओढ़ /oɽ̊/ 'cover (IMP)'

ओड़नी /oɽni/ 'a musical instrument' पड़ /pʌɽ/ 'lie down (IMP)'

ओढ़नी /oɽ̊ni/ 'shawl' पढ़ /pʌɽ̊/ 'read (IMP)'

i) Laterals
There are two laterals in Bhojpuri: ल /l/ and /l̥ /. Among them ल /l/ is a

voiced alveolar unaspirated modal lateral and /l̥ / is its aspirate sonorant counterpart.
The former lateral is available as same as in Bhojpuri in Maithili (Yadav 1996:24),
Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:61), Awadhi (Saksena 1937[1971]:24), Hindi (Koul
2008:19) and Nepali (Adhikari 2014:11). But the latter is only available in Awadhi
(Saksena 1937/1971:24) as breathy counterpart of the former one. They exhibit
phonological contrast in Bhojpuri, as shown in (9).
(9) Minimal pairs of ल /l/ and /l̥ /
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
कु ला /kulɑ/ 'gargling' काल /kɑl/ 'time, death'

कु ा /kul̥ ɑ/ 'hip' का /kɑl̥ / 'yesterday

आला /ɑlɑ/ 'stethoscope' मेल /mel/ 'unity, company'

आ ा /ɑl̥ ɑ/ 'a hero in Bhojpuri folklore' मे /mel̥ / 'tread'

चेलवा /celʌwɑ/ 'the disciple'

चे वा /cel̥ ʌwɑ/ 'a fish'

j) Approximants or Glides
There are two approximants of glides in Bhojpuri: व /w/ and य /y/. Both are
exhibited the same in Maithili (Yadav 1996:26), Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:61),
Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:24), Hindi (Koul 2008:19) and Nepali (Adhikari
2014:11). Among them, व /w/ is a voiced bilabial unaspirated glide and य /y/ is a
voiced palatal unaspirated glide. Both exhibit phonological contrast, as shown in (10).
(10) Minimal pairs of व /w/ and य /y/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
मावा /mɑwɑ/ 'puss, moisture in soil' गाव /ɡɑw/ 'sing (IMP)

66
माया /mɑyɑ/ 'love, affection' गाय /ɡɑy/ 'a cow'

खोवा /kʰowɑ/ 'cheeze' चाव /cɑw/ 'interest'

खोया /kʰoyɑ/ 'bark' चाय /cɑy/ 'tea'

दावा /dɑwɑ/ 'foundation, medicine'

दाया /dɑyɑ/ 'pity'

k) Some more phonological contrasts
Though consonants of Bhojpuri have already been presented, some of them
might be phonetic cross-linguistically, so, phonological contrasts between them are
presented below:
(11) a. Minimal pairs of ड /ɖ/ and ड़ /ɽ/
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
गडी /ɡʌɖi/ 'a bundle of paper notes' मूड /muɖ/ 'mood'

गड़ी /ɡʌɽi/ 'a cart, coconut' मूड़ /muɽ/ 'head'

भडाक /b̤ ʌɖɑk/ 'noise of air from anus' गाड /ɡɑɖ/ 'guard'

भड़ाक /b̤ ʌɽɑk/ 'noise of explosion' गाड़ /ɡɑɽ/ 'bury'

सडक /sʌɖʌk/ 'shut up' कोड /koɖ/ 'code'

सड़क /sʌɽʌk/ 'road' कोड़ /koɽ/ 'dig'

b. Minimal pairs of ढ /ɖ̈/ and ढ़ /ɽ̊/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
ढेढर /ɖ̈eɖ̈ʌr/ 'Sclera' गूढ /ɡuɖ̈/ 'mysterious'

ढेढ़र /ɖ̈eɽ̊ʌr/ 'a grass-plant' गूढ़ /ɡuɽ̊/ 'retributive'

गूढी /ɡuɖ̈i/ 'mistery'

गूढ़ी /ɡuɽ̊i/ 'retribution'

औढर /ɔɖ̈ʌr/ 'excessively pleased'

औढ़र /ɔɽ̊ʌr/ 'monopoly'

c. Minimal pairs of र /r/ and ल /l/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
रग /rʌɡ/ 'pride, juice' मरल /mʌrʌl/ 'to die' बेर /ber/ 'time'

लग /lʌɡ/ 'near' मलल /mʌlʌl/ 'massage, clean' बेल /bel/ 'wood-apple'

67
रोग /roɡ/ 'disease' गरल /ɡʌrʌl/ 'to be वीर /bir/ 'gallant, brave
squeezed, poison'
लोग /loɡ/ 'people' गलल /ɡʌlʌl/ 'to decay' िबल /bil/ 'a hole'

राग /rɑɡ/ 'ragas of बोरल /borʌl/ 'to drip into नार /nɑr/ 'the portion in the
oriental music' liquid' hilt of a sickle'
लाग /lɑɡ/ 'relation' बोलल /bolʌl/ 'to speak' नाल /nɑl/ 'a drum'

d. Minimal pairs of ज /j/ and य /y/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
जौन /jɔn/ 'who' आजा /ɑjɑ/ 'grandfather' आज /ɑj/ 'today'

यौन /yɔn/ 'sex' आया /ɑyɑ/ 'a nurse' आय /ɑy/ 'income'

जान /jɑn/ 'life' छाजा /cʰɑjɑ/ 'a cover' माज /mɑj/ 'clean'

यान /yɑn/ 'airplane' छाया /cʰɑyɑ/ 'shadow' माय /mɑy/ 'mother'

माजा /mɑjɑ/ 'enjoyment'

माया /mɑyɑ/ 'love, affection'

e. Minimal pairs of स /s/ and छ /cʰ/

Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word-final
साता /sɑtɑ/ 'a card of seven' बिसआ /bʌsiɑ/ 'stale' िबस /bis/ 'twenty'

छाता /cʰɑtɑ/ 'umbrella' बिछआ /bʌcʰiɑ/ 'the cow- िबछ /bicʰ/ 'select and
calf' collect'
सानल /sɑnʌl/ 'to knead' पोसन /posʌn/ 'farming' रीस /ris/ 'anger'

छानल /cʰɑnʌl/ 'to select, to पोछन /pocʰʌn/ 'sweeping रीछ /ricʰ/ 'bear'
dip fry' cloth'
सेदल /sedʌl/ 'to heat, to bake' आशा /ɑsɑ/ 'hope' कु श /kus/ 'cannabis'

छेदल /cʰedʌl/ 'to pierce' आछा /ɑcʰɑ/ 'good' कु छ /kucʰ/ 'something'

4.1.2 Sonorant consonants
In Bhojpuri, म /m/, न /n/, ङ /ŋ/, ल /l/, र /r/ and ड़ /ɽ/ have their aspirate

sonorant counterparts /m̥ /, ऩ /n̥ /, /ŋ̊/, /l̥ /, ऱ /r̥ / and ढ़ /ɽ̊/ respectively, already
exhibited with phonological contrasts. But they are being treated as breathy phonemes
in its neighbours and also in some Tibeto-Burman languages. They are acoustically
analyzed in this subsection to classify them appropriately.

68
A number of male and female informants of different age and birth-places in
the Bhojpuri speech community were consulted for obtaining samples for this
analysis. Among them samples of three gents and three ladies were chosen in
accordance with avoiding technical errors: Mr. Aphimilal Thakur and Mrs.
Parameshwori Devi Thakur (my parents) above 60, me and my wife Mrs. Gajamotia
Devi both between 50-60, Mr. Anand Kumar Gupta and Miss Jyoti Tiwari both under
40. My mother and wife have been born in Rautahat, My father and I have been born
in Bara and Mr. Anand and Miss Jyoti have been born in Parsa districts. Oscillograms
and spectrograms of their voices through praat are presented and analysed, as follows:

69
Figure 4.1 Acoustic presentations of म /m/ and /m̥ /

खामी /kʰɑmi/ 'fault'—खा ी /kʰɑm̥ i/ 'pillar' जाम /jɑm/ 'germinate'—जा /jɑm̥ / 'jam'
Aphimilal Aphimilal

Gopal Gopal

Anand Anand

Parameshwari Parameshwari

Gajamotia Gajamotia

Jyoti Jyoti

70
Figure 4.2 Acoustic presentations न /n/ and ऩ /n̥ /

कानल /kɑnʌl/ 'to cry'—काऩल /kɑn̥ ʌl/ 'to be कान /kɑn/ 'ear'—काऩ /kɑn̥ / 'shoulder'
yoked'
Aphimilal Aphimilal

Gopal Gopal

Anand Anand

Parameshwari Parameshwari

Gajamotia Gajamotia

Jyoti Jyoti

71
Figure 4.3 Acoustic presentations of ङ /ŋ/ and /ŋ̊/

लाङा /lɑŋɑ/ 'rude'—ला ा /lɑŋ̊ɑ/ 'leapt' सङ /sʌŋ/ 'friendship'—स /sʌŋ̊/ 'union'

Aphimilal Aphimilal

Gopal Gopal

Anand Anand

Parameshwari Parameshwari

Gajamotia Gajamotia

Jyoti Jyoti

72
Figure 4.4 Acoustic presentations of lateral ल /l/ and /l̥ /
कु ला /kulɑ/ 'gargle'—कु ा /kul̥ ɑ/ 'hip' काल /kɑl/ 'death, time'—का /kɑl̥ /
'yesterday'
Aphimilal Aphimilal

Gopal Gopal

Anand Anand

Parameshwari Parameshwari

Gajamotia Gajamotia

Jyoti Jyoti

73
Figure 4.5 Acoustic presentations of र /r/ and ऱ /r̥ /
करी /kʌri/ 'do(fut)—कऱी /kʌr̥ i/ 'curry' गार /ɡɑr/ 'to squeeze'—गाऱ /ɡɑr̥ / 'thick
(liquid)'
Aphimilal Aphimilal

Gopal Gopal

Anand Anand

Parameshwari Parameshwari

Gajamotia Gajamotia

Jyoti Jyoti

74
Figure 4.6 Acoustic presentations of ड़ /ɽ/ and ढ़ /ɽ̊/
पड़ल /pʌɽʌl/ 'to lie'—पढ़ल /pʌɽ̊ʌl/ 'to read' गड़ /ɡʌɽ/ 'to prick'—गढ़ /ɡʌɽ̊/ 'forte'
Aphimilal Aphimilal

Gopal Gopal

Anand Anand

Parameshwari Parameshwari

Gajamotia Gajamotia

Jyoti Jyoti

75
Figures 4.1-4.6 provides the findings as follows:
(a) Sonorant counterparts of म /m/, न /n/, ङ /ŋ/, ल /l/, र /r/ and ड़ /ɽ/ in the word-
final position have caused loss in voicing bars in the offset phase in the
respective spectrograms.
(b) Intensity has also been found dropped while articulating aspirate sonorant
counterparts of म /m/, न /n/, ङ /ŋ/, ल /l/, र /r/ and ड़ /ɽ/.
Besides, comparisons of vowel lengths before the regular consonants and their
sonorant counterparts matter to determine whether the sonorants are breathy or
voiceless. Table 4.2 presents vowel lengths before म /m/, न /n/, ङ /ŋ/, ल /l/, र /r/ and ड़
/ɽ/ along with their sonorant counterparts both in intervocalic and word-final
positions. Similarly the lengths of regular consonants and their sonorant counterparts
also matter to determine whether the sonorants are breathy or voiceless. Table 4.3
presents lengths of regular consonants and their sonorant counterparts.

76
Table 4.2: Vowel length before voiced consonants and their sonorant counterparts
Position Afimi Gopal Anand Parames Gajamoti Jyoti Total Average Words
ɑ before m-intervocalic 0.193519 0.154578 0.13854 0.170864 0.209451 0.229179 1.096131 0.182689 kʰɑmi
ɑ before m̥ -intervocalic 0.147443 0.143021 0.101066 0.141149 0.164898 0.154039 0.851616 0.141936 kʰɑm̥ i
ɑ before m-final 0.38675 0.349805 0.333488 0.282699 0.270903 0.340864 1.964509 0.327418 jɑm
ɑ before m̥ -final 0.19827 0.214586 0.079041 0.156922 0.176676 0.275137 1.100632 0.183439 jɑm̥
ɑ before n-intervocalic 0.234305 0.16706 0.155084 0.182903 0.209288 0.219908 1.168548 0.194758 kɑnʌl
ɑ before n̥ -intervocalic 0.145939 0.123701 0.105885 0.152805 0.172806 0.206479 0.907615 0.151269 kɑn̥ ʌl
ɑ before n-final 0.474382 0.261273 0.353499 0.344431 0.290537 0.409637 2.133759 0.355627 kɑn
ɑ before n̥ -final 0.19974 0.177349 0.127474 0.160028 0.138398 0.25436 1.057349 0.176225 kɑn̥
ʌ before ŋ-intervocalic 0.14329 0.161562 0.158831 0.169784 0.156705 0.174705 0.964877 0.160813 lɑŋɑ
ʌ before ŋ̊-intervocalic 0.117649 0.15476 0.10847 0.132483 0.117529 0.144968 0.775859 0.12931 lɑŋ̊ɑ
ʌ before ŋ-final 0.391237 0.257615 0.132359 0.156632 0.175725 0.238882 1.35245 0.225408 sʌŋ
ʌ before ŋ-final
̊ 0.129776 0.198412 0.084229 0.100862 0.079875 0.222661 0.815815 0.135969 sʌŋ̊
u before l-intervocalic 0.121224 0.122106 0.094147 0.086051 0.106525 0.132766 0.662819 0.11047 kulɑ
u before l̥ -intervoclic 0.093655 0.119588 0.054851 0.071558 0.087555 0.098023 0.52523 0.087538 kul̥ ɑ
ɑ before l-final 0.434745 0.338348 0.341996 0.321311 0.341313 0.362535 2.140248 0.356708 kɑl
ɑ before l̥ -final 0.172723 0.169174 0.135821 0.1522 0.234864 0.21022 1.075002 0.179167 kɑl̥
ʌ before r-intervoclic 0.247879 0.193761 0.181268 0.176668 0.143306 0.233059 1.175941 0.19599 kʌri
ʌ before r̥ -intervocalic 0.104719 0.160176 0.130801 0.134421 0.113409 0.201409 0.844935 0.140823 kʌr̥ i
ɑ before r-final 0.502309 0.379424 0.414553 0.326235 0.313409 0.533821 2.469751 0.411625 ɡɑr
ɑ before r̥ -final 0.22589 0.227353 0.191055 0.21435 0.294973 0.489336 1.642957 0.273826 ɡɑr̥
ʌ before ɽ-intervocalic 0.132677 0.152913 0.09274 0.130401 0.112663 0.234136 0.85553 0.142588 pʌɽʌl
ʌ before ɽ̊-intervocalic 0.074938 0.128456 0.090392 0.113824 0.097641 0.241689 0.74694 0.12449 pʌɽ̊ʌl
ʌ before ɽ-final 0.49589 0.35578 0.296442 0.400233 0.310899 0.34178 2.201024 0.366837 ɡʌɽ
ʌ before ɽ̊-final 0.166305 0.253475 0.187855 0.145155 0.184174 0.329408 1.266372 0.211062 ɡʌɽ̊

77
Table 4.3: Length of voiced consonants and their sonorant counterparts:
Position Afimi Gopal Anand Parames Gajamoti Jyoti Total Average Words
m-intervocalic 0.112886 0.101126 0.112422 0.092861 0.090919 0.129618 0.639832 0.106639 kʰɑmi
m̥ -intervocalic 0.186607 0.106182 0.09993 0.10029 0.125901 0.154039 0.772949 0.128825 kʰɑm̥ i
m-final 0.291286 0.183721 0.125599 0.21442 0.202196 0.178839 1.196061 0.199344 jɑm
m̥ -final 0.249674 0.214586 0.14942 0.213222 0.318017 0.204824 1.349743 0.224957 jɑm̥
n-intervocalic 0.066944 0.113499 0.112302 0.121549 0.124804 0.109115 0.648213 0.108036 kɑnʌl
n̥ -intervocalic 0.111128 0.144105 0.121928 0.118076 0.147845 0.161154 0.804236 0.134039 kɑn̥ ʌl
n-final 0.282587 0.209145 0.155325 0.264947 0.300353 0.205558 1.417915 0.236319 kɑn
n̥ -final 0.216763 0.177349 0.199245 0.224675 0.364153 0.32978 1.511965 0.251994 kɑn̥
ŋ-intervocalic 0.159882 0.127549 0.099431 0.115762 0.182055 0.156119 0.840798 0.140133 lɑŋɑ
ŋ̊-intervocalic 0.138765 0.192174 0.120091 0.156922 0.198186 0.185856 0.991994 0.165332 lɑŋ̊ɑ
ŋ-final 0.363366 0.288017 0.308036 0.393954 0.375413 0.312611 2.041397 0.340233 sʌŋ
̊ŋ-final 0.291306 0.265616 0.237044 0.239695 0.2556 0.300814 1.590075 0.265013 sʌŋ̊
l-intervocalic 0.13872 0.101964 0.095784 0.089674 0.140088 0.112913 0.679143 0.113191 kulɑ
l̥ -intervoclic 0.114975 0.1284 0.094147 0.132247 0.106525 0.136488 0.712782 0.118797 kul̥ ɑ
l-final 0.272597 0.216861 0.134844 0.17968 0.179105 0.193855 1.176942 0.196157 kɑl
l̥ -final 0.289047 0.274766 0.206175 0.234641 0.187737 0.294559 1.486925 0.247821 kɑl̥
r-intervoclic 0.037116 0.041336 0.038107 0.049928 0.080487 0.120846 0.36782 0.061303 kʌri
r̥ -intervocalic 0.1193 0.054253 0.056646 0.103696 0.098155 0.135232 0.567282 0.094547 kʌr̥ i
r-final 0.242238 0.156588 0.139386 0.095397 0.170019 0.086852 0.89048 0.148413 ɡɑr
r̥ -final 0.279391 0.347805 0.19466 0.219061 0.23352 0.328342 1.602779 0.26713 ɡɑr̥
ɽ-intervocalic 0.087223 0.058865 0.05987 0.064095 0.075109 0.048338 0.3935 0.065583 pʌɽʌl
̊ɽ-intervocalic 0.090909 0.083321 0.086871 0.11935 0.13144 0.060422 0.572313 0.095386 pʌɽ̊ʌl
ɽ-final 0.220732 0.132082 0.208487 0.122607 0.20614 0.193315 1.083363 0.180561 ɡʌɽ
ɽ̊-final 0.199566 0.205171 0.188941 0.222665 0.285554 0.242803 1.3447 0.224117 ɡʌɽ̊

78
Table 4.2 shows that vowel length before regular consonant in each case is longer
than that before its sonorant counterpart. Similarly, Table 4.3 shows that length of the regular
consonant is shorter than the respective sonorant counterparts in each case in average.
Findings of the spectrograms lead towards aspirate character of Bhojpuri
sonorants. Likewise facts extracted from Table 4.2 and Table 4.3 lead towards
voicelessness of the aspirate sonorants in Bhojpuri. Phonetically the aspirate sonorant
consonants in Bhojpuri retains voicing in intervocalic position and drop it in the
word-final position such as [m̥ , m̤ ], [n̥ , n̤ ], [l̥ , l̤ ], [r̥ , r̤ ], [ɽ̊ , ɽ̈ ] and [ŋ̊, ŋ̈]. But they do not
have phonemic contrast. So, the aspirate sonorant consonants in Bhojpuri in this study
have been presented as /m̥ /, ऩ /n̥ /, /l̥ /, ऱ /r̥ /, ढ़ /ɽ̊/ and /ŋ̊/.
4.1.3 Distribution of consonants
In sub-section 4.1.1 we tried to outline phonological contrasts of the
consonants in Bhojpuri. Now we present distribution of the consonants in different
positions: word-initial, inter-vocalic, word-final, pre-consonental, post-consonantal
and geminate in this sub-section along with the summary. Table 4.4 provides their
positional distribution.4
Table 4.4 Distribution of consonants in Bhojpuri

Post consonantal
Preconsonantal
Inter-vocalic
Word-initial
Consonants

Word–final

Geminate
(v-v)

(_C)

(C_)
(#-)

(-#)

प /p/ + + + + + +
फ /pʰ/ + + + + + –
ब /b/ + + + + + +
भ /b̤ / + + + + + –
त /t/ + + + + + +
थ /tʰ/ + + + + + –
द /d/ + + + + + +
ध /d̤ / + + + + + –

4. Please see Annex III for detailed examples of positional distribution of the Bhojpuri consonants.

79
ट /ʈ/ + + + + + +
ठ /ʈʰ/ + + + + + –
ड /ɖ/ + + + + + +
ढ /ɖ̥̈/ + + + + + –
क /k/ + + + + + +
ख /kʰ/ + + + + + –
ग /ɡ/ + + + + + +
घ /ɡ̈/ + + + + + –
स /s/ + + + + + +
ह /ɦ/ + + + + + –
च /c/ + + + + + +
छ /cʰ/ + + + + + –
ज /j/ + + + + + +
झ /ȷ̈ / + + + + + –
म /m/ + + + + + +
/m̥ / – + + + – –
न /n/ + + + + + +
ऩ /n̥ / – + + + – –
ङ /ŋ/ + + + + + –
/ŋ̊/ – + + + – –
र /r/ + + + + + +
ऱ /r̥ / – + + + – –
ड़ /ɽ/ – + + + + –
ढ़ /ɽ̊/ – + + + – –
ल /l/ + + + + + +
/l̥ / – + + + – –
व /w/ + + + + + –

य /y/ + + + + + +

80
The following generalizations can be made with regard to the distribution of
the consonants in Bhojpuri as summarized in Table 4.4.
a) All the consonant phonemes occur in the inter-vocalic and word-final position
in Bhojpuri.
b) Except /m̥ /, ऩ /n̥ /, /ŋ̊/, ऱ /r̥ /, ड़ /ɽ/, ढ़ /ɽ̊/ and /l̥ /; all of them occur in the
word-initial position.
c) All aspirated and breathy consonants are absent in gemination because they
cannot be repeated while articulated.
d) All aspirate sonorants are only present in preconsonantal position as they
cannot be articulated in either postconsonantal or geminate position.
e) Voiceless but nonaspirated and voiced consonants are available in all three
positions of clusters.
f) Bilabial glide व /w/ is only available in postconsonantal position while clustering.

g) The palatal glide य /y/ is only absent in preconsonantal position for clustering.
4.2 Vowels
"The basic parameters of most vowel systems are the three scales whose
endpoints are traditionally called high and low, front and back, and rounded and
unrounded" (Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1996:282). They are of two types in Bhojpuri:
oral and nasal. The oral vowels in Bhojpuri are further categorized into
monopththongs, diphthongs and triphthongs. In this section, we first present an
inventory of the oral monophthongs and then we discuss their phonological contrasts
as well as their positional distribution. Then, the nasal monophthongs will be
discussed. Finally, we examine the diphthongs and triphthongs in Bhojpuri.
4.2.1 Inventory of oral monophthongs
There are eight oral monophthongs in Bhojpuri.5 The vowel length is not
contrastive except a contrast between back open आ /ɑ/ and back half-open अ /ʌ/.
Table 4.5 presents quadrilateral of the Bhojpuri oral monophthons.

5. Grierson (1883:21) introduces 10 oral monophthongs for Bhiharí which Bhojpuri belongs to /ɑ, ɑ́, i, í,
u, ú, ě, e, ǒ, o/, Tiwari (1954:71/1960:3) presents 14 Bhojpuri oral vowels /i:, i, e:, e, ɛ, a, ʌ, ɑ, u:, u, o:,
o, ɔ:, ɔ/, Shukla (1981:26-7) displays 11 /i:, i, e:, e, æ, a:, a, o:, o, u:, u/, Trammell (1971:127-8) records
10 /i, ɩ, e, ɛ, æ, ə, a, ɔ, o, u/, Verma (2003:572) and exhibits 6 /i, e, a, ā, o, u/ Bhojpuri oral vowels.

81
Table 4.5: Oral monophthongs in Bhojpuri
Front Mid Back

Close i u Close

Half-close   Half-close

Half-open ɛ Half-open
ʌ ɔ

Open 
Open
Front Mid Back

Table 4.5 shows that there are eight monophthongs in Bhojpuri in terms of
high-low and front-back position of the tongue. Maithili (Yadav 1996:15) exhibits the
same oral monophthongs as Bhojpuri does. Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:52) and
Nepali (Adhikari 2014:5) exhibit six of them except ऐ /ɛ/ and औ /ɔ/. Awadhi (Saksena

1937/1971:25) exhibits eleven oral monophthongs that excludes ऐ /ɛ/ and औ /ɔ/ but

adds ई /i:/, एऽ /e:/, अ /ə/, ओऽ /o:/ and ऊ /u:/. Hindi (Koul 2008:11) exhibits ten oral

monophthongs adding ई /i:/ and ऊ /u:/ with those available in Bhojpuri. The

Bhojpuri oral monophthongs are classified as close front इ /i/, half-close front ए /e/,

half-open front ऐ /ɛ/, open back आ /ɑ/, half open back अ /ʌ/ and औ or ऑ /ɔ/, half-

close back ओ /o/ and close back उ /u/.6

4.2.2 Phonological contrasts in oral monophthongs
The oral monophthongs present the phonological contrast in terms of height
and front-back positions of tongue in Bhojpuri.
a. Height contrasts
We present the contrasts for the vowels in terms of the height of the tongue, as
in (12a-m).
(12) a. इ /i/ vs. ए /e/
Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
इतवार /itwɑr/ 'trust' िबल /bil/ 'a hole' जी /ji/ 'yes, yea'

एतवार/etwɑr/ 'Sunday' बेल /bel/ 'wood-apple' जे /je/ 'the one'

6. The diphthongs /ʌi/ and /ʌu/ are presented by the Devanagari letters ऐ and औ as in some of the Indo-
Aryan languages including Sanskrit and Nepali but Bhojpuri, with its close neighbours Awadhi,
Maithili and Hindi, presents monophthongs /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in Devanagari with the same letters.

82
इतर /itʌr/ 'scent' क रा /kirɑ/ 'insect' एती /eti/ 'this'

एतर /etʌr/ 'this place' के रा /kerɑ/ 'banana' एते /ete/ 'hence, this much'

इित /iti/ 'past' हीरा /ɦirɑ/ 'diamond' पेटी /peʈi/ 'box'

एती /eti/ 'this' हेरा /ɦerɑ/ 'good looking' पेटे /peʈe/ 'at stomach'

b. इ /i/ vs. ऐ /ɛ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
ईश /is/ 'God' बीस /bis/ 'twenty' जी /ji/ 'yes, yea'

ऐस /ɛs/ 'luxury' बैस /bɛs/ 'youth' जै /jɛ/ 'victory'

िगर /ɡir/ 'fall (IMP )' छी /cʰi/ 'how shame!'

गैर /ɡɛr/ 'alien' छै /cʰɛ/ 'decay'

बीर /bir/ 'gallant, brave' ई /i/ 'this'

बैर /bɛr/ 'enmity' ऐ /ɛ/ 'vocative (NH)'

c. इ /i/ vs. आ /ɑ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
इसरा /isrɑ/ 'Goddess Parvati जीन /jin/ 'geanie' जी /ji/ 'yea/live (IMP)'

आसरा /ɑsrɑ/ 'hope' जान /jɑn/ 'life' जा /jɑ/ 'go (IMP.MH)'

इ /i/ 'this' दन /din/ 'day' पी /pi/ 'drink (IMP)'

आ /ɑ/ 'and/come' दान /dɑn/ 'donation' पा /pɑ/ 'get (IMP)'

इिलम /ilim/ 'skill' सील /sil/ 'shame' सी /si/ 'stitch (IMP)'

आिलम /ɑlim/ 'degree of learning' साल /sɑl/ 'year' सा /sɑ/ 'first musical note'

d. ए /e/ vs. ऐ /ɛ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
एन /en/ 'right' बेना /benɑ/ 'fan' जे /je/ 'whatever, whoever'

ऐन /ɛn/ 'act' बैना /bɛnɑ/ 'advance' जै /jɛ/ 'victory'

बेल /bel/ 'wood-apple' से /se/ 'that one, ablative'

बैल /bɛl/ 'ox' सै /sɛ/ 'hundred'

गेर /ɡer/ 'red soil' ले /le/ 'take it (IMP )

गैर /ɡɛr/ 'alien' लै /lɛ/ 'music'

83
e. ए /e/ vs. आ /ɑ/
Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
ए /e/ 'this' बेर /ber/ 'time' से /se/ 'to/from'

आ /ɑ/ 'and/come' बार /bɑr/ 'obstruct (IMP)' सा /sɑ/ 'first musical note'

एन /en/ 'exact' शेर /ser/ 'lion' बारे /bɑre/ 'twelve'

आन /ɑn/ 'alien' सार /sɑr/ 'brother-in-law' बारी /bɑri/ 'garden'

एसो /eso/ 'this year' तेल /tel/ 'oil' गे /ɡe/ 'feminine vocative'

आसो /ɑso/ 'hope too.' ताल /tɑl/ 'musical beat' गा /ɡɑ/ 'sing (IMP)'

f. ऐ /ɛ/ vs. आ /ɑ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
ऐ /ɛ/ 'vocative' मैन /mɛn/ 'variety of horns' सै /sɛ/ 'hundred'

आ /ɑ/ 'and/come' मान /mɑn/ 'prestige' सा /sɑ/ 'first musical note'

ऐन /ɛn/ 'act' सैल /sɛl/ 'luxury' जै /jɛ/ 'glory'

आन /ɑn/ 'alien' साल /sɑl/ 'year' जा /jɑ/ 'go (IMP.MH)'

ऐस /ɛs/ 'luxury' गैर /ɡɛr/ 'alien' है /ɦɛ/ 'vocative'

आस /ɑs/ 'hope' गार /ɡɑr/ 'crush' हा /ɦɑ/ 'exressing joy'

g. उ /u/ vs. ओ /o/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
ऊ /u/ 'that' जुड़ /juɽ/ 'cool' जु /ju/ 'be under yoke'

ओ /o/ 'to that' जोड़ /joɽ/ 'addition' जो /jo/ 'go (IMP)'

ऊल /ul/ 'satire' सुना /sunɑ/ 'lonely' आजु /ɑju/ 'today'

ओल /ol/ 'yam' सोना /sonɑ/ 'gold' आजो /ɑjo/ 'come'

उलार /ulɑr/ 'back-loaded' सुझ /suȷ̈ / 'see' आगु /ɑɡu/ 'front'

ओलार /olɑr/ 'cow-sitting' सोझ /soȷ̈ / 'straight' आगो /ɑɡo/ 'fire too'

h. उ /u/ vs. औ /ɔ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
उझट /uȷ̈ʌʈ/ 'obscene' पुन /pun/ 'virtue' जु /ju/ 'be uner yoke'

औझट /ɔȷ̈ ʌʈ/ 'suddenly' पौन /pɔn/ 'third-fourth' जौ /jɔ/ 'barley'

उतार /utɑr/ 'unload' जुन /jun/ 'right moment' भू /b̤ u/ 'earth'

84
औतार /ɔtɑr/ 'incarnation' जौन /jɔn/ 'who' भौ /b̤ ɔ/ 'world'

उसर /usʌr/ 'shallow' कु शल /kusʌl/ 'living well' सु /su/ 'good'

औसर /ɔsʌr/ 'opportunity' कौशल /kɔsʌl/ 'skill' सौ /sɔ/ 'hundred'

i. उ /u/ vs. अ /ʌ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
उसर /usʌr/ 'shallow' पुत /put/ 'son' आऊ /ɑu/ 'life'

असर /ʌsʌr/ 'effect' पत /pʌt/ 'prestige' आवऽ /ɑwʌ/ 'come (IMP.MH)'

उनार /unɑr/ 'unbend (IMP)' सुत /sut/ 'thread' दू /du/ 'two'

अनार /ʌnɑr/ 'pomegranate' सत /sʌt/ 'truth' द /dʌ/ 'give (IMP.MH)'

उड़ /uɽ/ 'fly (IMP)' पुल /pul/ 'bridge' काटू /kɑʈu/ 'cunning'

अड़ /ʌɽ/ 'defend (IMP)' पल /pʌl/ 'moment' काटऽ /kɑʈʌ/ 'cut (IMP.MH)'

j. ओ /o/ vs. औ /ɔ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
ओर /or/ 'towards, start' कोर /kor/ 'border' हो /ɦo/ 'vocative'

और /ɔr/ 'more, and' कौर /kɔr/ 'morsel' हौ /ɦɔ/ 'halt (IMP )'

ओसर /osʌr/ 'a cow-calf कोरा /korɑ/ 'lap' जो /jo/ 'go (IMP )'
about to impregnate'
औसर /ɔsʌr/ 'opportunity' कौरा /kɔrɑ/ 'a morsel' जौ /jɔ/ 'barley'

ओरा /orɑ/ 'towards' कोड़ा /koɽɑ/ 'whip' सो /so/ 'that'

औरा /ɔrɑ/ 'amla' कौड़ा /kɔɽɑ/ 'big cowry' सौ /sɔ/ 'hundred'

k. ओ /o/ vs. अ /ʌ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
ओसर /osʌr/ 'a cow-calf कोसल /kosʌl/ 'secretly धरो /d̤ ʌro/ 'let him/her
about to impregnate' collected' keep'
असर /ʌsʌr/ 'effect' कसल /kʌsʌl/ 'tight, tighten' धरऽ /d̤ ʌrʌ/ 'keep (IMP )'

ओलग /olʌɡ/ 'that place' खोरहा /kʰorʌɦɑ/ 'mouth and करो /kʌro/ 'let him/her do'
feed disease'
अलग /ʌlʌɡ/ 'separate' खरहा /kʰʌrʌɦɑ/ 'rabbit' करऽ /kʌrʌ/ 'do (IMP )'

ओजान /ojɑn/ 'that place' खोल /kʰol/ 'cover, open (IMP)' देखो /dekʰo/ 'let him/her see'

85
अजान /ʌjɑn/ 'a call for खल /kʰʌl/ 'wicked, mortar' देखऽ /dekʰʌ/ 'look (IMP )'
Muslim prayer'
l. औ /ɔ/ vs. अ /ʌ/
Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
औसर /ɔsʌr/ 'opportunity' कौशल /kɔsʌl/ 'skill' सौ /sɔ/ 'hundre'

असर /ʌsʌr/ 'effect' कसल /kʌsʌl/ 'tight' स /sʌ/ 'plural marker'

औतार /ɔtɑr/ 'incarnation' कौन /kɔn/ 'who' लौ /lɔ/ 'trick'

अतार /ʌtɑr/ 'yam' कन /kʌn/ 'grain-dust' ल /lʌ/ 'take (IMP.MH)'

औगर /ɔɡʌr/ 'augar' सौदा /sɔdɑ/ 'commodity' हौ /ɦɔ/ 'stop'

अगर /ʌɡʌr/ 'if/or' सदा /sʌdɑ/ 'always' ह /ɦʌ/ 'is'

m. अ /ʌ/ vs. आ /ɑ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
अन /ʌn/ 'food grain' कल /kʌl/ 'machine' माजऽ /mɑjʌ/ 'clean (IMP )'

आन /ɑn/ 'alien, pride' काल /kɑl/ 'time, death' माजा /mɑl/ 'enjoyment'

अगम /ʌɡʌm/ 'unknown' हर /ɦʌr/ 'plough' जोतऽ /jotʌ/ 'plough (IMP )'

आगम /ɑɡʌm/ 'incoming' हार /ɦɑr/ 'defeat, necklace' जोता /jotɑ/ 'youke-rope'

अलम /ʌlʌm/ 'habit' फर /pʰʌr/ 'fruit, seed' पोतऽ /potʌ/ 'paint (IMP )'

आलम /ɑlʌm/ 'crowd' फार /pʰɑr/ 'plough share' पोता /potɑ/ 'grandson'
b. Front-back contrasts
We present contrasts for the vowels in terms of height, as in (13).
(13) a. इ /i/ vs. उ /u/
Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
इनार /inɑr/ 'well' कट /kiʈ/ 'fix (IMP )' तारी /tɑri/ 'will sail'

उनार /unɑr/ 'loosen (IMP )' कु ट /kuʈ/ 'hard cover' ता /tɑru/ 'palate'

इसर /isʌr/ 'fertile' िचत /cit/ 'conscience' थारी /tʰɑri/ 'a metal plate'

उसर /usʌr/ 'unfertile' चुत /cut/ 'vagina' था /tʰɑru/ 'an ethnicity'

इथर /itʰʌr/ 'ether' धीर /d̤ ir/ 'patient' पेटी /peʈi/ 'a box'

उथर /utʰʌr/ 'shallow' धुर /d̤ ur/ 'high boundary' पेटु /peʈu/ 'heavy eater'

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b. ए /e/ vs. ओ /o/
Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
एने /ene/ 'here' के रा /kerɑ/ 'banana/ काहे /kɑɦe/ 'why'

ओने /one/ 'there' कोरा /korɑ/ 'lap' काहो /kɑɦo/ 'vocative'

एकर /ekʌr/ 'possessive (close)' चेरी /ceri/ 'a maid-servant' भाते /b̤ ate/ 'only rice'

ओकर /okʌr/ 'possessive (distant) चोरी /cori/ 'theft' भातो /b̤ ato/ 'rice also'

एजान /ejɑn/ 'this place' चेला /celɑ/ 'disciple' खेते /kʰete/ 'in the field'

ओजान /ojɑn/ 'that place' चोला /colɑ/ 'life' खेतो /kʰeto/ 'field also'

c. ऐ /ɛ/ vs. औ /ɔ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
ऐरा /ɛrɑ/ 'alien, stranger' गैर /ɡɛr/ 'alien' जै /jɛ/ 'victory'

औरा /ɔrɑ/ 'myrobalan' गौर /ɡɔr/ 'intense' जौ /jɔ/ 'barley'

पैना /pɛnɑ/ 'a bamboo-stick लै /lɛ/ 'pitch'

for ploughing oxen'
पौना /pɔnɑ/ 'a multiple table लौ /lɔ/ 'tactics'
of three-fourths'
जैन /jɛn/ 'a religion'

जौन /jɔn/ 'the one which'

d. ऐ /ɛ/ vs. अ /ʌ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
ऐस /ɛs/ 'luxury' पैर /pɛr/ 'foot' लै /lɛ/ 'music'

अस /ʌs/ 'like' पर /pʌr/ 'wings' ल /lʌ/ 'take (IMP.MH)'

ऐन /ɛn/ 'act' खैर /kʰɛr/ 'catechu' सै /sɛ/ 'hundred'

अन /ʌn/ 'food' खर /kʰʌr/ 'grass' स /sʌ/ 'plural marker'

गैर /ɡɛr/ 'alien'

गर /ɡʌr/ 'neck'
Going through examples (12a-m) and (13a-d), we conclude that oral
monophthongs in Bhojpuri are present in phonological contrast either on the basis of
heigh-low or front-back positions of the tongue in all environments: word-initial,
interconsonantal and word-final.

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4.2.3 Nasal monophthongs
All oral monophthongs have their nasal counterparts in Bhojpuri: इँ /ĩ/, एँ /ẽ/, ऐँ

/ɛ̃/, आँ /ɑ̃/, अँ /ʌ̃/, औ ँ /ɔ̃/, ओँ /õ/, उँ /ũ/. They are contrastive with their oral counterparts
as well as among themselves on the basis of height and front-back positions of
tongue, as presented below:
a) Oral-nasal contrasts in monophthongs
(14) a. इ /i/ vs. इँ /ĩ/
Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
इतरा /itʌrɑ/ 'be scented' पीक /pik/ 'spittle' दी /di/ 'will give'

इँतरा /ĩtʌrɑ/ 'be proud' पीक्ँ /pĩk/ 'new shoot' दी ँ /dĩ/ 'give (IMP )'

b. ए /e/ vs. एँ /ẽ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
एड़ा /eɽɑ/ 'principal' पेच् /pec/ 'screw' ए /e/ 'O'

एँड़ा /ẽɽɑ/ 'heel' पेँच /pẽc/ 'twist' एँ /ẽ/ 'no'

c. ऐ /ɛ/ vs. ऐँ /ɛ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
ऐस /ɛs/ 'luxury' पै ठआ /pɛʈʰiɑ/ 'infiltrator' ऐ /ɛ/ 'vocative'

ऐँस /ɛ̃s/ ' पै ँ ठआ /pɛ̃ʈʰiɑ/ 'market' ऐँ /ɛ̃/ 'interjection, what!'

d. आ /ɑ/ and आँ /ɑ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
आड़ /ɑɽ/ 'support, bar' पाक /pɑk/ 'pure, sacred' आ /ɑ/ 'come'

आँड़ /ɑ̃ɽ/ 'testicle' पाँक /pɑ̃k/ 'mud' आँ /ɑ̃/ 'weep'

e. अ /ʌ/ and अँ /ʌ/̃

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
अटल /ʌʈʌl/ 'unaffected' चप /cʌp/ 'exact' ह /ɦʌ/ 'is'

अँटल /ʌʈ̃ ʌl/ 'be shared' चँप /cʌ̃p/ 'abundance' हँ /ɦʌ̃/ 'yea'

f. औ /ɔ/ and औ ँ /ɔ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
औसत /ɔsʌt/ 'average' गौत /ɡɔt/ 'fodder' भौ /b̤ ɔ/ 'world'
ँ /ɔ̃sʌt/ 'perishing' गौतँ /ɡɔ̃t/ 'urine of animal' भौ ँ /b̤ ɔ̃/ 'brow'
औसत

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g. ओ /o/ and /õ/
Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
ओहर /oɦʌr/ 'weak' गोितआ /ɡotiɑ/ 'blood relatives' खो /kʰo/ 'eat'

ओँहर /õɦʌr/ 'that place' गोँितआ /ɡõtiɑ/ 'knocking and treading' खोँ /kʰõ/ 'cough'

h. उ /u/ and उँ /ũ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
उटनी /uʈʌni/ 'lizard' कु ड़ा /kuɽɑ/ 'rubbish' उ /u/ 's/he, it'

उँ टनी /ũʈʌni/ 'female camel' कुँ ड़ा /kũɽɑ/ 'cooking pot' उँ /ũ/ 'yea'
Exemplifications in (14a-h) exhibit Bhojpuri oral and nasal monophthongs are
phonemic against each other in all environments: word-initial, inter-consonantal and
word-final.
b) Phonemic contrasts among nasal monophthongs
Bhojpuri nasal monophthongs are contrastive among themselves, as shown in (15).
(15) a. इँ /ĩ/ vs. एँ /ẽ/
Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
इँ /ĩ/ 'teasing expression' बीटँ /bĩʈ/ 'line in feast-eating' ही ँ /ɦĩ/ 'sound of horse'

एँ /ɛ/̃ 'cry' बेँट /bẽʈ/ 'hilt' हेँ /ɦẽ/ 'opposition exp.'

b. इँ /ĩ/ vs. ऐँ /ɛ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
इँऱ /ĩr̥ / 'cook' हच /ɦĩc/ 'over efforts'

ऐऱँ /ɛr̃ ̥ / 'lying uneasily' हैच

ँ /ɦɛ̃c/ 'twist'

c. इँ /ĩ/ vs. आँ /ɑ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
इँटा /ĩʈɑ/ 'brick' ख च /kʰĩc/ 'pull (IMP)'

आँटा /ɑ̃tɑ/ 'flour' खाँच /kʰɑ̃c/ 'fishing container'

d. एँ /ẽ/ vs. ऐँ /ɛ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
पेँड़ा /pẽɽɑ/ 'khoa sweet' तेँ /tẽ/ 'thou'

पैड़ँ ा /pɛ̃ɽɑ/ 'way' तै ँ /tɛ̃/ 'so'

गेँड़ा /ɡẽɽɑ/ 'a piece'

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गैड़ँ ा /ɡɛ̃ɽɑ/ 'rhinoceros'

e. एँ /ẽ/ vs. आँ /ɑ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
एँ /ẽ/ 'sign of opposition' बेँट /bẽʈ/ 'hilt' हेँ /ɦẽ/ 'sound of laughing'

आँ /ɑ̃/ 'open your mouth' बाँट /bɑ̃ʈ/ 'share (IMP)' हाँ /ɦɑ̃/ 'halt (IMP.H)

भेटँ /b̤ ẽʈ/ 'meet'

भाँट /b̤ ɑ̃ʈ/ 'slave poet'

f. ऐँ /ɛ̃/ vs. आँ /ɑ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
ऐँच /ɛ̃c/ 'twist' ँ /pɛ̃c/ 'credit'
पैच

आँच /ɑ̃c/ 'flame' पाँच /pɑ̃c/ 'five'

g. उँ /ũ/ vs. ओँ /õ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
गुँत /ɡũt/ 'urine'

गोँत /ɡõt/ 'crush (IMP)'

खुँट /kʰũʈ/ 'root'

खोँट /kʰõʈ/ 'pluck (IMP)'

ठुँ ठ /ʈʰũʈʰ/ 'topless'

ठोँठ /ʈʰõʈʰ/ 'chin'

h. उँ /ũ/ vs. औ ँ /ɔ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
उँ ट /ũʈ/ 'camel' गुँड़ /ɡũɽ/ 'sugar'

औटँ /ɔʈ/ 'boil (IMP)' गौड़ँ /ɡɔ̃ɽ/ 'unity'

i. उँ /ũ/ vs. अँ /ʌ/̃
Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
उँ ट /ũʈ/ 'camel' खुँढ़ /kʰuɽ̊/ 'hoof'

अँट /ʌʈ̃ / 'last' खँढ़ /kʰʌɽ̊/ 'part'

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j. ओँ /õ/ vs. औ ँ /ɔ̃/
Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
भोँ /bʰõ/ 'horn'

भौ ँ /bʰɔ̃/ 'brow'

k. ओँ /õ/ vs. अँ /ʌ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
भोँड़ /b̤ õɽ/ 'water root'

भँड /b̤ ʌ̃ɽ/ 'pot'

l. औ ँ /ɔ̃/ vs. अँ /ʌ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
औटँ /ɔ̃ʈ/ 'boil (IMP)'

अँट /ʌʈ̃ / 'last (IMP)'

m. अँ /ʌ/̃ vs. आँ /ɑ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal Word-final
अँट /ʌ̃ʈ/ 'last (IMP)' कँ ट /kʌ̃ʈ/ 'misery'

आँट /ɑ̃ʈ/ 'courage' काँट /kɑ̃ʈ/ 'thorn'

n. इँ /ĩ/ vs. उँ /ũ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
इँट /ĩʈ/ 'brick' बट /bĩʈ/ 'row of feast-eaters'

उँ ट /ũʈ/ 'camel' बुँट /bũʈ/ 'gram'

o. एँ /ẽ/ vs. ओँ /õ/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
खेँढ़ी /kʰeɽ̊i/ 'a step of stairs' भेँ /b̤ ẽ/ 'cry of sheep'

खोँढ़ी /kʰõɽ̊i/ 'brich in lips' भोँ /b̤ õ/ 'horn sound'

p. ऐँ /ɛ/̃ vs. औ ँ /ɔ̃/

Word-initial Inter-consonantal word-final
पैड़ँ ा /pɛ̃ɽɑ/ 'way'

पौड़ँ ा /pɔ̃ɽɑ/ 'swimming'

Going through examples (15a-p) we conclude that nasal monophthongs in
Bhojpuri are present in phonological contrast either on the basis of high-low or front-

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back posisions of the tongue in either of the word-initial, interconsonantal and word-
final environments.
A table of vowel sequence has been attached in Annex IV.
4.2.4 Diphthongs and tripthongs
a) Diphthongs
Sometimes, two vowel phonemes occur so close that they seem to be a single one.
Such vowels are known as diphthongs. Bhojpuri diphthongs are presented as following:
(i) Diagonal Diphthongs:
Diagonal diphthongs' movement is i u
ʌ o
throughout the vowel quadrilateral: अइ /ʌi/, अउ /ʌu/

and ओइ /oi/ as shown in अइसन /ʌisʌn/ 'like this', मउसी /mʌusi/ 'aunt (mother's sister)',

ओइसन /oisʌn/ 'like that'.

(ii) Vertical diphthongs
i u
Vertical diphthongs have movements within
e o
their own area in the vowel quadrilateral: एइ /ei/

and ओउ /ou/ as shown in एइजा /eijɑ/ 'here only', ओउजा /oujɑ/ 'there also'.
(iii) Centring diphthongs:
i u
Centring diphthongs have movements
ʌ
towards centre in the vowel quadrilateral: इअ /iʌ/ and

उअ /uʌ/ as shown in दअरी /diʌri/ 'earthen lamp', दुअरी /duʌri/ 'door'.

(iv) Other diphthongs
Bhojpuri has other diphthongs in the directions opposite to what presented in the
quadrilaterals and much more composed in different situations such as इओ /io/, इए /ie/,

उओ /uo/, आइ /ɑi/, आउ /ɑu/, इआ /iɑ/, इउ /iu/, उआ /uɑ/, उइ /ui/, उए /ue/, एआ /eɑ/, एउ

/eu/, एओ /eo/, ओअ /oʌ/, ओए /oe/, ओआ /oɑ/ as shown in किहओ /kʌɦio/ 'any time', िजए

/jie/ 'to live', रउओ /rʌuo/ 'you too (H)', जाई /jɑi/ 'issue, go (FUT), चाउर /cɑur/ 'rice', दआ

/diɑ/ 'lamp', िजऊ /jiu/ 'organism', रउआ /rʌuɑ/ 'you (H), अलुई /ʌlui/ 'potato', रउए /rʌue/

'only you (H), देआ /deɑ/ 'go and give', जनेऊ /jʌneu/ 'sacred thread', देओता /deotɑ/ 'deity',

धोअ /d̤ oʌ/ 'wash (IMP.H)', धोए /d̤ oe/ 'to wash', धोआ /d̤ oɑ/ 'have one wash'.

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b) Triphthongs
Similar to diphthongs, Bhojpuri has some triphthongs, i.e., articulation of three
vowels together and so close that they are difficult to separate from one another: अइआ

/ʌiɑ/, अउआ /ʌuɑ/, अइओ /ʌio/, अउओ /ʌuo/, इआइ /iɑi/ and so on as shown in बइआ /bʌiɑ/

'girl or lady younger than the orator', बउआ /bʌuɑ/ 'boy or man younger than the orator,

गइओ /ɡʌio/ 'the cow too', रउओ /rʌuo/ 'you too (H)', दआई /diɑi/ 'give (FUT).
4.3 Distinctive features
The consonant and vowel phonemes in Bhojpuri exhibit different distinctive
features on the basis of the phonetics of the language on both the acoustic and
articulatory parameters. The value of the distinctive features of consonants and
vowels are presented on binary basis, i.e., presence (+) vs. absence (–).
4.3.1 Distinctive features of the consonants
Chomsky and Halle (1968:298-329) presents different distinctive features of
the phonemes possible in languages of the world. Table 4.6 presents summary of the
distinctive features of the Bhojpuri consonants under this model as follows:
Table 4.6: Distinctive features of the consonants in Bhojpuri

Delayed release
Consonantal

Continuant
Rounded
Sonorant

Aspirate
Anterior
Syllabic

Coronal

Breathy
Strident
Vocalic

Voiced
Lateral
Nasal
Back
High
Low

प p – – – + – + – – – – – – – – – – – –
फ pʰ – – – + – + – – – – – – – – – – + –
ब b – – – + – + – – – – – – – – + – – –
भ b̤ – – – + – + – – – – – – – – + – + +
त t – – – + + + – – – – – – – – – – – –
थ tʰ – – – + + + – – – – – – – – – – + –
द d – – – + + + – – – – – – – – + – – –
ध d̤ – – – + + + – – – – – – – – + – + +
ट ʈ – – – + + – + – – – – – – – – – – –
ठ ʈʰ – – – + + – + – – – – – – – – – + –
ड ɖ – – – + + – + – – – – – – – + – – –
ढ ɖ̈ – – – + + – + – – – – – – – + – + +
क k – – – + – – + – + – – – – – – – – –
ख kʰ – – – + – – + – + – – – – – – – + –
ग ɡ – – – + – – + – + – – – – – + – – –
घ ɡ̈ – – – + – – + – + – – – – – + – + +
93
स s – – – + + + + – + – – – – – – + – –
ह ɦ – – – + – – – + + – – – + – + – + –
च c – – – + + – + – – – – – – + – + – –
छ cʰ – – – + + – + – – – – – – + – + + –
ज j – – – + + – + – – – – – – + + + – –
झ ȷ̈ – – – + + – + – – – – – – + + + + +
म m – + – + – + – – – – + – – – + – – –
m̥ – + – + – + – – – – + – – – – – – –
न n – + – + + – + – – – + – – – + – – –
ऩ n̥ – + – + + – + – – – + – – – – – – –
ङ ŋ – + – + – – + – + – + – – – + – – –
ŋ̊ – + – + – – + – + – + – – – – – – –
ल l – + + + + – + – – – – + – – + – – –
l̥ – + + + + – + – – – – + – – – – – –
र r – + + + + – + – – – – – + – + – – –
ऱ r̥ – + + + + – + – – – – – + – – – – –
ड़ ɽ – + + + + – + – – – – – – – + – – –
ढ़ ɽ̊ – + + + + – + – – – – – – – – – – –
व w – + – – – – + – + + – – + – + – – –
य y – + – – – – + – – – – – + – + – – –
Adapted from Chomsky and Halle (1968:298-329)
4.3.2 Distinctive features of the oral monophthongs
Bhojpuri oral monophthongs present different distinctive features in accordance
with different parameters. Adapting from Chomsky and Halle (1968:303-7), Table 4.7
presents those features.
Table 4.7: Distinctive features of the Bhojpuri oral monophthongs
इ ए ऐ आ अ औ ओ उ
i e ɛ ɑ ʌ ɔ o u
Sonorant + + + + + + + +
Consonantal – – – – – – – –
Vocalic + + + + + + + +
Anterior – – – – – – – –
Coronal – – – – – – – –
High + – – – – – – +
Low – – – + – – – –
Front + + + – – – – –
Back – – – – + + + +

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4.4 Syllable
The main focus of this section is to look at syllable pattern, the syllable weight
and the complex onset in Bhojpuri.
4.4.1 Syllable pattern
Generally the canonical shape of the Bhojpuri syllable could be represented as
(C)(V)(C)(C) (Verma, 2003:520). There may be the mainly six types of syllables in
Bhojpuri, as shown in (16a-f).
(16) a. V as in ई /i/ 'this', इनार /i-nɑr/ 'well', माई /mɑ-i/ 'mother', आरी /ɑ-ri/ 'a saw'

b. VC as in अब /ʌb/ 'now', आस /ɑs/ 'hope', ओस /os/ 'dew', आएम /ɑ-em/

'come.FUT.H'
c. VCC as in अंत [अ त] /ʌnt/ 'end', अ त /ʌst/ 'set', अंक [अ क] /ʌŋk/ 'digit', अंश

[अ स] /ʌns/ 'part'

d. CV as in तू /tu/ 'you', चानी /cɑ-ni/ 'silver', सोना /so-nɑ/ 'gold', कोरो /ko-ro/

'wooden beam', िचनी /ci-ni/ 'sugar'

e. CVC as in तार /tɑr/ 'wire', तीर /tir/ 'arrow', फल /pʰʌl/ 'fruit', पातर /pɑ-tʌr/

'thin', मोट /moʈ/ 'thick'

f. CVCC as in शंख [स ख] /sʌŋkʰ/ 'shell', संत [स त] /sʌnt/ 'saint', छ म /cʰʌmm/

'ghunghru's sound'.
4.4.2 Syllable structure
A Bhojpuri syllable has three components: the syllabic peak, the onset and the
coda. Among them, the syllabic peak occupied by a vowel (V), the onset by a
consonant (C) and the coda by one or two consonants C(C). The syllabic peak can
also be categorized as a simple one consisting of a monophthong and as a complex
consisting of a diphthong. The complex peak has a nucleus and a satellite. The peak
and coda are together known as core of a syllable. Diagram 4.1 shows the syllable
canon in Bhojpuri.

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Diagram 4.1: Bhojpuri syllable
Syllable

(Onset) Core

Peak (Coda)

Simple Complex

Nucleus Satellite

C V V V C(C)
Source: Shukla (1981:31)
a. Simple peak
A simple peak appears with a vowel with or without a coda or by a coda of
consonant clusters, as shown in (17a-b).
(17) a. हमार /ɦʌ-mɑr/ 'my/mine', अँचार /ʌ-̃ cɑr/ 'pickle', दलाल /dʌ-lɑl/ 'broker', कला
/kʌ-lɑ/ 'art'
b. सोचंत [सोच त] /so-cʌnt/ 'sensible', अ कलमंद [अ कलम द] /ʌ-kil-mʌnd/
'intelligent'
b. Complex peak
A complex peak appears with or without a coda, as shown in (18).
(18) पइसा /pʌi-sɑ/ 'money', गइबार /ɡʌi-bɑr/ 'cow-boy', लठइत /lʌ-ʈʰʌit/ 'villain's guard'
4.5 Phoneme-grapheme interface
The correspondence between the topography of Devanagari and Bhojpuri
speech seems to be regular and systematic to a greater extent as observed in Hindi
(Pandey, 2007). It is largely true for 'tadbhava' forms and recent borrowings from
English and other languages. But it is almost inconsistent for the 'tatsama' forms. We
discuss below the main aspects of the phonetic and phonological facts that the
orthography represents.
4.5.1 Phonological facts of representation
Bhojpuri orthography excludes the effects of the phonological processes of
schwa deletion, nasal assimilation (optionally) and consonant gemination, and
represents forms that are to inputs to these processes.

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a. Schwa deletion
Let us consider the data in Table 4.8.
Table 4.8: Shwa deletion in Bhojpuri
Stem Derivation
कलम /kʌlʌm/ 'graft' कलमी /kʌlmi/ grafted

भारत /b̤ ɑrʌt/ 'India' भारती /b̤ ɑrti/ 'a title'

करम /kʌrʌm/ 'work' करमा /kʌrmɑ/ 'a wood species'

जङल /jʌŋʌl/ 'forest' जङली /jʌŋli/ 'wild'

फरक /pʰʌrʌk/ 'difference' फरक /pʰʌrki/ 'corpse carrier'

There are several conditions of schwa deletion in Bhojpuri. Some of them are
occurrence of the schwa in a weak position in the metrical foot, permissible clusters
resulting from the deletion, absence of morphological boundary preceding the syllable
with the deleted schwa, presence of an onset before the schwa, etc. But there is no
clue regarding the deletion of the schwa in it as it is clear from the orthographic
representations of the forms.
b. Nasal assimilation (ʌnuswɑrʌ)
Bhojpuri shares the feature of nasal assimilation along with many other Indo-
Aryan languages, as well as Sanskrit, as shown in table 4.9.
Table 4.9: Nasal assimilation (anuswāra)
कं पा [क पा] kʌmpɑ 'trap'

पंथ [प थ] pʌntʰ 'way, regimen'

ठं ढा [ठ ढा] ʈʰʌnɖ̈ɑ 'cold'

संझा [स झा] sʌnȷ̈ ɑ 'evening song'

संकट [स कट] sʌŋkʌʈ 'trouble'

Table 4.9 shows that Bhojpuri orthography has two ways of representing the
homorganic nasals, one by means of an archiphonemic device of 'anuswāra' marked as
a superscript on the preceding vowel, and the other by representing the nasal as a part
of a conjunct akshara. It is in the 'anuswāra' representation that the homorganic nasals
are not manifested in the orthography.
Besides these, nasal phonemes can occur adjacent to a consonant, articulated
at the heterogenic place, in surface pronunciation. The orthography however assigns a
different akshara to the heterorganic nasal phoneme, e.g., कमती /kʌmti/ 'a little', धनपत

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/dʰʌnpʌt/ 'wealthy', जङली /jʌŋli/ 'wild'. The retroflex and palatal nasals are allophones

of the alveolar nasal न /n/, and as such they do not occur as isolate aksharas.
c. Consonant gemination
Morpheme-internally, consonants are geminated when they precede a
proximant or a glide, i.e., य /y/, र /r/ and व /w/ as presented in Table 4.10.
Table 4.10: Consonant gemination in Bhojpuri
Bhojpuri gloss Input form Output form Gloss
ह या /ɦʌtyɑ/ [ɦʌttyɑ] 'murder'

पिव /pʌbitrʌ/ [pʌbittr] 'sacred'

तव /tʌtwʌ/ [tʌttwʌ] 'element'

Table 4.10 shows that the Bhojpuri orthography represents non-geminated input
forms before proximants and glide but they turn into geminated ones when pronounced.
4.5.2 Historical phonological facts
Bhojpuri orthography also represents facts of historical phonology, as few segments
of the Old Indo-Aryan. The inputs of them are Sanskrit forms altered in Bhojpuri.
a) Voiceless postalveolar श [ʃ] and retroflex fricative ष [ʂ]

Orthography of Devanagari for Bhojpuri retains श [ʃ] and ष [ʂ] but phonology
has dropped them as shown in Table 4.11.
Table 4.11: Voiceless postalveolar and retroflex fricatives श [ʃ] and ष [ʂ]
Bhojpuri gloss Input form Output form Gloss
शंकर [ʃʌŋkʌr] /sʌnkʌr/ 'Lord Shiva'

देश [deʃ] /des/ 'country'

िवशेष [viʃeʂ] /bises/ 'special'

वष [vʌrʂ] /bʌrs/ 'year'

पृ [pɹʂʈʰ] /prisʈʰ/ 'page'

Table 4.11 exhibits that श [ʃ] and ष [ʂ] have been dropped out in phonology

but retained in orthography, so, they have now become allophones of स /s/, i.e.,

श [ʃ]
स /s/
ष [ʂ].

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b) Syllabic approximant ऋ [ɹ]

The segment represented as a full akshara in Devanagari is ऋ [ɹ], and a

diacritic subscript (◌ृ), when it occurs as the second member of a conjunct akshara as
shown in Table 4.12.
Table 4.12: Nonsyllabic र /ri/ in Bhojpuri from syllabic ऋ [ɹ] in Sanskrit
Bhojpuri gloss Input form Output form Gloss
ऋिष [ɹʂi] /risi/ 'sage'

पृ [pɹʂʈʰ] /prisʈʰ/ 'page'

The table exhibits that ऋ [ɹ] is the allophone of र or री /ri/ in Bhojpuri.

c) Palatal and retroflex nasals ञ [ɲ] and ण [ɳ]

The segment represented as full aksharas in Devanagari is ञ [ɲ] and ण [ɳ],

and a diacritic subscript (◌ं), when either of them occurs as the second member of a
conjunct akshara as shown in Table 4.13.
Table 4.13: Palatal and retroflex nasals in Bhojpuri orthography
Bhojpuri gloss Input form Output form Gloss
कं चन [क न] [kʌɲcʌn] /kʌncʌn/ 'gold'

पंजा [प ा] [pʌɲjɑ] /pʌnjɑ/ 'palm'

गणेश [ɡʌɳeʃ] /ɡʌnes/ 'Lord Ganesh'

कृ ण [kɹʂɳ] /krisnʌ/ 'Lord Krishna'

The table exhibits that ञ [ɲ] and ण [ɳ] are the allophones of alveolar न /n/, i.e.,

ञ [ɲ]
न /n/
ण [ɳ].
d) Insertion
Bhojpuri inserts a vowel initially before some of the tatsama words starting
from a consonant clustering with the other one, but the orthographic presentation
remains the same. Table 4.14 presents exemplifications.
Table 4.14: Insertion in tatsama in Bhojpuri
Bhojpuri gloss Input form Output form Gloss
ी /stri/ [istiri] 'woman/wife'

नान /snɑn/ [ʌsnɑn] 'bath'

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मरण /smʌrʌɳ/ [ʌsmʌrʌn] 'recalling'

थायी /sthɑyi/ [ʌsthɑi] 'permanent'

Table 4.14 shows that initial as well as medial insertion of a vowel is Bhojpuri
usage with tatsama words. But such insertion looks either repetition of the first vowel
in the tatsama word as इ /i/ in ी /stri/ [istiri] and अ /ʌ/ in मरण /smʌrʌɳ/ [ʌsmʌrʌn]

or as the shortened counterpart of of such vowel as अ /ʌ/ in नान /snɑn/ [ʌsnɑn] and

थायी /stʰɑi/ [ʌstʰɑi].

Moreover, such insertion also occurs with loanwords. Table 4.15 presents it.
Table 4.15: Vowel insertion in loanwords in Bhojpuri
Bhojpuri gloss Input form Output form Gloss
कू ल /skul/ [iskul] 'school'

ॉक /pʰrɔk/ [pʰʌrɑk] 'frock'

लास /ɡlɑs/ [ɡilɑs] 'glass'

लेट /pleʈ/ [pʌleʈ] 'plate'

The English borrowings in Bhojpuri show that the insertion occurs as fronting
counterpart of उ /u/ in कू ल /skul/ [iskul], shortened counterpart of the falling position

of ऑ /ɔ/ into आ /ɑ/ in ॉक /pʰrɔk/, rising-fronting counterpart of आ /a/ in लास /ɡlɑs/

and falling-back counterpart of ए /e/ in लेट /pleʈ/.

e) Metathesis
Ordering of some congiguous segments is reversed with semantic retention, as
shown in (19a-d).
(19) a. प च
ँ /pʌɦũc/ > च प
ँ /cʌɦũp/ 'reach/access'

b. बतासा /bʌtɑsɑ/ > बसाता /bʌsɑtɑ/ 'a variety of sweets'

c. करोड़ /kʌroɽ/ > कड़ोर /kʌɽor/ 'ten millions'

d. गँ ड़ /ɡʌ̃ruɽ/ > गँड़र /ɡʌ̃ɽur/ 'eagle'

4.5.3 Orthographic and phonological levels
Representation of the various aspects of the phonological facts in orthography is
inconsistent with regard to the level of phonology. However, this situation is not peculiar
in Bhojpuri, but can be found to be true for other orthographies, i.e., Hindi, Nepali as well
as in other languages that have early origin and continuity, such as English.

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4.6 Summary
In this chapter we have dealt with the segmental and suprasegmental features
of the sound system in the Bhojpuri language. In Bhojpuri there are 36 distinctive
consonant sounds.
They can be classified in terms of manner of articulation, place of articulation,
voicing, aspiration and sonorants. According to manner of articulation they can be
classified into seven groups as stops, fricatives, affricates, laterals, nasals, flaps and
glides. In terms of place of articulation they can be categorized into nine groups as
bilabials, dentals, alveolar, apico-alveolar, palato-alveolar, retroflex, palatal, velar and
glottal. We find contrasts among these sounds in terms of voiced vs. voiceless,
aspirated vs. unaspirated, voiced vs. breathy and clear vs. aspirate sonorants. All the
36 consonant phonemes occur in the inter-vocalic position. All the aspirate sonorants
occur either in intervocalic or in word-final or both of intervocalic and word-final
positions but not in the word-initial position. Moreover, म /m/ and ङ /ŋ/; र /r/ and ड़

/ɽ/; व /w/ and य /y/; ड /ɖ/ and ड़ /ɽ/ do not show word-initial contrast. The phonemes फ

/pʰ/ and भ /b̤ /; ड /ɖ/ and ढ /ɖ̈/; ठ /ʈʰ/ and ढ /ɖ̈/; do not show word-final contrast. In
consonant clusters, we do not find gemination of either of the aspirated or breathy
phonemes in Bhojpuri. Likewise, glottal voiced fricative ह /ɦ/ also doesn't occur in
gemination. Similarly the glides do not occur in pre-consonantal, and the aspirate
sonorants do not occur in post-consonantal and gemination in Bhojpuri.
One of the typologically striking features of the Bhojpuri language in terms of
phonology is that it has aspirate sonorants in contrasts of nasals म /m/, न /n/ and ङ /ŋ/,

lateral ल /l/ and flaps र /r/ and ढ /ɖ̈/.

There are four categories of vowels in Bhojpuri: oral vowels, nasal vowels,
diphthongs and triphthongs. Total number of oral vowels is eight with their nasalized
counterparts. Vowel length is not contrastive in Bhojpuri. All the oral monophthongal
vowels occur in all the positions: word-initial, inter-consonantal and final. The
syllable canon in Bhojpuri is (C)(V)(C)(C).
Bhojpuri was previously being written in Kaithi script (Verma 2003:569,
Pandey 2007:1) but now Devanagari is the canonical script of Bhojpuri writing
system. It seems to be regular and systematic to a greater extent, largely true for
'tadbhava' forms and recent borrowings from English and other languages, but almost
inconsistent for the 'tatsama' forms. Schwa deletion, nasal assimilation, consonant
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gemination and vowel insertion are the specific characteristics of Bhojpuri that the
canonical writing system does not exhibit. Similarly, voiceless postalveolar fricative
श [ʃ] and voiceless retroflex fricative ष [ʂ] have now become allophones of the

voiceless alveolar fricative स /s/, syllabic approximant ऋ [ɹ] has been changed into र

/ri/, palatal nasals ञ [ɲ] and retroflex nasal ण [ɳ] have become allophones of the

alveolar nasal न /n/ though they still remain in writing, especially for tatsama words.
Metathiesis is also found a specific characteristic of Bhojpuri.

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CHAPTER 5
MORPHOPHONOLOGY
5.0 Outline
This chapter deals with morphophonological (morphophonemic) processes of
word-formation in Bhojpuri. It consists of 7 sections. Section 5.1 deals with deletion.
Section 5.2 discusses raising. Section 5.3 analyzes assimilation. We discuss
epenthesis in section 5.4. Section 5.5 deals with coalescence. We discuss stress in
section 5.6 and conclude findings in the chapter in section 5.7.
5.1 Deletion
A vowel is deleted to preserve or restore a syllable or word pattern that is
acceptable in Bhojpuri.
5.1.1 Deletion of a vowel
A vowel is deleted from either of the preceding and succeeding segment or
from the both ones.
a) Deletion of final vowel of the preceding segment
During the process of deletion, the final vowel of the preceding segment is
deleted, as shown in (1a-c):
(1) a. पटी /pʌʈi/ ‘ancestral relative’ + दार /dɑr/ ‘owner/donner’ = प दार /pʌʈdɑr/ ‘siblings’

b. गोटा /ɡoʈɑ/ ‘embroid’ + दार /dɑr/ ‘owner’ = गो दार /ɡoʈdɑr/ ‘embroidered (sari)’

c. जोड़ा /joɽɑ/ ‘pair’ + दार /dɑr/ ‘owner’ = जो दार /joɽdɑr/ ‘coleague/strong’

In examples (1a-c), the final vowel इ /i/ is deleted from the preceding segment

पटी /pʌʈi/ in (1a) and the final vowel आ /ɑ/ from the preceding segment गोटा /ɡoʈɑ/ in

(1b) and जोड़ा /joɽɑ/ in (1c) respectively.

b) Deletion of final vowel of the succeeding segment
During deletion, the final vowel of the succeeding segment is deleted, as
shown in (2a-c).
(2) a. धन् /d̤ ʌn/ ‘wealth’ + पित /pʌti/ ‘master’ = धनपत /d̤ ʌnpʌt/ ‘reachman’

b. गन् /ɡʌn/ 'battallion' + पित /pʌti/ ‘master’ = गनपत /ɡʌnpʌt/ ‘Lord Ganesh’

c. मुँह /mũɦ/ ‘mouth’ + खड़ा /kʰʌɽɑ/ ‘vertical’ = मुँहखड़ /mũɦkʰʌɽ/ ‘having mouth
upward (container)’

103
In examples (2a-c), the final vowel इ /i/ is deleted from the succeeding
segment पित /pʌti/ in (2a-b) and the final vowel आ /ɑ/ is deleted from the succeeding
segment खड़ा /kʰʌɽɑ/ in (2c).
c) Deletion of final vowels from both segments
During process of deletion, the final vowels from both the segments,
preceding and succeeding, are deleted, as shown in (3a-c).
(3) a. गदा /ɡʌrdɑ/ ‘dust’ + रोका /rokɑ/ ‘blocker’ = गदरोक /ɡʌrdrok/ ‘dust-proof’
b. लकड़ी /lʌkʌɽi/ ‘wood’ + हारा /ɦɑrɑ/ ‘collecter’ = लक हार /lʌkʌɽɦɑr/ ‘wood-cutter’
c. बकरी /bʌkʌri/ ‘she-goat’ + हारा /ɦɑrɑ/ ‘looker’ = बकहार /bʌkʌrɦɑr/ ‘goat-herder’
In examples (3a-c), the final vowel आ /ɑ/ from both the segments is deleted in

(3a), the final vowels इ /i/ form the preceding and आ /ɑ/ from the succeeding
segments are deleted in (3b-c).
Besides these, vowel deletion also occurs in a lexically controlled
morphophonological process, generally observed in the non-honorific imperative
forms of the verbs जा /jɑ/ 'go' and खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' as Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:82)

exhibits. Hence, the root final आ /ɑ/ is omitted before the imperative marker -ओ /-o/
to the verb root, as shown in (4a-b).
(4) a. जो इहाँ से, कौनो काम नइखे ।
jo iɦɑ̃ se kɔno kɑm nʌikʰe
jɑ-o iɦɑ̃ se kɔno kɑm nʌikʰ-e
go-IMP here source any work be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'Get out from here, there is no job.' (09.400)
b. टाएम हो गइल, बेरह टआ खो ।
ʈɑem ɦo ɡʌil berɦʌʈiɑ kʰo
ʈɑem ɦo jɑ-il berɦʌʈiɑ kʰɑ-o
time be go-3SG.PST refreshment eat-IMP
'Time is appropriate, have your refreshment.'
Examples (4a-b) show that the verb root final -आ /-a/ from जा /jɑ/ 'go' in (4a) as

well as from खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in (4b) is deleted before affixing the imperative marker -ओ /-o/.
5.1.2 Deletion of a consonant
A consonant either in the final position of the preceding or initial position of
the succeeding segment is deleted during assimilation.

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a) Consonant deletion in preceding segment
The final consonant is deleted from the preceding segment, as shown in (5a-c):
(5) a. लोह /loɦ/ 'iron' + सारी /sɑri/ 'working place' = लोसारी /losɑri/ 'iron
workshop'
b. बाप /bɑp/ 'father' + पुत /put/ 'son' = बापुत /bɑput/ 'father and son'
c. बाप /bɑp/ 'father' + मातारी /mɑtɑri/ 'mother' = बामातारी /bɑmɑtɑri/ 'parents'
In examples (5a-c), the final consonant ह /ɦ/ in (5a) and प /p/ in (5b-c) have
been deleted respectively from the preceding segments in the derivatives.
b) Consonant deletion in succeeding segment
The initial consonant is deleted from the succeeding segment, as shown in (6):
(6) a. अङ /ʌŋ/ ‘organ’ + पोछा /pocʰɑ/ ‘cleaner’ = अङोछा /ʌŋocʰɑ/ ‘shawl’
b. गो /ɡo/ ‘cow’ + बास /bɑs/ ‘living’ = गोआस /ɡoɑs/ ‘cowshed’
c. सँखुआ /sʌ̃kʰuɑ/ 'Shorea robusta' + बाट /bɑʈ/ 'way' = सँखुआट /sʌk̃ ʰuɑʈ/ 'the
Shorea robusta forest'
In examples (6a-c), the initial consonants प /p/ in (6a) and ब /b/ in (6b-c) have
been deleted from the succeeding segments in the derivatives.
Besides these, consonant deletion also occurs in a lexically controlled
morphophonological process in Bhojpuri as Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:80-1) exhibits.
The final segment -ख /-kʰ/ of the copular verb होख /ɦokʰ/ 'be' is deleted before
affixing the infinitive and past participle marker -इल /-il/. It occurs with another
morphophonemic alteration of ह /ɦ/ into भ /b̤ / and ओ /o/ into अ /ʌ/. Similarly such
deletion also occurs optionally with the imperfective marker -अत /-ʌt/ and future marker
-एब /-eb/ or -इब /-ib/ or -एम /-em/ affixed with होख /ɦokʰ/ 'be', as shown in (7a-d).
(7) a. ई बात भइल ।
i bɑt b̤ ʌil
i bɑt ɦokʰ-il
this matter become-3SG.PST
'These are the matters.' (02.017)
b. नेटुआ म जमा चार आदमी होत रहे ।
neʈuɑ mẽ jʌmɑ cɑr ɑdmi ɦot rʌɦe
neʈuɑ mẽ jʌmɑ cɑr ɑdmi ɦokʰ-ʌt rʌɦ-e
Netua LOC collection four man be-IMPF live-3.PST

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'Then there used to be four people in Netua.' (03.284)
c. तू कताब पढ़त होइबऽ ।
tu kitɑb pʌɽ̊ʌt ɦoibʌ
tu kitɑb pʌɽ̊-ʌt ɦokʰ-i-bʌ
2SG.NOM book fall-SIM be-FUT-2.FUT.MH
'You will be reading a book.' (13.014)
d. रउआ िबआ उखाड़त होएम ।
rʌuɑ biɑ ukʰɑɽʌt ɦoem
rʌuɑ biɑ ukʰɑɽ-ʌt ɦokʰ-em
2SG.H seedlings uproot-IMPF be-FUT.H
'You will be uprooting seedlings.' (13.012)
In examples (7a-c), the verb root final -ख /-kʰ/ is deleted from the copular verb

होख /ɦokʰ/ 'be' being affixed with -इल /-il/ in (7a), -अत /-ʌt/ in (7b), -इब /-ib/ in (7c) and

-एम /-em/ in (7d).

Likewise, the final segment -र /-r/ of the verb root कर /kʌr/ 'do' and धर /d̤ ʌr/

'put/keep/catch' is deleted before affixing the infinitive and past participle marker -इल

/-il/ and the sequential marker के /ke/, as shown in (8a-d).

(8) a. ओ लोग के मरण कइल जाला ।

o loɡ ke ʌsmʌrʌn kʌil jɑlɑ
o loɡ ke ʌsmʌrʌn kʌr-il jɑ-lɑ
3SG.DIST PL GEN memory do-INF go-3SG.PRES
'They are commemorated.' (07.015)
b. पल म मुऔना धइले बाड़ऽ ?
pʌl mẽ muɔnɑ d̤ ʌile bɑɽʌ
pʌl mẽ muɔnɑ d̤ ʌr-ile bɑɽʌ
pocket LOC killing object put-SEQ be.2.PRES
'Do you have a killing object in your pocket.' (09.524)
c. तिनका रोँओँ त टेँढ़ कके देख ।
tʌnikɑ rõõ tʌ ʈẽɽ̊ kʌke dekʰ
tʌnikɑ rõɑ̃-o tʌ ʈẽɽ̊ kʌr-ke dekʰ
little fur-EMPH COND curved do-SEQ see
'Try to bend even my hair.' (09.558)

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d. ज रत अनुसार पानी ध-धके िनमन से सानेके ।
jʌrurʌt ʌnusɑr pɑni d̤ ʌ d̤ ʌke nimʌn se sɑneke
jʌrurʌt ʌnusɑr pɑni d̤ ʌr d̤ ʌr-ke nimʌn se sɑn-eke
need according to water put put-SEQ good SPEC knead-PUR
'To knead it well, adding water as needed.' (13.159)
In examples (8a-d) the verb root final -र /-r/ has been deleted from the verb कर
/kʌr/ 'do' and धर /d̤ ʌr/ 'put' when they are compounded with infinitive or past
participle marker -इल /-il/ in (8a-b) as well as with the sequential participial marker के
/ke/ in (8c-d) respectively.
c) Syllable deletion
Sometimes, the last syllable of the first segment is deleted, as shown in (9).
(9) a. पहर /pʌɦʌr/ ‘quarter of a day or night’ + राती /rɑti/ ‘night’ = पराती /pʌrɑti/
‘a variety of song sung in the last quarter of night’
b. गोबर /ɡobʌr/ 'dung' + धन /d̤ ʌn/ 'property' = गोधन /ɡod̤ ʌn/ 'property of cattle'
c. चार /cɑr/ 'four' + गुन /ɡun/ 'frequency' = चउगुन /cʌuɡun/ 'four times faster'
5.2 Raising
A vowel in either of the preceding and succeeding or of both the segments is
raised in Bhojpuri.
5.2.1 Vowel raising in preceding segment
During raising, a vowel is raised in the preceding segment as shown in (10a-c):
(10) a. आठ /ɑʈʰ/ ‘eight’ + जाम /jɑm/ ‘a quarter of day or night’ = अ जाम /ʌʈʰjɑm/ ‘a
countinuous prayer chanting for twenty-four hours’
b. पात /pɑt/ ‘leaf’ + झर /ȷ̈ʌr/ ‘fall’ = प झर /pʌtȷ̈ʌr/ = ‘autumn/fall’

c. बाँट /bɑ̃ʈ/ ‘share’ + दार /dɑr/ ‘owner’ = बँ दार /bʌʈ̃ dɑr/ ‘share-holder’

In examples (10a-c), the low back vowel आ /ɑ/ is reaised to its semi-low

counterpart अ /ʌ/ in the preceding segments of all the derivatives. Moreover, अ जाम

/ʌʈʰjɑm/ is a tadbhava from its Sanskrit tatsama अ याम /ʌʂʈʌyam/ semantically the

same. During process of tadbhavization, अ /ʌʂʈʌ/ tends to be आठ /ɑʈʰ/ and याम /yɑm/

tends to be जाम /jɑm/, i.e., the affrication of palatal glide य /y/.

5.2.2 Vowel raising in succeeding segment
During raising, a vowel is raised in the succeeding segment during
assimilation, as shown in (11a-c).

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(11) a. िबख /bikʰ/ 'poison' + झार /ȷ̈ɑr/ 'remove' = िब झर /bikʰȷ̈ʌr/ 'poison remover'

b. िबख /bikʰ/ 'poison' + धार /d̤ ɑr/ 'owner' = िब धर /bikʰd̤ ʌr/ 'poisonous'

c. शंख /sʌŋkʰ/ 'shell' + धार /d̤ ɑr/ 'owner' = शंखधर /sʌŋkʰd̤ ʌr/ 'Lord Vishnu'

In examples (11a-c), the low back vowel आ /ɑ/ in the succeeding segment धार

/d̤ ɑr/ has been raised to its semi-low counterpart अ /ʌ/ in all the derivatives.
5.2.3 Vowel raising in both segments
During raising, a vowel is raised in both the segments, as shown in (12a-c).
(12) a. धान /d̤ ɑn/ 'paddy' + सार /sɑr/ 'store' = ध सर /d̤ ʌnsʌr/ 'paddy godown'

b. राह /rɑɦ/ ‘way’ + बाट /bɑʈ/ ‘way’ = रहबट /rʌɦbʌʈ/ ‘wayout of a village
especially for women’
c. मुदा /murdɑ/ ‘corpse’ + घाटी /ɡ̈ɑʈi/ ‘bank’ = मुदघटी /murdɡ̈ʌʈi/ ‘graveyard’

In examples (12a-c) the medial low back आ /ɑ/ in both the segments has raised

to its semi-low counterpart अ /ʌ/ in all the derivatives.

Moreover, the process of deletion and raising occurs together either in the
preceding or in succeeding or in both the segments, as shown in (13a-c).
(13) a. पानी /pɑni/ 'water' + घाट /ɡ̈ɑʈ/ 'bank' = पनघट /pʌnɡ̈ʌʈ/ 'bank of a river or
pond for water pulling'
b. कान /kɑn/ 'ear' + चाटी /cɑʈi/ 'front' = कं चट /kʌncʌʈ/ 'upper cheek'

c. पानी /pɑni/ 'water' + चाटी /cɑʈi/ 'front' = पंचट /pʌncʌʈ/ 'discoloured'

In examples (13a-c), the medial low back vowel आ /ɑ/ in both the segments has

been raised to its semi-low counterpart अ /ʌ/ and the final इ /i/ in the preceding segment

is deleted in (13a), the medial low back vowel आ /ɑ/ in both the segments has raised to

its semi-low counterpart अ /ʌ/ and the final इ /i/ in the succeeding segment is deleted in

(13b) and the medial low back vowel आ /ɑ/ in both the segments has raised to its semi-

low counterpart अ /ʌ/ and the final इ /i/ in both segments is deleted in (13c).
5.3 Assimilation
Assimilation is conditioned by surrounding segments. It occurs where a
segment becomes phonetically more similar to an influencing segment (Symons,
1993:27). It occurs with alteration of the phoneme due to contraction between the
final of the preceding and initial of the succeeding segments in Bhojpuri, traditionally

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treated as sandhi (Grierson 1883:33, Nirbhik 1975:40-44, Tripathy 1987:68-80,
Sharma and ashka 2007:65-9) and samas or compounding (Ojha 1915[1982]:49-50,
Tiwari 1954:177-82 and 1960:97-102, Nirbhik 1975:119-24, Tripathy 1987:172-92,
Shrivastava 1999:118-24, Sharma and Ashk 2007:53-7 and Singh 2009:154-61 and
2013:126-35 ). But Tiwari (1954:92-106 and 1960:21-30) treats assimilation, though
the topics are otherwise. In my observation, there are four factors involved in
assimilation in Bhojpuri:
5.3.1 Progressive vs. regressive
a) Progressive assimilation
A segment influences the following segment in progressive assimilation.
Bhojpuri has recorded some progressive factors of assimilation as follows:
(i) Aspiration
The initial glottal voiced fricative ह /ɦ/ of the succeeding segment is found to
be changed into either aspirated or breathy counterpart of the final non-aspirated or
voiced stop of the preceding morpheme, as shown in (14a-d):
(14) a. उत् /ut/ ‘up’ + हर् /ɦʌr/ ‘face’ = उ थर /uttʰʌr/ ‘shallow-based plate’: त् /t/ +

/ɦ/ = थ् /ttʰ/.

b. सुत् /sut/ ‘slim’ + हर् /ɦʌr/ ‘face’ = सु थर /suttʰʌr/ ‘beautiful’

c. छु त् /cʰut/ ‘sagrigated’ + हँड़ /ɦʌɽ̃ / ‘earthen-pot’ = छु थँड़ /cʰuttʰʌɽ̃ / ‘pitcher to

offer water for cattle’
d. बरद् /bʌrʌd/ 'ox' + हाट /ɦɑʈ/ 'market' = बरधाट /bʌrʌd̤ ɑʈ/ 'cattle market'

In examples (14a-d), त् /t/ is aspirated to थ् /tʰ/ in (14a-c) and द् /d/ to its

breathy counterpart ध् /d̤ / in (14d).

(ii) Devoicing
If the alveolar voiceless fricative स /s/ is final consonant of the preceding
segment, the initial voiced consonant of the succeeding segment is devoiced. During
this process, vowel deletion or raising, already discussed, can also happen, as shown
in (15a-c):
(15) a. हसा /ɦĩsɑ/ ‘share’ + दार /dɑr/ ‘owner’ = ह तार /ɦĩstɑr/ ‘share-holder’

b. बाँस् /bɑ̃s/ ‘bamboo’ + गड़ी /ɡʌɽi/ ‘burying’ = बँ कड़ी /bʌ̃skʌɽi/ ‘bamboo-

planting during wedding ceremony’
c. दस् /dʌs/ ‘ten’ + डँिड़आ /ɖʌɽ̃ iɑ/ ‘pillar’ = द टँिड़आ /dʌsʈʌ̃ɽiɑ/ ‘ten-pillarred’

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In examples (15a-c), the final low back vowel आ /a/ is deleted and the dental

voiced unaspirated stop द /d/ in the succeeding segment is devoiced in contact with the

final स /s/ of the initial segment in (15a). The medial low back vowel आ /a/ is raised to its

semi-low counterpart अ /ʌ/ in the preceding segment its final स /s/ causes devoicing of the

initial ग /ɡ/ of the succeeding segment in (15b). Similarly, final स /s/ of the preceding

segment causes devoicing of the initial ड /ɖ/ of the succeeding segment in (15c).
b) Regressive assimilation
A segment influences the preceding segment in regressive assimilation.
Bhojpuri records some regressive factors involved in assimilation as follows:
(i) Voicing
If a voiceless unaspirated or aspirated phoneme comes into contact with a
voiced or breathy one, it is assimilated into its voiced counterpart, as shown in (16):
(16) a. बाप् /bɑp/ ‘father’ + बेटी /beʈi/ ‘daughter’ = बा बेटी /pɑbbeʈi/ ‘father and

daughter’: प् /p/ + ब् /b/ = ब /bb/.

b. गत् /ɡʌt/ ‘back’ + दार् /dɑr/ ‘performer’ = ग ार् /ɡʌddɑr/ ‘traitor’: त् /t/ + द्

/d/ = द् /dd/.

c. डाक् /ɖɑk/ ‘post’ + घर् /ɡ̈ʌr/ ‘house’ = डा घर् /ɖɑɡɡ̈ʌr/ ‘post-office’: क् /k/ + घ्

/ɡ̈/ = घ् /ɡɡ̈/.

d. अप् /ʌp/ ‘bad’ + जस् /jʌs/ ‘fame’ = अ जस /ʌbjʌs/ ‘defame’: प् /p/ + ज् /j/ = ज् /bj/.

e. गत् /ɡʌt/ ‘passed’ + बेर् /ber/ ‘time’ = गद्बेर् /ɡʌdber/ 'twilight': त् /t/ + ब् /b/ = ब् /db/.
(ii) Devoicing
The voiced unaspirated dental stop द् /d/ is changed into its voiceless

counterpart त् /t/, if comes into contact of the voiceless ones, as shown in (17a-j):

(17) a. पद् /pʌd/ ‘post’ + करम /kʌrʌm/ ‘work’ = प करम /pʌtkʌrʌm/ 'accountability': द्

/d/ + क् /k/ = क् /tk/.

b. सुद ् /sud/ ‘interest’ + खोर /kʰor/ ‘eater’ = सु खोर /sutkʰor/ ‘exploiter’: द् /d/ +

ख् /kʰ/ = ख् /tkʰ/.

c. कं द् /kʌnd/ ‘root’ + फल /pʰʌl/ ‘fruit’ = कं फल /kʌntpʰʌl/ ‘roots and fruits’: द् /d/

+ फ् /pʰ/ = फ् /tpʰ/.

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d. पद् /pʌd/ ‘post’ + सेखी /sekʰi/ ‘prestige’ = प सेखी /pʌtsekʰi/ ‘dignity’: द् /d/ +

स् /s/ = स् /ts/.

e. बड़् /bʌɖ/ ‘big’ + खड़ा /kʰʌɽɑ/ = ब खड़ा /bʌʈkʰʌɽɑ/ ‘weights’: ड़् /ɽ/ + ख् /kʰ/ = ख् /ʈkʰ/.

f. अड़् /ʌɖ/ ‘block’ + चन /cʌn/ ‘work’ = अ चन /ʌʈcʌn/ ‘blockade’: ड़् /ɽ/ + च् /c/

= च् /ʈc/.

g. गोड़् /ɡoɽ/ ‘foot’ + छान /cʰɑn/ ‘block’ = गो छान /ɡoʈcʰɑn/ ‘a rope to tie up the

feet of an animal’: ड़् /ɽ/ + छ् /cʰ/ = छ् /ʈcʰ/

h. गोड़् /ɡoɽ/ ‘foot’ + थारी /tʰɑri/ ‘towards’ = गो थारी /ɡoʈtʰɑri/ ‘footward’: ड़्

/ɽ/ + थ् /tʰ/ = थ् /ʈtʰ/.

i. अड़् /ʌɽ/ ‘block’ + पाकड़ /pɑkʌɽ/ ‘a tree’ = अ पाकड़ /ʌʈpɑkʌɽ/ ‘vandalist’: ड़् /ɽ/

+ प् /p/ = प् /ʈp/.

j. खाँड़् /kʰɑ̃ɽ/ ‘glucose’ + सारी /sɑri/ ‘changer’ = खाँ सारी /kʰɑ̃ʈsɑri/ ‘sugar’: ड़्

/ɽ/ + स् /s/ = स् /ʈs/.

(iii) Apico-alveolarization
The voiceless unaspirated dental stop त् /t/ changes into its apico-alveolar

counterpart ट् /ʈ/ in Bhojpuri, if voiceless unaspirated or aspirated apico-alveolar ट् /ʈ/

or ठ् /ʈʰ/ follows it. Likewise, it changes into its voiced apico-alveolar counterpart ड

/ɖ/, if followed by the voiced apico-alveolar ड /ɖ/ or its breathy counterpart ढ /ɖ̈/, as
shown in (18a-e):
(18) a. सात् /sɑt/ ‘seven’ + टाँड़ /ʈɑ̃ɽ/ ‘bat’ = सा ाँड़ /sɑʈʈɑ̃ɽ/ ‘seven bats’: त् /t/ + ट् /ʈ/

= ट् /ʈʈ/.

b. सात् /sɑt/ ‘seven’ + ठाँव /ʈʰɑ̃o/ ‘place’ = सा ाँव /sɑʈʈʰɑ̃o/ 'seven places': त /t/ +

ठ /ʈʰ/ = ठ् /ʈʈʰ/

c. सात् /sɑt/ ‘seven’ + डघड़ /ɖʌɡ̈ʌɽ/ ‘way’ = सा घड़ /sɑɖɖʌɡ̈ʌɽ/ ‘seven-way

cross-road’: त् /t/ + ड् /ɖ/ = ड् /ɖɖ/.

d. सात् /sɑt/ ‘seven’ + ढाड़ /ɖ̈ɑɽ/ ‘slope’ = सा ाड़ /sɑɖɖ̈ɑɽ/ ‘seven slopes’: त् /t/ +

ढ् /ɖ/ = ढ् /ɖɖ̈/.

e. छत् /cʰʌt/ ‘roof’ + ढड़आ /ɖ̈ʌɽuɑ/ ‘concretizer’ = छ ड़आ /cʰʌɖɖ̈ʌɽuɑ/ ‘roof-

concretizer’: त् /t/ + ढ् /ɖ/ = ढ् /ɖɖ̈/.

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(iv) Affrication
The voiceless unaspirated dental stop त् /t/ changes into its affricate voiceless

or voiced counterpart च् /c/ or ज् /j/ in contact with affricate ones, as shown in (19a-e):

(19) a. बात् /bɑt/ ‘matter’ + िचत /cit/ ‘mind’ = बाि त /bɑccit/ ‘conversation’: त् /t/ +

च् /c/ = च् /cc/.

b. सात् /sɑt/ ‘seven’ + जन /jʌn/ ‘person’ = सा न /sɑjjʌn/ ‘seven people’: त् /t/

+ ज् /j/ = ् /jj/.

d. पात् /pɑt/ ‘leaf’ + झर /ȷ̈ʌr/ ‘fall’ = प झर /pʌjȷ̈ʌr/ ‘autumn/fall’: त् /t/ + झ् /ȷ̈ / =

झ /jȷ̈/, with vowel raising in the first segment.

e. पात् /pɑt/ ‘leaf’ + चर /cʌr/ ‘graze’ = प र /pʌccʌr/ ‘leaf-eater’: त् /t/ + च् /c/ =

च् /cc/, with vowel raising in the first segment.

(v) Deaspiration
The final aspirated or breathy phoneme of the preceding segment is
deaspirated and changed into a unaspirated or a voiced one in regressive assimilation
in Bhojpuri, as shown in (20a-i):
(20) a. माझ् /mɑȷ̈ / ‘middle’ + घर /ɡ̈ʌr/ ‘house’ = मा घर /mɑjɡ̈ʌr/ ‘middle room/

passage’: झ् /ȷ̈/ + घ् /ɡ̈/ = घ् /jɡ̈/.

b. आध् /ɑd̤ / ‘half’ + थान /tʰɑn/ ‘whole’ = आ थान /ɑdtʰɑn/ 'a half': ध /d̤ / + थ /tʰ/

= थ् /dtʰ/.

c. घाघ /ɡ̈ɑɡ̈/ ‘cunning’ + दास /dɑs/ ‘slave’ = घा दास /ɡ̈ɑɡdɑs/ ‘a famous agro-

scientist’: घ् /ɡ̈/ + द् /d/ = द /ɡd/.

d. लाभ् /lɑb̤ / ‘profit’ + दर /dʌr/ ‘rate’ = ला दर /lɑbdʌr/ ‘rate of profit’: भ् /b̤ / +

द् /d/ = द् /bd/.

e. आठ् /ɑʈʰ/ ‘eight’ + पाकड़ /pɑkʌɽ/ ‘doer’ = अ पाकड़ /ʌʈpɑkʌɽ/ 'naughty': ठ् /ʈʰ/ +

प् /p/ = प् /ʈp/.

f. काठ् /kɑʈʰ/ ‘wood’ + फोरवा /pʰorwɑ/ ‘breaker’ = क फोवा /kʌʈpʰorwɑ/

'woodpecker': ठ् /ʈʰ/ + फ् /pʰ/ = फ /ʈpʰ/.

g. बाघ् /bɑɡ̈/ ‘tiger’ + चाल /cɑl/ ‘walk’ = बा चाल /bɑɡcɑl/ 'tiger-walk': घ् /ɡ̈/ +

च् /c/ = च् /ɡc/.

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h. बाघ् /bɑɡ̈/ ‘tiger’ + छाल /cʰɑl/ ‘skin’ = बा छाल /bɑɡcʰɑl/ 'tiger-skin': घ् /ɡ̈/ +

छ् /cʰ/ = छ् /ɡcʰ/.

i. माघ् /mɑɡ̈/ ‘December-January’ + जर /jʌr/ ‘fever’ = म जर /mʌɡjʌr/ 'winter-fever

(fever in the month of Magh)': घ् /ɡ̈/ + ज् /j/ = ज् /ɡj/, with vowel raising in
the preceding segment.
5.3.2 Contiguous vs. non-contiguous segments
a) Contiguous segments
Contiguous segments are next to each other. It records changes between first
segment-final and second segment-initial vowels. In such congiuous segments the two
vowels' contraction brings either presence of the third vowel or retaining the longer
one or glidation. Vowel sandhi processes from Sanskrit fall under this category.
Bhojpuri is a Modern Indo-Aryan language, so, it also abides by the Sanskrit sandhi
rules to a greater extent.
(i) Mid-point fixation
If the segment-final low back vowel आ /ɑ/ comes into contact with succeeding

segment-initial close front vowel इ /i/, they change into half-close front vowel ए /e/. It
is formalized as following:
(21) a. आधा /ɑd̤ ɑ/ 'half' + इड़ /iɽ/ 'past' = अधेड़ /ʌd̤ eɽ/ 'adult'

b. सारा /sɑrɑ/ 'all' + इह /iɦ/ 'this' = सरे ह /sʌreɦ/ 'farming stretch'

c. लासा /lɑsɑ/ ‘gum’ + इढ़ /iɽ̊/ ‘stretch’ = लसेढ़ /lʌseɽ̊/ ‘paint with mud’

If the segment-final half-open back vowel अ /ʌ/ or open back vowel आ /ɑ/

comes into contact with succeeding segment-initial close back vowel उ /u/, it change

into half-close back vowel ओ /o/, as shown in (22a-d):

(22) a. लासा /lɑsɑ/ ‘gum’ + उठ /uʈʰ/ ‘rise’ = लसोठ /lʌsoʈʰ/ ‘sticky’

b. मासा /mɑsɑ/ ‘mass of flesh’ + उठ /uʈʰ/ ‘rise’ = मसोठ /mʌsoʈʰ/ ‘cist’

c. रे खा /rekʰɑ/ ‘line’ + उठान /uʈʰɑn/ ‘rising’ = रे खोठान /rekʰoʈʰɑn/ ‘with newly

lining of moustache’: आ /ɑ/ + उ /u/ = ओ /o/.

d. क रखा /kʌrikʰɑ/ ‘black (noun)’ + उठ /uʈʰ/ ‘rise’ = क रखोठ /kʌrikʰoʈʰ/

‘dirtiest’: आ /ɑ/ + उ /u/ = ओ /o/.

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If the segment-final low back vowel आ /ɑ/ comes into contact with succeeding

segment-initial semi-high front vowel ए /e/ or semi-low front vowel ऐ /ɛ/, it changes

into semi-low front vowel ऐ /ɛ/, as shown in (23a-b):

(23) a. आधा /ɑd̤ ɑ/ ‘half’ + एक /ek/ ‘one’ = आधैक /ɑd̤ ɛk/ ‘one or half’: आ /ɑ/ + ए /e/

= ऐ /ɛ/

b. राजा /rɑjɑ/ ‘king’ + ऐसी /ɛsi/ ‘luxury’ = रजैसी /rʌjɛsi/ ‘royal luxury’

If the segment-final low back vowel आ /ɑ/ comes into contact with succeeding

segment-initial semi-high back vowel ओ /o/ or semi-low back vowel औ /ɔ/, it changes

into semi-low back vowel औ /ɔ/, as shown in (24a-b):

(24) a. आधा /ɑd̤ ɑ/ ‘half’ + ओस /os/ 'dew' = अधौस /ʌd̤ ɔs/ 'partially soaked with dew'

b. आधा /ɑd̤ ɑ/ ‘half’ + औखा /ɔkʰɑ/ ‘container’ = अधौखा /ʌd̤ ɔkʰɑ/ ‘a madeium

sized bamboo container’: आ /ɑ/ + औ /ɔ/ = औ /ɔ/.

(ii) Falling
If the preceding segment final low back vowel आ /ɑ/ comes into contact of

either semi-low back vowel अ /ʌ/ or itself as the second segment-initials, they are

assimilated into low back vowel आ /ɑ/, as shown in (25a-b):

(25) a. पराया /pʌrɑyɑ/ ‘alien’ + अधीन /ʌd̤ in/ ‘dependent’ = परायाधीन /pʌrɑyɑd̤ in/

‘dependent’: आ /ɑ/ + अ /ʌ/ = आ /ɑ/.

b. राजा /rɑjɑ/ ‘king’ + अधीन /ʌd̤ in/ ‘dependent’ = राजाधीन /rɑjɑd̤ in/ ‘royal

slave’: आ /ɑ/ + अ /ʌ/ = आ /ɑ/.

(iii) Syllable merger
If any of the low back vowel आ /ɑ/, high front vowel इ /i/ and high back vowel

उ /u/ comes under duplication as segment-final and segment-initial, the result is also
the same, as shown in (26a-h):
(26) a. भंसा /b̤ ʌnsɑ/ ‘cooking’ + आरी /ɑri/ ‘boundary’ = भंसारी /b̤ ʌnsɑri/ ‘traditional

bakery’: आ /ɑ/ + आ /ɑ/ = आ /ɑ/.

b. टंटा /ʈʌnʈɑ/ ‘conflict’ + आधार /ɑd̤ ɑr/ ‘base’ = टंटाधार /ʈʌnʈɑd̤ ɑr/ ‘rootcause of

conflict’: आ /ɑ/ + आ /ɑ/ = आ /ɑ/.

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c. द रआ /dʌriɑ/ ‘river’ + आँव /ɑ̃o/ ‘watershed’ = द रआँव /dʌriɑ̃o/ ‘watershed of

a river’: आ /ɑ/ + आ /ɑ/ = आ /ɑ/.

d. जड़ी /jʌɽi/ ‘medicinal plant’ + इलाज /ilɑj/ ‘treatment’ = जड़ीलाज /jʌɽilɑj/

‘medicinal plant-treatment’: इ /i/ + इ /i/ = इ /i/.

e. मेही /meɦi/ ‘fine’ + इिलम /ilim/ ‘skill’ = मेिहिलम /meɦilim/ ‘micro-skill’: इ

/i/ + इ /i/ = इ /i/.

f. पानी /pɑni/ ‘water’ + इनार /inɑr/ ‘well’ = पानीनार /pɑninɑr/ ‘water-well’: इ

/i/ + इ /i/ = इ /i/.

g. बछ /bʌcʰʌru/ ‘calf’ + उदाँव /udɑ̃o/ ‘free’ = बछ दाँव /bʌcʰʌrudɑ̃o/ ‘bond-

free calf’: उ /u/ + उ /u/ = उ /u/.

h. ग ँ /ɡʌɦũ/ ‘wheat’ + उिसनी /usini/ ‘boiling’ = ग िँ सनी /ɡʌɦũsini/ ‘wheat-

boiling (pot)’: उ /u/ + उ /u/ = उ /u/.

(iv) Gliding
If high front vowel इ /i/ or high back vowel उ /u/ in final position of a segment
comes in contact with any initial vowel of the succeeding segment, it changes into
voiced unaspirated palatal glide य् /y/ or its bilabial counterpart व् /w/ respectively, as
shown in (27a-f):
(27) a. अित /ʌti/ ‘excess’ + अख जन /ʌkʰʌɽjʌn/ ‘oppresive act’ = अ यख जन

/ʌtyʌkʰʌɽjʌn/ ‘excessive oppressive act’: इ /i/ + अ /ʌ/ = य् /y/.

b. पानी /pɑni/ ‘water’ + आइल /ɑil/ ‘come’ = प याइल /pʌnyail/ ‘watered’: इ /i/

+ आ /ɑ/ = य् /y/, with vowel raising in the preceding segment.

c. राती /rɑti/ ‘night’ + आइल /ɑil/ ‘come’ = र याइल /rʌtyɑil/ ‘familiarized’: इ /i/

+ आ /ɑ/ = य् /y/, with vowel raising in the preceding segment.

d. कड़ /kʌɽu/ ‘bitter’ + आइल /ɑil/ ‘come’ = क वाइल /kʌɽwɑil/ ‘bitterred’: उ /u/

+ आ /ɑ/ = व् /w/.

e. ग ़ /ɡʌr̥ u/ ‘thick’ + आइल /ɑil/ ‘come’ = ग वाइल /ɡʌr̥ wɑil/ ‘thickened’: उ /u/

+ आ /ɑ/ = व् /w/.

f. बालु /bɑlu/ ‘sand’ + अटल /ʌʈʌl/ ‘non-perilous’ = ब वटल /bʌlwʌʈʌl/

‘sandished’: उ /u/ + अ /ʌ/ = व् /w/.

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b) Non-contiguous segments
Non-contiguous segments are separated from each other. This is an adjunction
between preceding and succeeding segments as shown in (28a-d).
(28) a. सु /su/ ‘nice’ + अन /ʌn/ ‘grain’ = सुअन /suʌn/ ‘good grain’

b. कु /ku/ ‘bad’ + अन /ʌn/ ‘grain’ = कु अन /kuʌn/ ‘bad grain’

c. अन /ʌn/ ‘bad’ + कु शल /kusʌl/ ‘good position’ = अनकु शल /ʌnkusʌl/ ‘bad

happening’.
d. कु /ku/ ‘bad’ + ठाँव /ʈʰɑ̃o/ ‘place’ = कु ठाँव /kuʈʰɑ̃o/ ‘bad place’
Examples (28a-d) show no changes but only adjunction. So, it may or may not
be accepted as part of assimilation.
5.3.3 Types of articulation
Assimilation of the following types of articulation are possible:
a) Point of articulation
Whatever we have discussed under progressive and regressive assimilations
are all the assimilations occurred at points of articulation.
b) Manner of articulation
Under manner of articulation, we discuss changes in manner of articulation under
process of assimilation between final and initial phonemes of any two segments comming
into contact during articulation. Bhojpuri has a few characteristics in this process.
(i) Variation in nasal
The bilabial nasal म /m/ is changed into its alveolar counterpart before all
dental and apico-alveolar stops and plato-alveolar affricates, as shown in (29a-j):
त्/ / न् त्/ /
⎧ ⎫ ⎧ ⎫
⎪ थ्/ ʰ/ ⎪ ⎪ न् थ्/ ʰ/ ⎪
⎪ द्/ / ⎪ ⎪ न् द/् /⎪
⎪ ध्/ ̤/ ⎪ ⎪ न् ध्/ ̤/ ⎪
⎪ ट् /ʈ/ ⎪ ⎪ न् ट्/ ʈ/ ⎪
⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪
ठ् /ʈʰ/ न् ठ्/ ʈʰ/
(29) a. म् / / +  = 
⎨ ड् /ɖ/ ⎬ ⎨ न् ड्/ ɖ/ ⎬
⎪ ढ् /ɖ̈/ ⎪ ⎪ न् ढ्/ ɖ̈/ ⎪
⎪ च्/ / ⎪ ⎪ न् च्/ / ⎪
⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪
⎪छ् / ʰ/⎪ ⎪न् छ्/ ʰ/⎪
⎪ ज्/ / ⎪ ⎪ न् ज्/ / ⎪
⎩ झ्/ ̈/ ⎭ ⎩ न् झ्/ ̈/ ⎭

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b. दम् /dʌm/ ‘force’ + ताड़ /tɑɽ/ ‘wire’ = दंताड़ [द ताड़] /dʌntʌɽ/ ‘rod-
tambourine’: म् /m/ + त् /t/ = त् /nt/.
c. कलम् /kʌlʌm/ ‘pen’ + दर /dʌr/ ‘rate’ = कलंदर [कल दर] /kʌlʌndʌr/ ‘nomad
beggar’: म् /m/ + द् /d/ = द् /nd/.
d. करम् /kʌrʌm/ ‘work’ + धार /d̤ ɑr/ ‘current’ = करं धार [कर धार] /kʌrʌnd̤ ɑr/
‘future pillar’: म् /m/ + ध् /d̤ / = ध् /nd̤ /.
e. कम् /kʌm/ ‘less’ + टड़ /ʈʌɽ/ ‘disappear’ = कं टड़ [क टड़] /kʌnʈʌɽ/ ‘a tin
container’: म् /m/ + ट् /ʈ/ = ट् /nʈ/.
f. अम् /ʌm/ ‘without’ + ठे लाह /ʈʰelɑɦ/ ‘habitual’ = अंठेलाह [अ ठे लाह] /ʌnʈʰelɑɦ/
‘unusual’: म् /m/ + ठ् /ʈʰ/ = ठ् /nʈʰ/.
g. कम् /kʌm/ ‘less’ + डेढ़ा /ɖeɽ̊ɑ/ ‘one and half’ = कं डेढ़ा [क डेढ़ा] /kʌnɖeɽ̊ɑ/ ‘one
and half-eyed’. म् /m/ + ड् /ɖ/ = ड् /nɖ/.
h. लम् /lʌm/ ‘long’ + ढड़ /ɖ̈ʌɽ/ ‘shape’ = लंढड़ /lʌnɖ̈ʌɽ/ [ल ढड़] ‘vandalist’: म् /m/
+ ढ् /ɖ̈/ = ढ् /nɖ̈/.
i. कम् /kʌm/ ‘less’ + छल /cʰʌl/ ‘scape’ = कं छल [क छल] /kʌncʰʌl/ ‘to scape
slightly due to pain’: म् /m/ + छ् /cʰ/ = छ् /ncʰ/.
j. अम् /ʌm/ ‘without’ + झट /ȷ̈ ʌʈ/ ‘quickness’ = अंझट [अ झट] /ʌnȷ̈ʌʈ/ ‘sudden’: म्
/m/ + झ् /ȷ̈ / = झ् /nȷ̈/.
Likewise, it is changed into its velar counterpart before all velar stops. It is
formalized in (30a-e).
क् / / ङ्  क्/ŋ /
⎧ ⎫ ⎧ ⎫
ख्/ ʰ/ ङ्  ख्/ŋ ʰ/
(30) a. म् / / +  = 
⎨ ग्/ɡ/ ⎬ ⎨ ङ्  ग्/ŋɡ/ ⎬
⎩ घ्/ɡ̈/ ⎭ ⎩ ङ्  घ्/ŋɡ̈/ ⎭
b. कम् /kʌm/ ‘less’ + काल /kɑl/ ‘time/death’ = कं काल /kʌŋkɑl/ ‘skeleton’: म् /m/
+ क् /k/ = क् /ŋk/.
c. झम् /ȷ̈ ʌm/ ‘forceful’ + खाड़ /kʰɑɽ/ ‘standing’ = झंखाड़ /ȷ̈ uŋkʰɑɽ/ ‘strong’: म् /m/
+ ख् /kʰ/ = ख् /ŋkʰ/.
d. कम् /kʌm/ ‘less’ + गाल /ɡɑl/ ‘cheek’ = कं गाल /kʌŋɡɑl/ = ‘poor’: म् /m/ + ग् /ɡ/
= ग् /ŋɡ/.
e. सम् /sʌm/ ‘equal’ + घत् /ɡ̈ʌt/ ‘power’ = संघत /sʌŋɡ̈ʌt/ ‘company’: म् /m/ + घ्
/ɡ̈/ = घ् /ŋɡ̈/.

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5.3.4 Partial vs. complete
a) Partial assimilation
Assimilation to either point or manner of articulation, producing similar
segments is partial assimilation, already discussed.
b) Complete assimilation
Assimilation to both point and manner of articulation, producing identical
segments, is complete assimilation.
The voiceless unaspirated dental stop त् /t/ is subject to complete assimilation

in regressive order with its voiced counterpart द् /d/, the voiceless unaspirated apico-

alveolar stop ट् /ʈ/ and its voiced counterpart ड् /ɖ/, voiceless unaspirated palato-

alveolar affricate च् /c/ and its voiced counterpart ज् /j/. It is formalized in (31a-d).

(31) a. इजत् /ijʌt/ ‘prestige’ + दार /dɑr/ ‘owner’ = इज ार /ijʌddɑr/ 'prestigious': त् /t/

+ द् /d/ = द् /dd/.

b. सात्/sɑt/ ‘seven’ + टन /ʈʌn/ ‘tonne’ = सा न/sɑʈʈʌn/ 'seven tonnes': त् /t/ + ट् /ʈ/

= ट् /ʈʈ/.

c. सात् /sɑʈ/ ‘seven’ + ड ढ़आ /ɖʌɽ̊iɑ/ ‘branches’ = स ढ़आ /sʌɖɖʌɽ̊iɑ/ 'having seven

branches': त् /t/ + ड् /ɖ/ = ड् /ɖɖ/, with vowel raising in the preceding segment.

d. सात् /sɑt/ ‘true’ + जन /jʌn/ = स न /sɑjjʌn/ 'seven people': त् /t/ + ज् /j/ = ् /jj/.

The breathy dental ध /d̤ / is completely assimilated regressively with its

unaspirated voiced counterpart द /d/, as shown in (32a-b).

(32) a. दुध् /dud̤ / + दही /dʌɦi/ = दुददही

् /duddʌɦi/ 'milk and curd': द् /d/ + थ् /tʰ/ = द्द् /dd/.

b. िगध् /ɡid̤ / ‘vulture’ + दृि /drisʈi/ ‘vision’ = िग दृि /ɡiddrisʈi/ ‘cunning

sight’: द् /d/ + थ् /tʰ/ = द्द् /dd/.

The voiceless unaspirated velar stop क /k/ is completely assimilated with its

voiced counterpart ग /ɡ/, as shown in (33a-b):

(33) a. एक् /ek/ ‘one’ + गाड़ी /ɡɑɽi/ ‘cart’ = ए गाड़ी /eɡɡɑɽi/ 'a cart-load': क् /k/ + ग्/ɡ/

= ग्ग् /ɡɡ/.

b. एक् /ek/ ‘one’ + गोड़े /ɡoɽe/ ‘legged’ = ए गोड़े /eɡɡoɽe/ ‘one-legged’: क् /k/ +

ग्/ɡ/ = ग्ग् /ɡɡ/.

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5.3.5 Processes involving assimilation
The following processes are common as in other languages to involve
assimilation in Bhojpuri.
a) Consonants
(i) Intervocalic voicing
Voiceless consonants are voiced between vowels. In Bhojpuri, intervocalic
voicing is rare though I have found some, as shown in (34a-c):
(34) a. प /pʌ/ + टाखा /ʈɑkʰɑ/ = पटाखा /pʌʈɑkʰɑ/ → पड़ाका /pʌɽɑkɑ/ 'explosive'
b. स /sʌ/ + टक /ʈʌk/ = सटक /sʌʈʌk/ → सडक /sʌɖʌk/ 'shut up'
c. झ /ȷ̈ ʌ/ + टक /ʈʌk/ = झटक /ȷ̈ ʌʈʌk/ → झडक /ȷ̈ ʌɖʌk/ ‘throw out’
In (34a-c) the voiceless unaspirated apico-alveolar stop ट् /ʈ/ is observed to
have been changed into its retroflex counterpart ड़् /ɽ/ in (34a), into its voiced apico-
alveolar counterpart ड् /ɖ/ in (34b-c) respectively.
But in non-intervocalic position, it remains the same, as shown in (35):
(35) a. पट् /pʌʈ/ + का /kɑ/ = प का /pʌʈkɑ/ 'fall on the ground'
b. सट् /sʌʈ/ + का /kɑ/ = स का /sʌʈkɑ/ 'a thin stick'
c. झट् /ȷ̈ ʌʈ/ + का /kɑ/ = झ का /ȷ̈ ʌʈkɑ/ ‘a stroke’
(ii) Palatalization and labialization
A consonant becomes a palato-alveolar or palatal because of the presence of
front vowel (specially a high front vowel). In Bhojpuri, assimilation of the close front
vowel इ /i/ and close back vowel उ /u/ has already been discussed with formalisation
and exemplification in (27) under gliding.
(iii) Nasal assimilation
A nasal assimilates to the point of articulation and has already been discussed
with formalization and exemplification in (29-30).
(iv) Voicing assimilation
Consonants frequently assimilate to the voicing of adjacent consonants. This
process has already been discussed in (16 and 34).
b) Vowels
(i) Vowel nasalization
A vowel becomes nasalized in a nasal environment; this may be the most
common process affecting vowels, as shown in (36a-d):

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(36) a. गो /ɡo/ + /ĩ/ = गोँ /ɡõĩ/ 'a game partner'

b. क /kĩ/ + टास /ʈɑs/ = कटाँस /kĩʈɑ̃s/ 'kitten'

c. टो /ʈo/ + इआँ /iɑ̃/ = टोँइँयाँ /ʈõĩyɑ̃/ 'a small earthen pot'

d. िह /ɦi/ + ङ /ŋ/ = हङ /ɦĩŋ/ 'asafoetida'

Or, the final न् /n/ may be lost nasalizing the preceding vowel. This process
does not seem natural in Bhojpui. But some loanword from Hindi-Urdu present this
character, as shown in (37a-c).
(37) a. बयान /bʌyɑn/ → बयाँ /bʌyɑ̃/ 'description'

b. इ तहान /imtʌɦɑn/ → इ तहाँ /imtʌɦɑ̃/ 'examination'

c. हिसन /ɦʌsin/ → हसी ँ /ɦʌsĩ/ ‘beautiful’

5.4 Epenthesis
Epenthesis is the insertion of a segment.
5.4.1 Vowel insertion
There are some natural environments in Bhojpuri for vowel insertion under
process of epenthesis, as shown in (38a-c):
(38) a. काठ् /kɑʈʰ/ ‘wood’ + कु आँ /kuɑ̃/ ‘well’ = क कु इआँ /kʌʈkuiɑ̃/ ‘wooden well’: ठ्

/ʈʰ/ + क् /k/ = क् /ʈk/, with vowel raising in the preceding segment and

medial insertion of close-front vowel इ /i/ in the succeeding segment.

b. उ र /uttʌr/ ‘north’ + आरी /ɑri/ ‘boundary’ = उतरवारी /utʌrwɑri/ ‘northern’:

insertion of व् /w/ between the two segments.

c. दि खन /dʌkkʰin/ 'south' + आरी /ɑri/ ‘boundary’ = दि खनवारी /dʌkkʰinwɑri/

'southern': insertion of व् /w/ between the two segments.

5.4.2 Consonant insertion
A consonant may be inserted to break up unacceptable vowel clusters. The
insertion of voiced unaspirated palatal and bilabial glides य् /y/ and व् /w/ has already
been discussed. But Bhojpuri has its own usage of consonant insertion, mainly in
counting over a hundred, as shown in (39a-c):
(39) a. दु /du/ ‘two’ + उ र /uttʌr/ ‘post’ = दलो र /dilottʌr/ ‘two and’

b. तीन /tinʌ/ ‘three’ + उ र /uttʌr/ ‘post’ = ितलो र /tilottʌr/ ‘three and’

c. चार /cɑrʌ/ ‘four’ + उ र /uttʌr/ ‘post’ = चलो र /cʌlottʌr/ ‘four and’

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This usage in Bhojpuri contradicts with Nepali and Hindi in counting
numerals over a hundred. The general Sanskrit rule applied is अ /ʌ/ + उ /u/ = ओ /o/,

but we see ल् /l/ inserted between the two segments along with some other changes

and उ /u/ has fallen down to its semi-high counterpart instead of being assimilated

with अ /ʌ/.
5.5 Coalescence
Coalescence is the process whereby two contiguous segments are replaced by
one which shares features of the two original ones. Bhojpuri has such coalescent
words as shown in (40a-f).
(40) a. म य /mʌd̤ yʌ/ 'middle' + देश /des/ 'country/ = मधेश /mʌd̤ es/ 'part of the middle
country now in Nepal covering Siwalik valleys and Terai'
b. भ ा /b̤ ʌddɑ/ ‘dirty’ + देस /des/ ‘country’ = भदेस /b̤ ʌdes/ ‘dirty locality’

c. गोबर /ɡobʌr/ 'cow dung' + धन /d̤ ʌn/ 'wealth' = गोधन /ɡod̤ ʌn/ 'cattle property'

d. महान /mʌɦan/ 'great' + जन /jʌn/ 'person' = महाजन /mʌɦɑjʌn/ 'the great

person, creaditor'
e. कु /ku/ 'negative' + टेव /tew/ 'activity' = कु टेव /kutew/ 'mistake'

f. सु र /sunnʌr/ 'beautiful' + नैना /nɛnɑ/ 'eye' = सुनैना /sunɛnɑ/ 'attractive eyed'

5.6 Stress
Stress is not considered significant in Bhojpuri as it is very weak and is
frequently changing from one to another syllable (Tiwari, 1960:16). Likewise, Shukla
(1981:44) mentions stress in Bhojpuri as relative loudness of one syllable in contrast
to another but its status is not phonemic. But in my observation, stress in Bhojpuri is
significant and phonemic. The prominent word classes of nouns, adjectives and
adverbs turn into causative verbs mainly into imperative mood, both functionally and
semantically, if primary stress shifted to the final syllable either from its intitial or
from its medial one, as shown in (41a-c).
(41) a. Noun to verb
सोटा /'soʈɑ/ 'a short stick'  /so'ʈɑ/ 'be slim', बितया /'bʌtiyɑ/ 'a small tender

fruit, the matter'  /bʌti'yɑ/ 'talk', अगुआ /'ʌɡuɑ/ 'leader'  /ʌɡu'a/ 'be in

front, lead', के िनया /ke'ɦuniya/ 'the elbow'  /keɦuni'yɑ/ 'hit with elbow',

बउआ /'bʌuɑ/ 'to address a male younster'  /bʌu'ɑ/ 'wander aimlessly'

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b. Adjective to verb
सोिझया /'soȷ̈iya/ 'innocent'  /soȷ̈ i'yɑ/ 'straighten', बुढ़ा /'buɽ̊ɑ/ 'old' 

/bu'ɽ̊ɑ/ 'be old', पछु आ /'pʌcʰuɑ/ 'backward'  /pʌcʰu'ɑ/ 'follow', ल ढ़या

/'lẽɽ̊ iyɑ/ 'mentally poor'  /lẽɽ̊ i'yɑ/ 'disturb to be alone', क रआ /'kʌriɑ/

'black'  /kʌi'ɑ/ 'blacken'.
c. Adverb to verb
तिहया /'tʌɦiyɑ/ 'that day'  /tʌɦi'yɑ/ 'press', िनयरा /'niyʌrɑ/ 'near' 

/niyʌ'rɑ/ 'reach closer', बहरा /'bʌɦʌrɑ/ 'outside'  /bʌɦʌ'rɑ/ 'pull out', उपरा
/'upʌrɑ/ 'surfacely'  /upʌ'rɑ/ 'search secretly'.
The verbs derivated by the stress-shift have been observed as the bare-stem
form serving as the most direct, least polite, imperative speech-act as Givón
(2001b:305) mentions, but with the last stem-vowel lowered.
5.7 Summary
We have dealt with morphophonology of Bhojpuri in this chapter. Bhojpuri
shows up a few morphophonological processes such as deletion, raising, assimilation,
epenthesis and coalescence. Under process of deletion in Bhojpuri morphophonology,
a vowel or a consonant or a syllable from either of a segment of the preceding and
succeeding ones is deleted. A vowel in either of the segment is raised in the process of
raising. Likewise assimilation includes progressive vs. regressive resulting in
plosivization, devoicing, voicing, apico-alveolarization, retroflexion, affrication and
deaspiration in either of the preceding or succeeding segments; contiguous vs. non-
contiguous resulting in mid-point fixation, falling of vowels, merger of syllables and
gliding. Variation in nasal along with partial vs. complete assimilation has been
discussed resulting in intervocalic voicing, palatalization and labialization, nasal
assimilation. Likewise, stress in Bhojpuri is found phonemic.

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CHAPTER 6
WORD CLASSES
6.0 Outline
This chapter deals with word classes (lexicon) in Bhojpuri. It comprises in
three sections. In section 6.1, the major lexical word classes are described with their
chief properties. Section 6.2 exhibits properties of the minor word classes in the
language and we summarize the findings in the chapter in section 6.3.
6.1 Major word classes
Givón (2001a:49) classifies nouns, adjectives, verbs and adverbs as the major
lexical word classes what Bhojpuri also exhibits. They are characterized by three
properties: semantic, morphological and syntactic. We discuss the properties as follows:
6.1.1 Properties of nouns
a) Semantic properties of nouns
As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:90), Nepali (Adhikari 2016:32), and other
natural languages exhibit, Bhojpuri nouns may be characterized and distinguished
from other word classes in terms of stability, complexity, concreteness, compactness
and countability. The prototypical Bhojpuri nouns in (1a-h) exhibit these properties.
(1) a. लोहा /loɦɑ/ 'iron' b. लइका /lʌikɑ/ 'boy'

c. घर /ɡ̈ʌr/ 'house' d. गाछी /ɡɑcʰi/ 'tree'

e. कु ा /kuttɑ/ 'dog' f. घास /ɡ̈ɑs/ 'grass/

g. ब ा /bʌccɑ/ 'child' h. चान /cɑn/ 'moon, head surface'

All the Bhojpuri prototypical nouns in (1a-h) are durable, complex, concrete,
compact and individuative in association with their multiple features like size, shape,
weight, colour and cultural usage. Though these features remain in a noun for an extended
period of time, changing nature is an inevitable feature of any entity in existence in the
world. Besides, the prototypical nouns tend to change their complex features relatively
slowly in comparision to the words of other classes. The fact that prototypical nouns tend
to be spatially compact rather than scattered all over the perceptual space is in part a
consequence of their spatial coherence (Givón 2001:51), therefore, the scatterd nouns as
in (2a-h) do exist, but they are not perfect. Rather they occupy larger portion of the
ground and cannot be individuated, as Givón (2011:37) exhibits.
(2) a. पानी /pɑni/ 'water' b. बेआर /beɑr/ 'wind'

c. महीना /mʌɦinɑ/ 'month' d. बरीस /bʌris/ 'year'

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e. बरखा /bʌrkʰɑ/ 'rain' f. गाँव /ɡɑ̃o/ 'village'

g. पसेना /pʌsenɑ/ 'sweat' h. बादल /bɑdʌl/ 'cloud'

The non-prototypical nouns in (2a-h), however, bear syntactic and
morphological properties of a noun discussed as follows:
b) Syntactic properties of nouns
The distribution of nouns in distinct syntactic slots inside the clause exhibits
their syntactic properties. As exhibited in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:90) and
Nepali (Adhikari 2016:32), the noun is the head in a Bhojpuri noun phrase, occupying
four major syntactic positions in clauses. The subject and direct object positions of
nouns in a clause are illustrated in (3a-b).
(3) a. लइका जाग जाई ।
[lʌikɑ]SBJ jɑɡ jɑi
lʌikɑ jɑɡ jɑ-i
boy awaken go-3SG.FUT
'The child will get up.' (09.329)
b. त भात खा रहल बाड़े ।
tẽ [b̤ ɑt]DO kʰɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽe
tẽ b̤ ɑt kʰɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ-ɽe
2SG.NOM boiled rice eat live-INF be-2.PRES
'You are eating rice.' (13.022)
In example (3a), the noun लइका /lʌikɑ/ 'boy' has occupied the subject position

and in (3b) another noun भात /b̤ ɑt/ 'boiled rice' has occupied the object position in the
clause. A noun may occupy the position of an indirect object, as in (4):
(4) ... बाबुजी भइआ के कन देनी, तरभूजा ।
bɑbuji [b̤ ʌiɑ]IO ke kin deni tʌrb̤ ujɑ
bɑbu-ji b̤ ʌiɑ ke kin de-ni tʌrb̤ ujɑ
father-H elder brother DAT buy give-PST.H watermelon
'… father bought my elder brother a watermelon. (13.098)
In example (4), the noun भइआ /b̤ ʌiɑ/ 'elder brother' marked with the dative has
occupied the indirect object position in the clause.
Bhojpuri noun may occupy the slot of a nominal predicate, as in (5):
(5) ई ... घर ह ।

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i ɡ̈ʌr ɦʌ
i ɡ̈ʌr ɦʌ
3SG.PROX house be.3SG.PRES
'This is ... house.' (06.001)

In (5), घर /ɡ̈ʌr/ 'house' has occupied the slot of a nonminal predicate. Except the
four major syntactic positions, Bhojpuri nouns may also occupy some more positions.
The position of possessive/genitive noun modifier in the noun phrase is presented in (6):
(6) ... सारा जमीन के मािलक ऊ लोग रहे ।
sɑrɑ jʌmin ke mɑlik u loɡ rʌɦe
sɑrɑ jʌmin ke mɑlik u loɡ rʌɦ-e
whole land GEN owner 3SG.MAS.NOM PL live-3.PST
'... they were owner of the whole land.' (02.029)
In example (6), the noun जमीन /jʌmin/ 'land' occupies the position of possesor noun
modifier. Bhojpuri noun may also occupy the slot of an object complement, as in (7):
(7) पानी िधकला पर बाफ बन जाला ।
pɑni d̤ iklɑ pʌr bɑpʰ bʌn jɑlɑ
pɑni d̤ ik-lɑ pʌr bɑpʰ bʌn jɑ-lɑ
water heat-SEQ LOC vapour make go-3SG.PRES
'The water changes into vapour if heated.' (09.205)
In example (7), the noun बाफ /bɑpʰ/ 'vapour' occupies the position of the
object complement. Similarly, Bhojpuri nouns may occupy the slot of locative
expressions, as in (8):
(8) हमर भाई त जीते बा पंजाब म ।
ɦʌmʌr b̤ ɑi tʌ jite bɑ pʌnjɑb mẽ
ɦʌmʌr b̤ ɑi tʌ ji-ʌt-e bɑ pʌnjɑb mẽ
1SG.GEN brother COND live-SIM-EMPH be.3SG.PRES Punjab LOC

'My brother is well alive in Panjab.' (10.090)

In example (8), the place name पंजाब /pʌnjɑb/ 'Panjab' occupies the position of
the locative noun phrase.
c) Morphological properties of nouns
Morphological properties of nouns characterize the kind of bound morphemes
that tend to be affixed to a noun. Bhojpuri nouns do not exhibit much complexity in

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terms of their morphology.1 However, they may be inflected in terms of number,
gender, classifiers and case role of the referent.
(i) Number
As exhibited in its close neighbours Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:105),
Maithili (Yadav 1996:69), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:115), Hindi (Koul 2008:35)
and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:33); Bhojpuri has two numbers: singular and plural
(Grierson 1883:25, Ojha 1915[1982]:5, Tiwari 1954:415 and 1960:106, Nirbhik
1975:62, Tripathy 1987:193, Sharma and Ashk 2007:32, Shrivastava 1999:46, Singh
2009:86 and 2013:84 and Thakur 2011:60). The verb agrees with the nominal subject
in Bhojpuri in terms of number. The plural number in noun is indicated by the suffix -

अन /-ʌn/ and -वन /-wʌn/ as shown in (9a-d).

(9) Singular Plural
a. लइका लइकन
lʌikɑ lʌikʌn
lʌik-ɑ lʌik-ɑ-ʌn
child-M child-M-PL
'boy' 'boys'
b. मेहरा मेहरा अन
meɦrɑru meɦrɑruʌn
meɦrɑru meɦrɑru-ʌn
woman/wife woman/wife-PL
'woman/wife' 'women/wives'
c. गरीब गरीबवन
ɡʌrib ɡʌribwʌn
ɡʌrib ɡʌrib-wʌn
poor poor-PL
'poor' 'poors'
d. अमीर अमीरवन
ʌmir ʌmirwʌn
ʌmir ʌmir-wʌn
rich person rich person-PL

1. The morphological properties of the nouns, cross-linguistically, include class or gender markers,
number, case-role markers and possessor pronouns (Givón 2001a:60-7).

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'rich person' 'rich people'
But such plural marker suffixes are not so common. The more practicable
plural markers are periphrastic in terms of separate plural nouns and pronouns लोग

/loɡ/ 'people' and सब /sʌb/ 'all' respectively as shown in (10a-b).

(10) Singular Plural
(a) हा कम /ɦɑkim/ 'officer' हा कम लोग /ɦɑkim loɡ/ 'officers'
(b) गाछी /ɡɑcʰi/ 'tree' गाछी सब /ɡʌcʰi sʌb/ 'trees'
Hence, लोग /loɡ/ is used in honorific and सब /sʌb/ in non-honorific
environments respectively. Besides these, Bhojpuri has some echowords suffixed to
nouns that indicate plurality or suggest manifoldedness as shown in (11a-b).
(11) a. खेतोत /kʰetot/ 'farms', बातोत /bɑtot/ 'talks', कताबुताब /kitɑbutɑb/ 'books or

books and so on', भातोत /b̤ ɑtot/ 'boild rice and other edibles'

b. आदमी-ओदमी /ɑdmi-odmi/ 'people' पानी-ओनी /pɑni-oni/ 'water and other

drinks', तरकारी-ओरकारी /tʌrkɑri-orkɑri/ 'vegetable and other edibles'

Examples (11a-b) shows that the first letter of the word is repleced by -ओ /-o/

or -उ /-u/ in echoing.

The interrogative pronouns के /ke/ 'who (H), कौन /kɔn/ 'who (NH)' का /kɑ/ or

कथी /kʌtʰi/ 'what' do not take plural marker while referring to the multiple referents
but are reduplicated, as in (12a-d):
(12) a. आज घरे के -के आएम ?
ɑj ɡ̈ʌre ke ke ɑem
ɑj ɡ̈ʌr-e ke ke ɑ-em
today house-LOC who who come-FUT.H
'Who (all) will come at home?
b. नजदीक के भाषा सब कौन-कौन ह ?
nʌjdik ke b̤ ɑsɑ sʌb kɔn kɔn ɦʌ
close GEN language PL which which be.3SG.PRES
'What languages are nearer to it?' (03.113)
c. अब सरकार का-का करी ?
ʌb sʌrkɑr kɑ kɑ kʌri
ʌb sʌrkɑr kɑ kɑ kʌr-i
now government what what do-3FUT.NH

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'What (all) will the government do now?
d. तू कथी-कथी िखअइबऽ ?
tu kʌtʰi kʌtʰi kʰiʌibʌ
tu kʌtʰi kʌtʰi kʰiɑ-i bʌ
2.NOM what what feed-FUT be.2FUT.MH
'What (all) will you have me eat?'
In examples (12a-d) the reduplicated question words encode the sense of
plurality.
(ii) Gender
Like its number system, Bhojpuri has two genders: masculine and feminine
(Grierson 1884a:1-7, Ojha 1915[1982]:7-10, Tiwari 1954:413 and 1960:105,
Shrivastava 1999:44, Sharma and Ashk 2007:29, Singh 2009:80 and 2013:80 and
Thakur 2011:56) as exhibited in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:102), Maithili
(Yadav 1996:63), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:112), Hindi (Koul 2008:33) and
Nepali (Adhikari 2016:33). They are morphological, lexical and grammatical though
dropped eastwards as in Maithili (Yadav 1996:63). Regarding morphological change,
feminine is suffixed by -इ /-i/ and -इन /-in/ as shown in (13a-g).
(13) Masculine Feminine
a. घोड़ा घोड़ी
ɡ̈oɽɑ ɡ̈oɽi
ɡ̈oɽ-ɑ ɡ̈oɽ-i
horse-M horse-F
'horse' 'mare'
b. भइँ सा भइँसी
b̤ ʌĩsɑ b̤ ʌĩsi
b̤ ʌĩs-ɑ b̤ ʌĩs-i
buffalo-M buffalo-F
'he-buffalo' 'she-bufallo'
c. बेटा बेटी
beʈɑ beʈi
beʈ-ɑ beʈ-i
issue-M issue-F

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'son' 'daughter'
d. आजा आजी
ɑjɑ ɑji
ɑj-ɑ ɑj-i
grandparent-M grandparent-F
'grand father' 'grand mother'
e. अिहर अिह रन
ʌɦir ʌɦirin
ʌɦir ʌɦir-in
milkperson-M milkperson-F
'milk-man' 'milk-woman'
f. लोहार लोहइन/लोहा रन
loɦɑr loɦʌin/loɦɑrin
loɦɑ-ɑr loɦɑ-in/loɦɑr-in
black-smith-M black-smith-F
'black-smith' 'female black-smith'
g. चमार चमइन/चमा रन
cʌmɑr cʌmʌin/cʌmɑrin
cʌm-ɑr cʌmʌ-in/cʌmɑr-in
skin-M skin-F
'cobbler' 'female cobbler'
Besides these, gender is lexical in Bhojpuri to a greater extent as shown in (14a-f).
(14) Masculine Feminine
a. मरद /mʌrʌd/ 'man/husband' मेहरा /meɦrɑru/ 'woman/wife'

b. साँढ़ /sɑ̃ɽ̊/ 'bull' गाई /ɡɑi/ 'cow'

c. बाप /bɑp/ 'father' मातारी /mɑtɑri/ 'mother'

d. बाबा /bɑbɑ/ 'grand pa' दाई /dɑi/ 'grand ma'

e. दामाद /dɑmɑd/ 'son-in-law' बेटी /beʈi/ 'daughter'

f. बेटा /beʈɑ/ 'son' पतोह /pʌtoɦ/ 'daughter-in-law'

Grammatically, the gender is essentially marked in finite verbs but not in non-
honorific environment in clauses as shown in (15a-c).
(15) a. तेँ अइिलस/ले ।

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tẽ ʌilis/e
tẽ ɑ-il-is/e
2SG.NOM come-PP-2.PST
'You came.' (non-honorific)
b. तू समझलऽ ।
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ lʌ
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ -ʌl-ʌ
2SG.NOM understand-PP-2.PST.MH
'You understood.' (mid-honorific-masculine) (06.044)
c. तू समझलू ।
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ lu
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ -ʌl-u
2SG.NOM understand-PP-2.PST.F.MH
'You understood.' (mid-honorific-feminine)
Going through examples (15a-c), the second person non-honorific subject तेँ
/tẽ/ is not obligatory for its finite verb to be marked for gender as in (15a), but the
second person mid-honorific subject तू /tu/ is specified for the gender by the gender
marker attached with finite verb in (15b-c). But if the finite verb is unmarked, it
symbolizes masculine gender in Bhojpuri. Besides, a Bhojpuri finite verb is always
marked for gender according to its subject as its neighbours Hindi (Koul, 2008:40-41)
and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:132-5).
Likewise, Bhojpuri adjectives are also morphologically marked for gender as
shown in (37) though it is not obligatory.
(iii) Classifiers
Bhojpuri employs no classifiers with nouns. Besides, numeral adjectival
pronoun is suffixed with the very much common classifier -गो /-ɡo/ and used as
subject or object of a clause as shown in (16a-b).
(16) a. अभीन तक एगो त आइल बा ।
ʌb̤ in tʌk eɡo tʌ ɑil bɑ
ʌb̤ in tʌk ek-ɡo tʌ ɑ-il bɑ
now till one-CLF COND come-INF be.3SG.PRES
'The only one has come till now.'
b. अब एगो देखतानी ... ।

130
ʌb eɡo dekʰʌtɑni
ʌb ek-ɡo dekʰ-ʌt bɑni
now one-CLF see-SIM be.PRES.H
'Now I am observing the one …' (01.091)
Example (16a-b) exhibits the classifier -गो /-ɡo/ as non-humane. Its humane

counterpart is -जने /-jʌne/ as shown in (17).

(17) कभी दूनूजने हॉट सीट पर बइठल रहनी ... ।

kʌb̤ i dunujʌne ɦɔʈ siʈ pʌr bʌiʈʰʌl rʌɦni
kʌb̤ i du-nu-jʌne ɦɔʈ siʈ pʌr bʌiʈʰ-ʌl rʌɦ-ni
sometimes two-EMPH-CLF hot seat LOC sit-PP live-PST.H
'Sometimes in the past we both had sat on the hot seat ...' (03.409)
Such phenomenon is common in Maithili and Nepali in terms of -टा /-ʈɑ/

(Yadav, 1998) and -वटा/ओटा /woʈɑ/ (Pokharel, 2010) respectively. Examples (16-17)
show that Bhojpuri classifiers exhibit nominative and accusative cases.
(iv) Case roles
Bhojpuri nouns are generally marked by different postpositions to indicate the
case roles of the participant in a proposition. "They may pertain to either semantic
roles (patient, instrument, location etc.) or grammatical relations (subject, direct
object, indirect object)" (Givón 2001a:65). The role of different case markers in
Bhojpuri is discussed in Chapter 8.
d) Derivational morphology
Though Bhojpuri has innumerable perfect nouns, abundant of nouns are found
derived from nouns, adjectives and verbs too as exhibited in Hindi (Koul 2008:68)
and other languages. Such derivations occur by using prefixes and suffixes.
Examples of nouns derived from nouns are shown in (18a-g).
(18) Noun to Noun
NOUN DERIVED NOUN

a. हाल बेहाल
ɦɑl beɦɑl

ɦɑl be-ɦʌl
condition NEG-condition

'condition' 'bad condition'

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b. जात कु जात
jɑt kujɑt

jɑt ku-jɑt
caste NEG-caste

'caste' 'low caste'

c. मान अपमान
mɑn ʌpmɑm
mɑn ʌp-mɑn
respect NEG-respect

'respect' 'disrespect'
d. दोकान दोकानदार
dokɑn dokɑndɑr
dokɑn dokɑn-dɑr
shop shop-ND
'shop' 'shopkeeper'
e. घर घरवइआ
ɡ̈ʌr ɡ̈ʌrwʌiɑ
ɡ̈ʌr ɡ̈ʌr-wʌiɑ
house house-ND
'house' 'house owner'
f. घास घसवाह
ɡ̈ɑs ɡ̈ʌswɑɦ
ɡ̈ɑs ɡ̈ɑs-wɑɦ
grass grass-ND
'grass' 'grass-cutter'
g. बड़ार बड़ रआ
bĩɽɑr bĩɽʌriɑ
bĩɽɑr bĩɽɑr-iɑ
nursery nursery-ND
'nursery' 'seedling uprooter'
Similarly, nouns derived from adjectives are shown in (19a-g).

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(19) Adjective to noun
ADJECTIVE NOUN

a. भोजपुरी भोजपु रआ
b̤ ojpuri b̤ ojpuriɑ

b̤ ojpuri b̤ ojpuri-ɑ
Bhojpuri Bhojpuri-ND

'Bhojpuri' 'Bhojpuri native'

b. रा ीय रा ीयता
rɑsʈrie rasʈriyʌtɑ

rɑsʈrie rasʈrie-tɑ
national national-ND

'national' 'nationality'

c. ताजा ताजापन
tɑjɑ tɑjɑpʌn
tɑjɑ tɑjɑ-pʌn
fresh fresh-ND
'fresh' 'freshness'
d. बुढ़ बुढ़ारी
buɽ̊ buɽ̊ɑri
buɽ̊ buɽ̊-ɑri
old old-ND
'old' 'oldage'
e. जवान जवानी
jʌwɑn jʌwɑni
jʌwɑn jʌwɑn-i
young young-ND
'young' 'youth'
f. मोट मोटाई /
moʈ moʈɑi
moʈ moʈ-ɑi
fat/thick fat/thick-ND

133
'fat or thick' 'fatness/thickness'
g. चौड़ा चौड़ाई
cɔɽɑ cɔɽɑi
cɔɽɑ cɔɽɑ-ɑi
broad broad-ND
'broad' 'breadth'
Examples from verb to noun are as follows:
(20) Verb to noun
VERB NOUN

a. िलख िलखाई
likʰ likʰɑi
likʰ likʰ-ɑi
write write-ND
'write' 'writing/wage for so'
b. खा खवाई
kʰɑ kʰʌwɑi
kʰɑ kʰɑ-wɑi
eat eat-ND
'eat' 'eating'
c. िनरे ख िनरे खन
nirekʰ nirekʰʌn
nirekʰ nirekʰ-ʌn
inspect nirekʰ-ND
'inspect' 'inspection'
d. राख राखी
rɑkʰ rɑkʰi
rɑkʰ rɑkʰ-i
keep/guard keep/guard-ND
'keep/guard' 'keeping/guarding'
e. राख /rɑkʰ/ 'keep' रखवार/ 'keeper'

rɑkʰ rʌkʰwɑr
rɑkʰ rɑkʰ-wɑr
keep/guard keep/guard-ND

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'keep/guard' 'keeper/guard'
f. सोह सोहनी
soɦ soɦni
soɦ soɦ-ni
weed weed-ND
'weed' 'weeding'
6.1.2 Properties of adjectives
Dixon (2010b:91) distinguishes properties of adjectives from those of nouns
and verbs in a number of languages in terms of taking certain derivational suffixes,
forming a comparative, modifying a noun, being used adverbially, and functioning as
complement of an existential predicate. Bhojpuri falls in such group of languages
including its close neighbours Chitoniya Tharu (2013:158-86), Maithili (Yadav
1996:124-49), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:137-56), Hindi (Koul 2008:81-93) and
Nepali (Adhikari 2016:61-81).
Givόn (2001a:82) points out that the size, color, shape, taste and a number of
qualities perceived by human senses are most typically expressed by adjectives. Most of
the native adjectives in Bhojpuri are prototypical. Besides, less prototypical adjectives
as well as adjectives derived from nouns and verbs are also found in abundance.
a) Semantic properties of adjectives
The most prototypical adjectives are single-feature concepts, abstracted out of
more complex bundles of experience (Givón, 2001a:53). The more prototypical
adjectives tend to code inherent, concrete, durable, relatively stable qualities of
entities; and the less prototypical that code more temporary of less concrete states
(Givón 2001a:81). Following are the prototypical and less-prototypical adjectives in
Bhojpuri grouped in terms of their semantics.
(i) Prototypical adjectives
Size
Size adjectives mostly occur in antonym pair and they may denote spatial
dimensions as shown in (21a-f).
(21) a. General size: बड़ /bʌɽ/ 'big'—छोट /cʰoʈ/ 'small'

b. Horizontal extension: फइली /pʰʌili/—सके त /sʌket/ 'narrow'

c. Thickness: मोट /moʈ/ 'thick'—पातर /pɑtʌr/ 'thin'

d. Vertical extension: लमढेङ /lʌmɖ̈eŋ/ 'tall'—नाट /nɑʈ/ or बौना /bɔnɑ/ 'short'

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e. Vertical elevation: उँ च /ũc/ 'high'—नीच /nic/ 'low'

f. Length: लामा /lɑmɑ/ 'long'—छोट /cʰoʈ/ 'short'

Colour
For brightness, the colour adjectives appear in antonym pairs or cover the
rainbow and beyond as in (22a-b).
(22) a. Brightness: अऩार /ʌn̥ ɑr/ 'dark'—अँजोत /ʌj̃ ot/ 'light; क रआ /kʌriɑ/ 'black'—

उजर /ujʌr/ 'white'

b. Colour: भंटा /b̤ ʌnʈɑ/ or बैगनी /bɛɡʌni/ 'violet', आसमानी /ɑsmɑni/ 'indigo',

िललही /lilʌɦi/ or नीला /nilɑ/ 'blue', ह रअर /ɦʌriʌr/ 'green', िपअर /piʌr/

'yellow', संतोला /sʌntolɑ/ 'orange', लाल /lɑl/ 'red', क थही /kʌttʰʌɦi/ or

खइ रआ /kʰʌiriɑ/ 'brown'
Auditory
Auditory adjectives appear in antonym pairs covering several auditory
properties as in (23a-e).
(23) a. Loudness: जोड़दार /joɽdɑr/ 'loud'—लरम /lʌrʌm/ 'soft', ह ला /ɦʌllɑ/ 'noisy'—

शांत /sɑnt/ 'quiet'

b. Absolute pitch: उँ च /ũc/ 'high'—मंद /mʌnd/ 'low'

c. Relative pitch: तेज /tej/ 'sharp'—मिधम /mʌd̤ im/ 'flat'

d. Harmony: मधुर /mʌd̤ ur/ 'mellow'—कड़कस /kʌɽkʌs/ 'harsh'

e. Melody: सु रला /surilɑ/ 'melodious'—बेसुरा /besurɑ/ 'cacophonous'

Shape
Shape adjectives describe shape of noun-coded objects in mono-, bi- or tri-
dimensional space as in (24a-c).
(24) a. mono-dimensional: सोझ /soȷ̈ / 'straight', टढ़ /ʈẽɽ̊/ 'crooked or curved', झुँकल

/ȷ̈ũkʌl/ 'bent', अइँ ठल /ʌĩʈʰʌl/ 'twisted'

b. Bi-dimensional: गोल /ɡol/ 'round', वगाकार /bʌrɡɑkɑr/ 'square', ि भुजाकार

/trib̤ ujɑkɑr/ or ितनकोनी /tinkoni/ 'triangular', आयताकार /ɑetɑkɑr/

'rectangular', समलंबाकार /sʌmlʌmbɑkɑr/ 'trepezoid'.

c. Tri-dimensional: गोलाकार /ɡolɑkɑr/ 'spherical', घनाकार /ɡ̈ʌnɑkɑr/ 'cubic',

टपाकार /ʈipɑkɑr/ 'conical', बेलनाकार /belnɑkɑr/ 'cylindrical', शुंडाकार

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/sunɖɑkɑr/ 'pyramidal'
Taste
Taste adjectives symbolize various tastes as in (25).
(25) मीठ /miʈʰ/ 'sweet', ख ा /kʰʌʈʈɑ/ 'sour', नुनगर /nunɡʌr/ 'salty', तीत /tit/ 'bitter or

hot', कसाहा /kʌsɑɦɑ/ 'acrid'

Tactile
Tactile adjectives code various senses of touch probably in antonym pairs as
shown in (26a-c).
(26) a. Texture: खर /rukʰʌr/ 'rough'—िचकन /cikʌn/ 'smooth'

b. Resistance: कठोर /kʌʈʰor/ 'hard'—कोमल /komʌl/ or लरम /lʌrʌm/ 'soft'

c. Pointedness: तेज /tej/ 'sharp'—भोनास /b̤ onɑs/ 'dull' or भ थाड़ी /b̤ õtʰɑɽi/ 'blunt'
(ii) Less prototypical adjectives
Less prototypical adjectives symbolize either less concrete properties or more
transitory states.
Evaluative
Evaluative adjectives probably appear in antonym pairs to signal subjective
judgements of desirability along physical or social dimensions, pertaining to either
inherent traits or temporary states as in (27a-d).
(27) a. िनमन /nimʌn/ 'good'—बेजाय /bejɑy/ 'bad'
b. पवंत /rupwʌnt/ 'pretty'—कु प /kurup/ 'ugly'
c. मनचाहा /mʌncɑɦɑ/ 'nice'—अनचाहा /ʌncɑɦɑ/ 'nasty'
d. इि छत /iccʰit/ 'desirable'—अिनि छत /ʌniccʰit/ 'undesirable'
Transitory states
This is a heterogenous group of adjectives that describes external, internal,
social or mental temporary states as shown in (28a-e).
(28) a. Mental-internal: नाराज /nɑrɑj/ 'angry', थाकल /tʰɑkʌl/ 'tired', दुःखी /dukʰi/ or
उदास /udɑs/ 'sad', तृ /tript/ 'content', तङ /tʌŋ/ 'disgusted', सतक /sʌtʌrk/ 'alert'.
b. External activity: त /byʌst/ 'busy'—सु त /sust/ 'idle'
c. External condition: फु हर /pʰuɦʌr/ or गंदा /ɡʌndɑ/ 'dirty'—साफ /sɑpʰ/ 'clean'
d. Speed of motion: तेज /tej/ 'fast'—िधमा /d̤ imɑ/ or आिह ता /ɑɦistɑ/ 'slow'
e. Temperature: गरम /ɡʌrʌm/ or तपत /tʌpʌt/ 'hot', सुसुम /susum/ 'warm', गम
/ɡʌrmi/ 'tepid', ठं ढा /ʈʰʌnɖ̈ɑ/ 'cold'

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State of living
The group of adjectives of state of living describe various states of animate
beings as shown in (29a-d).
(29) a. Age: जवान /jʌwɑn/ 'young'—बूढ़ /buɽ̊/ 'old', नया /nʌyɑ/ 'new'—पुरान /purɑn/ 'old'

b. Life: िजअत /jiʌt/ or जदा /jindɑ/ 'alive'—मरल /mʌrʌl/ or मूदा /murdɑ/ 'dead'

c. Health: तंद ु त /tʌndurust/ or व थ /swʌstʰ/ 'healthy'—बेमार /bemɑr/ 'sick',

रोगी /roɡi/ 'ill'—िनरोग /niroɡ/ 'well'

d. Business: त /byʌst/ 'busy'—िनक मा /nikʌmmɑ/ 'idle', रोजगार /rojɡɑr/

'employed'—बेरोजगार /berojɡɑr/ 'unemployed'

Position
This group of adjectives appeared in antonym pairs code distance and
direction as shown in (30a-b).
(30) a. Distance: लग /lʌɡ/ or िनअरा /niʌrɑ/ 'near'—पाला /pɑlɑ/ or लमहारा

/lʌmɦɑrɑ/ or दूर /dur/ 'far'

b. Direction: उ र /uttʌr/ 'north'—दि खन /dʌkkʰin/ 'south', पु ब /purub/

'east'—पिछम /pʌcʰim/ 'west', दिहना /dʌɦinɑ/ 'right'—बायाँ /bɑyɑ̃/ 'left'

b) Syntactic properties of the adjectives
Bhojpuri adjectives tend to occur as predicate in copular clauses, as modifiers
in the Noun Phrase and as verbal complements.
(i) Predicate adjective
(31) a. एह घर के खा ी ब रआर बा ।
eɦ ɡ̈ʌr ke kʰɑm̥ i bʌriɑr bɑ
eɦ ɡ̈ʌr ke kʰɑm̥ i bʌriɑr bɑ
prox house GEN wooden pillar strong be.3SG.PRES
'The wooden pillar of this house is strong.' (09.165)
b. ई दूध गाऱ बा ।
i dud̤ ɡɑr̥ bɑ
i dud̤ ɡɑr̥ bɑ
3SG.DEM.PROX milk thick be.3SG.PRES
'This milk is thick.' (09.158)
In example (31a-b), ब रआर /bʌriɑr/ 'strong' in (31a) and गाऱ /ɡɑr̥ / 'thick' in

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(31b) are predicates respectively.
(ii) Modifying adjective
(32) a. लाल घर
lɑl ɡ̈ʌr
'red house' (06.032)
b. गोला बैल
ɡolɑ bɛl
ɡol-ɑ bɛl
brown-M ox
'The brown ox.'
c. गोली गाय
ɡoli ɡɑe
ɡol-i ɡɑe
brown-F cow
'The brown cow.'
d. बड़का बेटा
bʌɽkɑ beʈɑ
bʌɽ-kɑ beʈɑ
elder-M son
'The elder son.'
e. बड़क बेटी
bʌɽki beʈi
bʌɽ-ki beʈi
elder-M daughter
'The elder daughter.'
f. ई गाछ
i ɡɑcʰ
i ɡɑcʰ
3SG.DEM.PROX tree
'this tree' (06.029)
g. ऊ गाछ
u ɡɑcʰ

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u ɡɑcʰ
3SG.DEM.DIST tree
'that tree (vis.)' (06.030)
h. हऊ गाछ
ɦʌu ɡɑcʰ
ɦʌu ɡɑcʰ
3SG.DEM.DIST tree
'that tree (invis.)' (06.031)
i. लमढेङ आदमी चल देलख ।
lʌmɖ̈eŋ ɑdmi cʌl delʌkʰ
lʌmɖ̈eŋ ɑdmi cʌl de -ʌl -ʌkʰ
tall man walk give -PP -3.PST.NH
'The tall man left.' (06.028)
In example (32a-i), लाल /lɑl/ 'red', गोल /ɡol/ 'brown', बड़ /bʌɽ/ 'elder' ई /i/ 'this',

ऊ /u/ 'that', हऊ /ɦʌu/ 'that (invis.) and लमढेङ /lʌmɖ̈eŋ/ 'tall' are modifying adjectives

among which pronominals ई /i/ 'this', ऊ /u/ 'that' and हऊ /ɦʌu/ 'that (invis.) are placed

as modifiers. Besides, गोल /ɡol/ 'brown' in (32b-c) with suffixes -आ /-ɑ/ and -ई /-i/

shows gender agreement with बैल /bɛl/ 'ox' and गाय /ɡɑe/ 'cow' respectively. Likewise,

बड़ /bʌɽ/ 'elder' in (32d-e) with suffixes -का /-kɑ/ and -क /-ki/ shows the same with

बेटा /beʈɑ/ 'son' and बेटी /beʈi/ 'daughter' respectively. But such type of gender
agreement in Bhojpuri is not a prominent feature.
(iii) Adjective of verbal complement
As in English (Givón 2001:85), some adjectives in Bhojpuri may take verbal
compliments as shown in (33a-c).
(33) a. लोग क ठन बा खुश कइल ।
loɡ kʌʈʰin bɑ kʰus kʌil
loɡ kʌʈʰin bɑ kʰus kʌr-il
people difficult be.3SG.PRES happy do-INF
'People are hard to please.' (13.139)
b. राजु ओकरा समझावे खाितर क ठन बा ।
rɑju okʌrɑ sʌmȷ̈ ɑwe kʰɑtir kʌʈʰin bɑ

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rɑju okʌrɑ sʌmʌȷ̈ -ɑ-e kʰɑtir kʌʈʰin bɑ
Raju 3.SG.GEN understand-CAUS-PUR for difficult be.3SG.PRES
'Raju is difficult (for her) to please.' (13.129)
c. मङ गलत रहे, ढ ढ़ाई के िपटे म ।
mʌŋru ɡʌlʌt rʌɦe ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈe mẽ
mʌŋru ɡʌlʌt rʌɦ-e ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈ-e mẽ
Mangru wrong live-3.PST Dhondhai ACC beat-PUR LOC

'Mangru was wrong to beat Dhondhai.' (13.133)

In example (33a-c), क ठन /kʌʈʰin/ 'difficult' in (33a-b) and गलत /ɡʌlʌt/ 'wrong'
in (33c) is the adjective of verbal complement.
c) Morphological properties of adjective
(i) Grammatical morphology
Bhojpuri adjectives have a type of morphology for slightness as shown in (34a-c).
(34) a. -अ ँ /-ʌɦũ/ as in उजर /ujʌr/ 'ujʌr'—उजर ँ /ujʌrʌɦũ/ 'whitish', क रआ /kʌriɑ/
'black'—क रअ ँ /kʌriʌɦũ/ 'blackish', िपअर /piʌr/ 'yellow'—िपअर ँ /piʌrʌɦũ/
'yellowish', दबू /dʌbu/ 'coward'—दबक ँ /dʌbkʌɦũ/ 'cowardish'
b. -हर /-ɦʌr/ as in गोर /ɡor/ 'olive'—गोरहर /ɡorɦʌr/ 'slightly olive'
c. -उआ /-uɑ/ as in मीठ /miʈʰ/ 'sweet'—मीठु आ /miʈʰuɑ/ 'sweetish', ख ा /kʰʌʈʈɑ/
'sour'—ख टुआ /kʰʌʈʈuɑ/ 'sourish'
Regarding degree of adjectives, Bhojpuri has no concrete markers for
comparative or superlative, but some morphemes that follow the adjectives to increase
their degrees but with contextual differences as in (35a-f).
(35) a. उजर /ujʌr/ 'white': उजर-सपेत /ujʌr-sʌpet/ 'white as the crust of eucalyptus',
उजर-धपधप /ujʌr-d̤ ʌpd̤ ʌp/ 'brighty white'
b. लाल /lɑl/ 'red': लाल-टेस /lɑl-ʈes/ or लाल-टहकाड़ /lɑl-ʈʌɦʌkɑɽ/ 'deeply red',
लाल-कहड़वा /lɑl-kʌɦʌɽwɑ/ 'red due to beating' or लाल-िसम रत /lɑl-simrit/
'scarlet red', लाल-करजनी /lɑl-kʌrjʌni/ 'red (due to eye-disease)', लाल-कं डोल
/lɑl-kʌnɖol/ 'sunrise or sunset red'
c. िपअर /piʌr/ 'yellow': िपअर-दगदग /piʌr-dʌɡdʌɡ/ 'deep yellow', िपअर-आम
/piʌr-ɑm/ 'jaundice yellow', िपअर-ढाबुस /piʌr-ɖ̈ɑbus/ 'pus yellow'

141
d. क रआ /kʌriɑ/ 'black': क रआ-कु चकु च /kʌriɑ-kuckuc/ 'nighty black or darkish
black', क रआ- र ा /kʌriɑ-riʈʈʰɑ/ 'deep black (skin)', क रआ-जामुन /kʌriɑ-
jɑmun/ 'cloudy black', क रआ-भुजेङ /kʌriɑ-b̤ ujeŋ/ 'karait black'.
e. ह रअर /ɦʌriʌr/ 'green': ह रअर-कचनार /ɦʌriʌr-kʌcnɑr/ 'bright green'
f. पातर /pɑtʌr/ 'thin': पातर-लकलक /pɑtʌr-lʌklʌk/ 'lean and thin'
As its neighbours Hindi (Kaul, 2008:81-82), Nepali (Pokharel, 2010) and
Maithili (Grierson, 1909:63-72), Bhojpuri adjectives are suffixed with determiners
that often reflect gender, as shown in (36a-d).
(36) a. -आ /-ɑ/ as in िपअर /piʌr/ 'yellow'—िपअरा /piʌrɑ/ 'the yellow one'
b. -हवा /-ɦʌwɑ/ as in ख ा /kʰʌʈʈɑ/ 'sour'—खटहवा /kʰʌʈʌɦʌwɑ/ 'the sour one'
c. -उआवा /miʈʰ/ 'sweet'—मीठु आवा /miʈʰuɑwɑ/ 'the sweet one'
d. -का /-kɑ/ (M) and -क /-ki/ (F) as
Adjectives
Neutral Mesculine Feminine
गोर गोरका गोरक
ɡor ɡorkɑ ɡorki
ɡor ɡor-kɑ ɡor-ki
olive olive-M olive-F
'olive' 'the olive one (male)' 'the olive one (female)'
क रआ क रआका क रअक
kʌriɑ kʌriɑkɑ kʌriʌki
kʌriɑ kʌriɑ-kɑ kʌriɑ-ki
black black-M black-F
'black' 'the black one (male)' 'the black one (female)'
(ii) Derivational morphology
Like its neighbours Maithili (Grierson 1909:63-72), Awadhi (Saksena
1937:145), Hindi (Kaul 2008:85-7), Nepali (Pokharel, 2010) and English as well;
Bhojpuri has a large number of adjectives derived from either nouns or verbs. Thus,
their meaning owes to the original input noun or verb, some to the semantic derivation
type (Givón 2001a:87). Some examples of noun-to-adjective derivation:
(37) Noun to adjective
NOUN ADJECTIVE

a. गाँव गवाँर

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ɡɑ̃o ɡʌwɑ̃r

ɡɑ̃o ɡɑ̃o-ɑr
village village-ADJ

'village' 'rural/ignorant'

b. शहर शहरी/शह आ
sʌɦʌr sʌɦʌri/sʌɦʌruɑ

sʌɦʌr sʌɦʌr-i/uɑ
town town-ADJ

'town' 'urban'

c. बेआर बेअरगर
beɑr beʌrɡʌr

beɑr beɑr-ɡʌr
wind wind-ADJ

'wind' 'windy'

d. संिवधान संवैधािनक
sʌmbid̤ ɑn sʌmbɛd̤ ɑnik

sʌmbid̤ ɑn sʌmbid̤ ɑn-ik

constitution constitution-ADJ

'constitution' 'constitutional'

e. दुःख दुःखदाई
dukʰ dukʰdɑi

dukʰ dukʰ-dɑi
pain pain-ADJ

'pain' 'painful'

Some examples of verb-to-adjective derivation:

(38) Verb to adjectives
VERB ADJECTIVE

a. िपट िपटु आ
piʈ piʈuɑ

143
piʈ piʈ-uɑ
beat beat-ADJ
'beat' 'beaten'
b. बुझ बुझनउक
buȷ̈ buȷ̈ nʌuk
buȷ̈ buȷ̈ -nʌuk
understand understand-ADJ
'understand' understandable
c. दाहा दाहाटु
dɑɦɑ dɑɦɑʈu
dɑɦɑ dɑɦɑ-ʈu
drown drown-ADJ
'drown' 'risky for drowning'
d. उठ उठउआ
uʈʰ uʈʰʌuɑ
uʈʰ uʈʰ-ʌuɑ
rise rise-ADJ
'rise' 'rising'
e. उड़ उड़ंतु
uɽ uɽʌntu
uɽ uɽ-ʌntu
fly fly-ADJ
'fly' 'fliable'
Besides, the infinitive and participle form of verbs in Bhojpuri are the same
and the usage of participles are all used as verbal adjectives.
Moreover, several derivational morphemes derive negative adjectives from
their unmarked affirmative counterparts. Such derivational morphemes occur either as
prefix or as suffix. Bhojpuri does have such pairs of adjectives as its neighbours
Maithili, Awadhi, Hindi and Nepali do, as shown in (39a-f).
(39) Affirmative-negative morphemic pairs
AFFIRMATIVE NEGATIVE

a. संभव असंभव

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sʌmb̤ ɔ ʌsʌmb̤ ɔ
sʌmb̤ ɔ ʌ-sʌmb̤ ɔ
possible NEG-possible

'possible' 'impossible'
b. िनमन नािनमन
nimʌn nɑnimʌn
nimʌn nɑ-nimʌn
good NEG-good

'good' 'bad'
c. पढ़ल िनपढ़'illiterate'
pʌɽ̊ʌl nipʌɽ̊
pʌɽ̊ʌl ni-pʌɽ̊
literate NEG-literate

'literate' 'illiterate'
d. कािमल बेकािमल
kɑmil bekɑmil
kɑmil be-kɑmil
useful NEG-useful

'useful' 'useless'
e. खुश अनखुश
kʰus ʌnkʰus
kʰus ʌn-kʰus
happy NEG-happy

'happy' 'unhappy'
f. बुि मान बुि िहन
budd̤ imɑn budd̤ iɦin
budd̤ imɑn budd̤ i-ɦin
wisdom-POS wisdom-NEG
'wise' 'unwise'
d) Numeral adjectives
(i) Numerals
Number of nominal entities is incoded by numerals in the noun phrase
wheareas notions of quantity are encoded by quantifiers. They are classified as

145
cardinals, ordinals, multiplicatives, collectives, fractionals besides which there are
some others as proportionals, subtractives, distributives probably expressed in various
modes (Tiwari, 1960:117).
Cardinals
Bhojpuri cardinals depict very interesting linguistic expressions in derivation
of higher numerals from the lower ones as the mixtures of the arithmetical bases of
addition and multiplication along with other features. In this subsection, we discuss
how they are organized semantically and integrated morphologically and syntactically
into the grammar of Bhojpuri.
Morphological properties of cardinals
The cardinal numerals in Bhojpuri may be categorized into basic and derived
morphologically. They are as follows:
Basic cardinals
As its close neighbours Sanskrit (Kale, 1961:102), Maithili (Grierson,
1909:70-1), Awadhi (Saksena, 1937:146-7), Hindi (Koul:2008:88) and Nepali
(Turnbull, 1887:11-2), the basic numerals in Bhojpuri include linguistic expression of
numbers from 1 to 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 60, 70, 80, 90 and 100 They do not undergo any
morphological processes, as shown in (40).
(40) a. १ एक /ek/ 'one'

b. २ दू/दुई /du/dui/ 'two'

c. ३ तीन /tin/ 'three'

d. ४ चार /cɑr/ 'four'

e. ५ पाँच /pɑ̃c/ 'five'

f. ६ छौ /cʰɔ/ 'six'

g. ७ सात /sɑt/ 'seven'

h. ८ आठ /ɑʈʰ/ 'eight'

i. ९ नौ /nɔ/ 'nine'

k. १० दस /dʌs/ 'ten'

l. २० बीस /bis/ 'twenty'

m. ३० तीस /tis/ 'thirty'

n. ४० चािलस /cɑlis/ 'forty'

146
o. ५० पचास /pʌcɑs/ 'fifty'

p. ६० साठ /sɑʈʰ/ 'sixty'

q. ७० स र /sʌttʌr/ 'seventy'

r. ८० अ सी /ʌssi/ 'eighty'

s. ९० न बे /nʌbbe/ 'ninety'

t. १०० सै/सौ /sɛ/sɔ/ 'hundred'

Derived cardinals
Apart from cardinal numerals exemplified in (40a-j), the rest are derived from
different arithmetic bases by compounding and other morphological processes. The
cardinals 11-18 are derived by adding 10 into the cardinals from 1 till 8 and 19 is
obtained by subtracting 1 from 20 in terms of उन /un/ 'one less than'. The similar
process repeats for 21-28, 31-38, 41-48, 51-58, 61-68, 71-78, 81-88 and 91-98 by
adding 20, 30, 40, 50, 60, 70, 80 and 90 respectively into the cardinals from 1 till 8.
Similarly 29, 39, 49, 59, 69 and 79 are obtained by diminishing 1 from 30, 40, 50, 60,
70 and 80 respectively described for 19. Besides, 89 and 99 are obtained by adding 80
and 90 respectively into 9. Likewise 30, 40, 50, 60, 70, 80 and 90 are obtained by
multiplying 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9 respectively by 10. The similar system is found in
Maithili (Grierson, 1909:71-2), Awadhi (Saxena, 1937:146-51) and Hindi
(Koul:2008:88-90). Sanskrit (Kale, 1961:102-6) expresses the same except 19, 29, 39,
49, 59, 69, 79, 89 and 99 in terms of 9 followed by addition of 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 60,
70, 80 and 90 respectively as English does as well as diminishing 1 from 20, 30, 40,
50, 60, 70, 80, 90 and 100 as Nepali (Turnbull, 1887:11-2) does.
Morphophonologically, दस /dʌs/ 'ten' is expressed as दह /dʌɦ/ or ह /drʌɦ/ or

दऽ /dʌ/ or दे /de/ or रह /rʌɦ/ or रे /re/ from 11 till 18 whereas बीस /bis/ 'twenty' is

expressed as इस /is/ preceded by उन /un/ 'one less than' for 19 as show in (41).

(41) a. ११ एगारह/एगारऽ/एगारे /eɡɑ-rʌɦ/-rʌ/-re/ one and ten 'eleven'

b. १२ बारह/बारऽ/बारे /bɑ-rʌɦ/-rʌ/-re/ two and ten 'twelve'

c. १३ तेरह/तेरऽ/तेरे /te-rʌɦ/-rʌ/-re/ three and ten 'thirteen'

d. १४ चउदह/चउदऽ/चउदे /cʌu-dʌɦ/-dʌ/-de/ four and ten 'fourteen'

e. १५ पं ह/पं ऽ/पं /े पनरह/पनरऽ/पनरे /pʌn-drʌh/-drʌ/-dre/-rʌɦ/-rʌ/re/

five and ten 'fifteen'

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f. १६ सोरह/सोरऽ/सोरे /so-rʌɦ/-rʌ/-re/ six and ten 'sixteen'

g. १७ सतरह/सतरऽ/सतरे /sʌtʌ-rʌɦ/-rʌ/-re/ seven and ten 'seventeen'

h. १८ अठारह/अठारऽ/अठारे /ʌʈʰɑ-rʌɦ/-rʌ/-re/ eight and ten 'eighteen'

i. १९ उनइस /unʌ-is/ one less than twenty 'nineteen'

The similar process continues with expression of बीस /bis/ 'twenty' also in

form of इस /is/ continues from 21 till 28 and तीस /tis/ 'thirty' preceded by उन /un/ 'one
less than' for 29 as shown in (42).
(42) a. २१ एकइस /ek-ʌ-is/ one and twenty 'twenty-one'

b. २२ बाइस /bɑ-is/ two and twenty 'twenty-two'

c. २३ तेइस /te-is/ three and twenty 'twenty-three'

d. २४ चउबीस /cʌu-bis/ four and twenty 'twenty-four

e. २५ प ीस /pʌcc-is/ five and twenty 'twenty-five'

f. २६ छ बीस /cʰʌbb-is/ six and twenty 'twenty-six'

g. २७ सताइस /sʌt-ɑ-is/ seven and twenty 'twenty-seven'

h. २८ अठाइस /ʌʈʰ-ɑ-is/ eight and twenty 'twenty-eight'

i. २९ उं तीस /un-tis/ one less than thirty twenty-nine'

The similar process continues with expression of तीस /tis/ 'thirty'

continues from 31 till 38 and चािलस /cɑlis/ 'forty' preceded by उन /un/ 'one
less than' for 39, as shown in (43).
(43) a. ३१ एकतीस /ek-tis/ one and thirty 'thirty-one'

b. ३२ ब ीस /bʌt-tis/ two and thirty 'thirty-two'

c. ३३ ततीस /tẽ-tis/ three and thirty 'thirty-three'

d. ३४ चउँ तीस /cʌũ-tis/ four and thirty 'thirty-four'

e. ३५ पतीस /pɛ̃-tis/ five and thirty 'thirty-five'

f. ३६ छ ीस /cʰʌt-tis/ six and thirty 'thirty-six'

g. ३७ सतीस /sɛ̃-tis/ seven and thirty 'thirty-seven'

h. ३८ अँड़तीस /ʌɽ̃ -tis/ eight and thirty 'thirty-eight'

i. ३९ उं चािलस /un-cɑlis/ one less than forty 'thirty-nine'

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The similar process continues with expression of चािलस /cɑlis/ 'forty' in terms

of तािलस /tɑlis/ or आिलस /ɑlis/ continues from 41 till 48 and पचास /pʌcɑs/ 'fifty' in

form of चास /cɑs/ with उन /un/ 'one less than' for 49, as shown in (44).

(44) a. ४१ एकतािलस /ek-tɑlis/ one and forty 'forty-one'

b. ४२ बेआिलस /be-ɑlis/ two and forty 'forty-two'

c. ४३ ततािलस /tẽ-tɑlis/ three and forty 'forty-three'

d. ४४ चउआिलस /cʌu-ɑlis/ four and forty 'forty-four'

e. ४५ पतािलस /pɛ̃-tɑlis/ five and forty 'forty-five'

f. ४६ छेआिलस /cʰe-ɑlis/ six and forty 'forty-six'

g. ४७ सतािलस /sɛ̃-tɑlis/ seven and forty 'forty-seven'

h. ४८ अँड़तािलस /ʌɽ̃ -tɑlis/ eight and forty 'forty-eight'

i. ४९ उं चास /un-cɑs/ one less than fifty 'forty-nine'

The similar process continues with expression of पचास /pʌcɑs/ 'fifty' in forms

of पन /pʌn/ or वन /wʌn/ or अन /ʌn/ continues from 51 till 58. As पचास /pʌcɑs/ is

deviated from पंचाश /pʌncɑʃ/ in Sanskrit (Kale, 1961:104) it is probably shortened to

पन /pʌn/ or वन /wʌn/ or अन /ʌn/ as final morpheme for expression of 51 till 58 and

साठ /sɑʈʰ/ 'sixty' in form of सठ /sʌʈʰ/ preceded by उन /un/ 'one less than' for that of 59,
as shown in (45).
(45) a. ५१ एकावन /ek-ɑ-wʌn/ one and fifty 'fifty-one'

b. ५२ बावन /bɑ-wʌn/ two and fifty 'fifty-two'

c. ५३ ितरपन /tir-pʌn/ three and fifty 'fifty-three'

d. ५४ चउअन /cʌu-ʌn/ four and fifty 'fifty-four'

e. ५५ पचपन /pʌc-pʌn/ five and fifty 'fifty-five'

f. ५६ छपन /cʰʌ-pʌn/ six and fifty 'fifty-six'

g. ५७ संतावन /sʌnt-ɑ-wʌn/ seven and fifty 'fifty-seven'

h. ५८ अंठावन /ʌnʈʰ-ɑ-wʌn/ eight and fifty 'fifty-eight'

i. ५९ उं सठ /un-sʌʈʰ/ one less than sisty 'fifty-nine'

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The similar process with expression of साठ /sɑʈʰ/ 'fifty' in form of सठ /sʌʈʰ/

continues from 61 till 68 and स र /sʌttʌr/ 'seventy' in form of ह र /ɦʌttʌr/ preceded

by उन /un/ 'one less than' for that of 69, as shown in (46).

(46) a. ६१ एकसठ /ek-sʌʈʰ/ one and sixty 'sixty-one'

b. ६२ बासठ /bɑ-sʌʈʰ/ two and sixty 'sixty-two'

c. ६३ ितरसठ /tir-sʌʈʰ/ three and sixty 'sixty-three'

d. ६४ चउँ सठ /cʌũ-sʌʈʰ/ four and sixty 'sixty-four'

e. ६५ पसठ /pɛ̃-sʌʈʰ/ five and sixty 'sixty-five'

f. ६६ छेआसठ /cʰe-ɑ-sʌʈʰ/ six and sixty 'sixty-six'

g. ६७ सँड़सठ /sʌ̃ɽ-sʌʈʰ/ seven and sixty 'sixty-seven'

h. ६८ अँड़सठ /ʌɽ̃ -sʌʈʰ/ eight and sixty 'sixty-eight'

i. ६९ उनह र /un-ɦʌttʌr/ one less than seventy 'sixty-nine'

The similar process with expression of स र /sʌttʌr/ 'seventy' in form of ह र

/ɦʌttʌr/ continues from 71 till 78 and अ सी /ʌssi/ 'eighty' in form of आसी /ɑsi/

preceded by उन /un/ 'one less than' for that of 79, as shown in (47).

(47) a. ७१ एकह र /ek-ɦʌttʌr/ one and seventy 'seventy-one'

b. ७२ बह र /bʌ-ɦʌttʌr/ two and seventy 'seventy-two.

c. ७३ ितह र /ti-ɦʌttʌr/ three and seventy 'seventy-three'

d. ७४ चउह र /cʌu-ɦʌttʌr/ four and seventy 'seventy-four'

e. ७५ पचह र /pʌc-ɦʌttʌr/ five and seventy 'seventy-five'

f. ७६ िछह र /cʰi-ɦʌttʌr/ six and seventy 'seventy-six'

g. ७७ सतह र /sʌt-ɦʌttʌr/ seven and seventy 'seventy-seven'

h. ७८ अठह र /ʌʈʰ-ɦʌttʌr/ eight and seventy 'seventy-eight'

i. ७९ उनासी /unɑsi/ one less than eighty 'seventy-nine'

The similar process with expression of अ सी /ʌssi/ 'eighty' in form of आसी

/ɑsi/ continues from 81 till 89 and that of न बे /nʌbbe/ 'ninety' in form नबे /nbe/ from
91 till 99, as shown in (48).
(48) a. ८१ एकासी /ek-ɑsi/ one and eighty 'eighty-one'

b. ८२ बेरासी /be-r-ɑsi/ two and eighty 'eighty-two'

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c. ८३ तेरासी/ितरासी /te/ti-r-ɑsi/ three and eighty 'eighty-three'

d. ८४ चौरासी/चउरासी /cɔ/cʌu-r-ɑsi/ four and eighty 'eighty-four'

e. ८५ पचासी /pʌc-ɑsi/ five and eighty 'eighty-five'

f. ८६ िछआसी/छेआसी /cʰi/che-ɑsi/ six and eighty 'eighty-six'

g. ८७ सतासी /sʌt-ɑsi/ seven and eighty 'eighty-seven'

h. ८८ अठासी /ʌʈʰ-ɑsi/ eight and eighty 'eighty-eight'

i. ८९ नवासी /nɔ-ɑsi/ nine and eighty 'eighty-nine'

j. ९० न बे /nʌbbe/ nine tens 'nʌbbe'

k. ९१ एकानबे /ek-ɑ-nbe/ one and ninety 'ninety-one'

l. ९२ बानबे /bɑ-nbe/ two and ninety 'ninety-two'

m. ९३ ितरानबे /ti-rɑ-nbe/ three and ninety 'ninety-three'

n. ९४ चउरानबे /cʌu-rɑ-nbe/ four and ninety 'ninety-four'

o. ९५ पंचानबे /pʌnc-ɑ-nbe/ five and ninety 'ninety-five'

p. ९६ िछआनबे/छेआनबे /cʰi/che-ɑ-nbe/ six and ninety 'ninety-six'

q. ९७ संतानबे /sʌnt-ɑ-nbe/ seven and ninety 'ninety-seven'

r. ९८ अंठानबे /ʌnʈʰ-ɑ-nbe/ eight and ninety 'ninety-eight'

s. ९९ िननानबे /nin-ɑ-nbe/ nine and ninety 'ninety-nine'

t. १०० सै/सौ /sɛ/ or /sɔ/ ten tens 'hundred'

Though the standard counting of the cardinals occurs in Bhojpuri from 1 to
100, the illiterate people still count only from 1 to 20. Therefore, they express 40, 60,
80 and 100 as दू बीस /du bis/ 'two twenties', तीन बीस /tin bis/ 'three twenties', चार बीस

/cɑr bis/ 'four twenties' and पाँच बीस /pɑ̃c bis/ 'five twenties' respectively.

Similarly, they count down the cardinals less than 20 in terms of एक कम /ek kʌm/

'one less than', दू कम /du kʌm/ 'two less than' and so on. So, 18 is expressed as दू कम बीस /du

kʌm bis/ 'two less than twenty' and 19 as एक कम बीस /ek kʌm bis/ 'one less than twenty'.
In the languages of the world, one can find unit+ten and ten+unit order
commonly. When we observe counting system in Bhojpuri, the examples (41-48)
expresses that the former order is maintained upto eight units after each ten upto अंठानबे
/ʌnʈʰɑnbe/ 'ninety-eight' but the nineth unit after each ten is in the order of one less than

151
the other ten as उनइस /unʌis/ '19=20-1 or one less than twenty' ... ... upto उनासी /unɑsi/

'79=80-1 or one less than eighty'. But नवासी /nʌwɑsi/ '89=9+80 or nine and eithty' and

िननानबे /ninɑnbe/ '99=9+90 or nine and ninety' again retain the former one.
Cardinal numerals above hundred
Above hundred, the order is certainly the bigger first, i.e., the same numerals
from एक /ek/ 'one' to िननानबे /ninɑnbe/ 'ninety-nine' are repeated up to each next
hundred. But Bhojpuri has its unique way of counting alternatively from 101 in the
reverse order as we observed up to a greater extent, especially used for learning
multiple tables of 11 onwards. The higher number is subjoined to the lower one with
which it is compounded by means of -उ र /-uttʌr/ 'above' and this morphological
process continues for 101 to 118, as shown in (49).
(49) a. १०१ एको र सै /ek-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'one above hundred for 101'

b. १०२ दलो र सै /di-l-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'two above hundred for 102'

c. १०३ ितलो र सै /ti-l-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'three above hundred for 103'

d. १०४ चलो र सै /cʌ-l-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'four above hundred for 104'

e. १०५ पँचो र सै /pʌc̃ -ottʌr-sɛ/ 'five above hundred for 105'

f. १०६ छहो र सै /cʰʌɦ-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'six above hundred for 106'

g. १०७ सतो र सै /sʌt-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'seven above hundred for 107'

h. १०८ अठो र सै /ʌʈʰ-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'eight above hundred for 108'

i. १०९ नवो र सै /nʌw-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'nine above hundred for 109'

j. ११० दहो र सै /dʌɦ-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'ten above hundred for 110'

k. १११ एगरो र सै /eɡʌr-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'eleven above hundred for 111'

l. ११२ बलो र सै /bʌ-l-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'twelve above hundred for 112'

m. ११३ तेरो र सै /ter-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'thirteen above hundred for 113'

n. ११४ चउदो र सै /cʌud-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'fourteen above hundred for 114'

o. ११५ पं ो र सै /pʌndr-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'fifteen above hundred for 115'

p. ११६ सोरो र सै /sor-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'sixteen above hundred for 116'

q. ११७ सतरो र सै /sʌtʌr-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'seventeen above hundred for 117'

r. ११८ अठरो र सै /ʌʈʰʌr-ottʌr-sɛ/ 'eighteen above hundred for 118'

152
In Examples (49b-d, l) The assimilation of दू/दुई /du/i/ 'two' with उ र /uttʌr/

'above' inserts infix -ल- /-l-/ in (49b) whereas the final -न /-n/ of तीन /tin/ 'three' and

the final -र /-r/ of चार /cɑr/ 'four' in (49c-d) as well as the final syllable -रऽ /-rʌ/ of

बारऽ /bɑrʌ/ in (49l) change into -ल- /-l-/ during assimilation with उ र /uttʌr/ 'above'.
It is peculiarity of Bhojpuri and attests the functional adaptive approach to language.
Likewise, a connecting vowel -आ /-ɑ/ is interposed instead of -उ र /-uttʌr/ from 119
to 168, except in the case of 140, 150 and 160, as shown in (50).
(50) a. ११९ उनइसा सै /unʌis-ɑ-sɛ/ 'nineteen above hundred for 119'

b. १२० बीसा सै /bis-ɑ-sɛ/ 'twenty above hundred for 120'

c. १२५ पचीसा सै /pʌcis-ɑ-sɛ/ 'twenty-five above hundred for 125'

d. १३० तीसा सै /tis-ɑ-sɛ/ 'thirty above hundred for 130'

e. १४० चाल सै /cɑl-sɛ/ 'forty above hundred for 140'

f. १५० डेढ़ सै /ɖeɽ̊-sɛ/ 'half and a hundred for 150'

g. १६० साठ सै /sɑʈʰ-sɛ/ sixty above hundred for 160'

In the rest below 200, the form used to express 160 remains the same, i.e., the
lower numeral precedes 100, as shown in (51).
(51) a. १६९ उनह र सै /un-ɦʌttʌr-sɛ/ 'sixty-nine above hundred for 169'

b. १७० स र सै /sʌttʌr-sɛ/ 'seventy above hundred for 170' and so on.

In examples (46b-d), -ल्- /-l-/ appears to be a euphonic insertion and in (47a-

d), the -आ- /-ɑ-/ may be as much the result of accent as an adjectival -आ- /-ɑ-/
(Tiwari, 1960:121).
Let us see the multiple-table of 15 as I have learnt in childhood. It expresses
the morphological forms discussed in this subsection to a greater extent.
(52) Multiple table of 15 in Bhojpuri
१५ पनरे एके पनरे /pʌnʌre eke pʌnʌre/ 'fifteen ones are fifteen'

३० दुना तीस /dunɑ tis/ 'twos are thirty'

४५ ितयो पतािलस /tio pɛ̃tɑlis/ 'threes are forty-five'

६० चउको साठ /cʌuko sɑʈʰ/ 'fours are sixty'

७५ बम पचह र /bʌm pʌcʌɦʌttʌr/ 'fives are seventy-five'

९० छके नबे /cʰʌke nʌbe/ 'sixes are ninety'

153
१०५ सते पँचो र /sʌte pʌc̃ oʈʈʌr/ 'sevens are a hundred and five'

१२० अठे बीसा /ʌʈʰe bisɑ/ 'eights are a hundred and twenty'

१३५ नौ पितसा /nɔ pɛ̃tisɑ/ 'nines are a hundred and thirty-five'

१५० झमर झुम रआ डेढ़ सय /ȷ̈ʌmʌr ȷ̈umʌriɑ ɖeɽ̊ sɛ/ 'tens are a half and a hundred'

The numerals in सै /sɛ/ 'hundred' are counted up to nine and then in हजार

/ɦʌjɑr/ 'thousand'. The thousands are counted up to िननानबे /ninɑnbe/ 'ninety-nine' and

then turn to लाख /lɑkʰ/ 'hundred thousands', the order stepping in करोड़ /kʌroɽ/ 'ten

millions', अरब /ʌrʌb/ 'billion' and so on.

(ii) Ordinals
As Grierson (1884a:11, Tiwari 1954:434-5 and 1960:121-2, Nirbhik 1975:60,
Tripathy 1987:108, Shrivastava 1999:67, Singh 2009:69 and 2013:66 and Thakur
2011:74) also display, Bhojpuri has ordinals upto 'sixth' as following:
(53) a. पिहल /pʌɦil/ or पिहलका /pʌɦilkɑ/, पिहला /pʌɦilɑ/ 'first'

b. दोसर /dosʌr/ or दूसर /dusʌr/ or दोसरका /dosʌrkɑ/ or दूसरका /dusʌrkɑ/, दूसरा

/dusʌrɑ/ 'second'
c. ितसर /tisʌr/ or ितसरका /tisʌrkɑ/, ितसरा /tisʌrɑ/ 'third'

d. चउठ /cʌuʈʰ/ or चउथ /cʌutʰ/ or चउथका /cʌutʰkɑ/, चउथा /cʌutʰɑ/ 'fourth'

e. पाँचवा /pɑ̃cwɑ/ or पंचा /pʌncɑ/ 'fifth'

f. छठा /cʰʌʈʰɑ/ 'sixth'

The ordinals above 'sixth' are all formed by suffixing the numeral with -वाँ /-wɑ̃/ as:

दसवाँ /dʌsʌwɑ̃/ 'tenth', पचीसवाँ /pʌciswɑ̃/ 'twenty-fifth' and so on. The ordinals in Bhojpuri
are similar to that of Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:152-3) and Hindi (Koul 2008:90).
(iii) Fractions
As in its close neighnours Maithili (Yadav 1996:146-7), Awadhi (Saksena
1937/1971:155), Hindi (Koul 2008:91-2) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:71); Bhojpuri
has a number of fractions in practice (Grierson 1884a:11, Tiwari 1954:438 and
1960:124, Nirbhik 1975:60, Shrivastava 1999:68, Singh 2009:69 and 2013:66 and
Thakur 2011:74), as shown in (54).
(54) a. पा /pɑ/ or पाव /pɑo/ or पउआ /pʌuɑ/ 'one-fourth or '

b. ितहाई /tiɦɑi/ 'one-third or '

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c. आध /ɑd̤ / or आधा /ɑd̤ ɑ/ or अिधआ /ʌd̤ iɑ/ or खाँड़ा /kʰɑ̃ɽɑ/ 'half or '

d. पौन /pɔn/ or पौना /pɔnɑ/ 'three-fourths or '

e. सावा /sɑwɑ/ or सवा /sʌwɑ/ or सवाई /sʌwɑi/ or सवइआ /sʌwʌiɑ/ 'one and one-

fourth or 1 or + '

f. डेढ़ /ɖeɽ̊/ or डेढ़ा /ɖeɽ̊ɑ/ 'one and a half or 1 '

g. आढ़ा /ɑɽ̊ɑ/ or अढ़ाई /ʌɽ̊ɑi/ or अढ़इआ /ʌɽ̊ʌiɑ/ 'two and a half or 2 '

h. साढ़े /sɑɽ̊e/ 'and a half or + '

(iv) Collective numerals

There are some collective numerals in Bhojpuri (Grierson 1884a:13, Tiwari
1954:436-7 and 1960:123, Tripathy 1987:109, Shrivastava 1999:67 and Thakur
2011:74-5), as shown in (55).
(55) a. जोड़ा /joɽɑ/ or जोड़ी /joɽi/ 'a pair/couple'

b. गंडा /ɡʌnɖɑ/ 'a group of four'

c. गाही /ɡɑɦi/ 'a group of five'

d. ढोली /ɖ̈oli/ 'a group of twenty'

e. सैकड़ा /sɛkʌɽɑ/ 'a hundred'

6.1.3 Verbs
Prototypical verbs occupy temporal instability, i.e., they are coherent bundles
of experience of relatively short duration to code rapid changes in either of
states/events, condition/spatial location of some noun-coded entity (Givόn 2001a:52).
The properties of Bhojpuri verbs are discussed as follows:
a) Semantic properties
"Semantically, verbs contrast with nouns and adjectives in that they typically
code changes rather than stasis" (Givόn 2011: 54). Some prototypical verbs in
Bhojpuri are exemplified in (56a-c):
(56) a. कौनो तीर नइखऽ मरले ।
kɔno tir nʌikʰʌ mʌrle
kɔno tir nʌikʰ-ʌ mɑr-le
any arrow be.NEG.PRES-2.MH shoot-SEQ
'You haven't shot an arrow.' (09.456)

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b. का के गोली-टाँड़ म हमर टाँड़े टुट गइल ।
kɑl̥ ke ɡoliʈɑ̃ɽ mẽ ɦʌmʌr ʈɑ̃ɽe ʈuʈ
kɑl̥ ke ɡoliʈɑ̃ɽ mẽ ɦʌmʌr ʈɑ̃ɽ-e ʈuʈ
yesterday GEN tipcat LOC 1SG.GEN bat-EMPH break
ɡʌil
jɑ-il
go-3SG.PST
'It was my bat that was broken in yesterday's game of tipcat.' (09.013)
c. के करा भर से एतना कु दताड़े ?
kekrɑ b̤ ʌr se etnɑ kudʌtɑɽe
kekʌr-ɑ b̤ ʌr se etnɑ kud-ʌt bɑɽe
whose-SPEC support with so much jump-SIM be.2.PRES
'Whose support is there to make you jump?' (09.214)
In example (56a-c), मार /mɑr/ 'shoot' in (56a), टु ट /ʈut/ 'break' in (56b) and कु द
/kud/ 'jump' in (56c) are the basic verbs in Bhojpuri as in its neighbours Chitoniya
Tharu (Paudyal 2013:187), Maithili (Yadav 1996:150), Awadhi (Saksena
1937/1971:232), Hindi (Koul 2008:93) and Nepali (Upadhyay 2010:59 and Adhikari
2016:171). The verbs लितया /lʌtiɑ/ 'kick', हट /ɦʌʈ/ or छोड़ /cʰoɽ/ 'leave', िगर /ɡir/ 'drop',
फु ट /pʰuʈ/ 'break into pieces' among others are the prototypical verbs in Bhojpuri.
Certain range of variation is found in this category as well. Some verbs are
less prototypical, and may code events of longer duration, as in (57a-c):
(57) a. आज त हमर गतर गतर दुखा रहल बा ।
ɑj tʌ ɦʌmʌr ɡʌtʌr ɡʌtʌr dukʰɑ rʌɦʌl
ɑj tʌ ɦʌmʌr ɡʌtʌr ɡʌtʌr dukʰ-ɑ rʌɦ-ʌl
today COND 1SG.GEN organ organ ache-CAUS live-INF
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'My all organs are aching today.' (09.229)
b. आज कं डा के तरकारी िनऩा रहल बा ।
ɑj kʌnɖɑ ke tʌrkɑri nin̥ ɑ rʌɦʌl
ɑj kʌnɖɑ ke tʌrkɑri nin̥ -ɑ rʌɦ-ʌl
today Arum colocasia GEN vegetable cook-CAUS live-INF

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bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'Vegetable of Arum colocasia is being cooked today.' (09.271)
c. िबना काम के पनघट पर मत रह ।
binɑ kɑm ke pʌnɡ̈ʌʈ pʌr mʌt rʌɦ
binɑ kɑm ke pʌnɡ̈ʌʈ pʌr mʌt rʌɦ
without work caus a quay for water pulling LOC NEG live
'Don't stay worthlessly at water pulling quay.' (09.328)
In example (57a-c), दुख /dukʰ/ 'ache' in (57a), िनऩ /nin̥ / 'cook' in (57b) and रह

/rʌɦ/ 'live' in (57c) are less prototypical verbs in Bhojpuri. Likewise, the verbs सुत

/sut/ 'sleep', बइठ /bʌiʈʰ/ 'sit', जान /jɑn/ 'know', चाह /cɑɦ/ 'want' among others are less
prototypical in the language.
As िनऩ /nin̥ / 'cook' in (57b), many verbs also have complex temporally-
sequenced sub-components, as shown in (58a-b):
(58) a. हम ओही म कु टया बनाके रहम ।
ɦʌm oɦi mẽ kuʈiɑ bʌnɑke rʌɦʌm
ɦʌm o-ɦi mẽ kuʈiɑ bʌnɑ-ke rʌɦ-em
1SG.NOM 3SG.DIST-EMPH LOC hut make-SEQ live-FUT
'I'll build a hut and live there.' (07.041)
b. ओह िवषय पर नया सृजना करे के पड़ी ।
oɦ bisɛ pʌr nʌyɑ srijʌnɑ kʌreke
oɦ bisɛ pʌr nʌyɑ srijʌn-ɑ kʌr-e-ke
3SG.DIST subject LOC new create-SPEC do-PUR-PUR
pʌɽi
pʌɽ-i
fall-3SG.FUT
'We have to create newer ones on those subjects.' (03.351)
In (58a-b), बना /bʌnɑ/ 'build' in (58a) and सृज /srij/ 'create' in (58b) are the

verbs having complex temporally-sequenced sub-components. The verbs िबन /bin/

'carve', ख च /kʰĩc/ 'draw' and ठोक /ʈʰok/ 'hunt' among others fall in the same group.

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But here again one may find gradation, so that some verbs are temporally less
complex, involving only a single feature of change, as in (59a-b):
(59) a. चल तिनका गिछया म छहाँ ल ।
cʌlĩ tʌnikɑ ɡʌcʰiɑ mẽ cʰʌɦɑ̃ lĩ
cʌl-ĩ tʌnikɑ ɡɑcʰi-ɑ mẽ cʰʌɦɑ̃ lĩ
walk-IMP.H little small tree-SPEC LOC be cool take.IMP.H
'Let's go under the shade of the trees for a while and be cool.' (10.022)
b. िबहने जे पाछे उठी, तीन गो खाई ।
biɦʌne je pɑcʰe uʈʰi tin ɡo
biɦʌne je pɑcʰe uʈʰ-i tin ɡo
tomorrow 3SG.COND.NOM lately wake up-3SG.FUT three CLF

kʰɑi
kʰɑ-i
eat-3SG.FUT
'The one who wakes up later in the morning will eat the three.' (11.011)
Many prototype verbs code actions, i.e., events initiated deliberately by a
human or animate agent capable of volition, as in (60a-b).
(60) a. फे र आज हमनी सङे बितआतानी ।
pʰer ɑj ɦʌmni sʌŋe bʌtiɑtɑni
pʰer ɑj ɦʌm-ni sʌŋ-e bʌtiɑ-ʌt bɑni
again today 1SG.NOM-PL company-EMPH talk-SIM be.PRES.H
'Again we are talking togather today.' (03.407)
b. ऊ दु मन पर हमला करे जाता ।
u dusmʌn pʌr ɦʌmlɑ kʌre jɑtɑ
u dusmʌn pʌr ɦʌmlɑ kʌr-e jɑ-ʌt bɑ
3SG.NOM enemy LOC attack do-PUR go-IMPF 3SG.PRES
'He is going to attack his enemies.' (13.032)
In example (60a-b), बितआ /bʌtiɑ/ 'talk' in (60a) and हमला कर /ɦʌmlɑ kʌr/
'attack' in (60b) are the event verbs deliberately performed by or animate agent. Verbs
like हट /ɦʌʈ/ or छोड़ /cʰoɽ/ 'leave', चल /cʌl/ 'walk', बखान कर /bʌkʰɑn kʌr/ 'explain'
among others fall under this group.

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There are some other verbs that perform no action, however, encode conscious
mental activity. Such verbs often denote the mental states of a human or animate
participant, but neither change nor volition nor action, as in (61a-b).
(61) a. जी, अपने के हम थोड़ा सा रोके के चाहतानी ।
ji ʌpne ke ɦʌm tʰoɽɑ sɑ rokeke
ji ʌpne ke ɦʌm tʰoɽɑ sɑ rok-e-ke
yea 2SG.H GEN 1SG.NOM little as stop-PUR-PUR
cɑɦʌtɑni
cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni
want-IMPF be.PRES.H
'Yea, I want you to halt for a while.' (01.051)
b. बटोही समझ गइल, ‘ई हरवाहा बिहर बुझाता ।’
bʌʈoɦi sʌmʌȷ̈ ɡʌil i ɦʌrwɑɦɑ bʌɦir
bʌʈoɦi sʌmʌȷ̈ jɑ-il i ɦʌrwɑɦɑ bʌɦir
passenger understand go-3SG.PST this ploughman deaf
buȷ̈ ɑtɑ
buȷ̈ -ɑ-ʌt bɑ
understand-CAUS-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'The passerby understood, 'The ploughman seems deaf.' (10.020)
In example (61a-b), चाह /cɑɦ/ 'want' in (61a) and समझ /sʌmʌȷ̈/ 'understand' in
(61b) are verbs involving mental activity. Other verbs in this group are जान /jɑn/
'know', सोच /soc/ 'think', सपना /sʌpʌnɑ/ 'dream' and so on.
Finally, some verbs code event or state that involve neither action nor mental
activity, as in (62a-b).
(62) a. गाई के झर अभीन नइखे िगरल ।
ɡɑi ke ȷ̈ ʌr ʌb̤ in nʌikʰe ɡirʌl
ɡɑe ke ȷ̈ ʌr ʌb̤ in nʌikʰ-e ɡir-ʌl
cow GEN placenta now be.NEG.PRES-3SG fall-PP
'The placenta of the cow has not been dropped yet.' (09.082)
b. भूकंप के बाद इनार सब सुख रहल बा ।
b̤ ukʌmp ke bɑd inɑr sʌb sukʰ rʌɦʌl bɑ
b̤ ukʌmp ke bɑd inɑr sʌb sukʰ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
earthquake GEN later well PL dry up live-INF be.3SG.PRES

159
'The wells are drying up following the earthquake.' (09.413)
In examples (62a-b), िगर /ɡir/ 'fall' in (62a) and सुख /sukʰ/ 'dry up' in (62b)
neither perform action nor involve mental activity.
b) Syntactic properties
Except Kashmiri, all Indo-Aryan languages are verb-final (Subbārāo 2012:40).
Consequently, Bhojpuri is a verb-final language as its close IA neighbours Chitoniya
Tharu (Paudyal 2013:188), Maithili (Yadav 1996:151), Awadhi (Saksena
1937/1971:247), Hindi (Koul 2008:95) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:171), i.e., the most
common position of the finite verb is clause final. However, Bhojpuri verbs may take
any position in a sentence due to some discourse pragmatic factors like focus and
contrast.2 Regarding frequency distribution, the verbs normally occur clause-finally
and function as the main predicate of the clause, as shown in (63a-c).
(63) a. ऊ खुबसुरत िबआ ।
u kʰubsurʌt biɑ
u kʰubsurʌt biɑ
3SG.NOM beautiful be.3.SG.PRES.F
'She is beautiful.' (09.500)
b. भइआ खाए गइनी ।
b̤ ʌiɑ kʰɑe ɡʌini
b̤ ʌiɑ kʰɑ-e jɑ-ini
elder brother eat-PUR go-PST.H
'Elder brother went to eat.' (09.508)
c. िबआ उखाड़ ।
biɑ ukʰɑɽ
biɑ ukʰɑɽ
seedlings uproot
'Uproot the seedlings.' (09.511)
In examples (63a-c), the finite verbs verbs िबआ /biɑ/ 'is' in in (63a), गइनी /ɡʌini/

'went' in (63b) and उखाड़ /ukʰɑɽ/ 'uproot' in (63c) are all in clause-final position.
c) Morphological properties
TAM and pronominal agreement markers are commonly found in
grammatical-inflectional morphology of verb in Bhojpuri. These properties will be

2. We have discussed the discourse pragmatic features of Bhojpuri in Chapter 13.

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discussed in the subsequent chapters (Ch. 8 and 10). Here, some important classes of
the verb stems and derivations from them are introduced.
(i) Verb stems
A verb stem in Bhojpuri without any affixes is used in the imperative,
generally without honorificity of the subject, otherwise may be directly affixed to by
number-gender agreement markers with the subject in accordance with the tense,
aspect and mood markers at the same time. As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:187),
Maithili (Yadav 1996:154), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:232), Hindi (Koul 2008:95)
and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:187-9); Bhojpuri verb stems have morphophonemic
changes in the following ways to perform different functions:
Vowel alternation
The rule of the short antepenultimate applies across morpheme boundaries,
leading to an important distinction that arises throughout the Bhojpuri verb system basic
and shortened verbs stems (Das, 2006: 18). For example, the stem काट /kɑʈ/ 'cut' has its

infinitive and perfect participle काटल /kɑʈʌl/ but the third person mid-honorific

masculine perfective कटलन /kʌʈʌlʌn/ or कटल /kʌʈʌlẽ/. It shows that an आ /ɑ/ in the final

syllable of a consonant-final root is raised to अ /ʌ/ in forming a short root. Thus, it can

be interpreted as two roots काट /kɑʈ/ the basic transitive and कट /kʌʈ/ as the derived
intransitive counterpart that can also have its third person mid-honorific masculine
perfective कटलन /kʌʈʌlʌn/ or कटल /kʌʈʌlẽ/. Likewise, मार /mɑr/ 'hit or kill', बाँट /bɑ̃ʈ/

'share', बार /bɑr/ 'burn', गार /ɡɑr/ 'squeeze', गाड़ /ɡɑɽ/ 'bury or drive', टाड़ /ʈɑɽ/ 'block or

ingnore', ढाड़ /ɖ̈ʌɽ/ 'pour', काच /kɑc/ 'slice' and so on are among others in this group.
But such kind of vowel alternation also causes complete semantic changes too,
as presented in Table 6.1.
Table 6.1 Semantic change due to vowel alternation
Base stem Derived stem
हार /ɦɑr/ 'be defeated' हर /ɦʌr/ 'steal'

फार /pʰɑr/ 'tear' फर /pʰʌr/ 'bear fruits'

बार /bɑr/ 'block' बर /bʌr/ 'burn'

खान /kʰɑn/ 'beat' खन /kʰʌn/ 'dig'

जाम /jɑm/ 'germinate' जम /jʌm/ 'freeze'

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Stem-final consonant dropping
There are some verb stems in Bhojpuri that drop final consonants if suffixed to
perform the functions of infinitive participles and sequential participials as shown in
Table 6.2.
Table 6.2 Stem-final consonant dropping
Verb Infinitive/perfect participles Sequential participials
कर /kʌr/ 'do' कइल /kʌil/ कके /kʌke/

धर /d̤ ʌr/ 'hold' धइल /d̤ ʌil/ धके /d̤ ʌke/

Change of the whole stem
As in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:195), Maithili (Yadav 1996:158),
Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:233), Hindi (Koul 2008:93) and Nepali (Adhikari
2016:173), there are two verbs; one होख /ɦokʰ/ 'be', frequently used as copula or

presenting state of the subject, and the other जा /jɑ/ 'go'; that change into भ /b̤ ʌ/ and ग
/ɡʌ/ respectively for infinitive/perfective participle, as shown in Table 6.3.
Table 6.3 Change of the whole stem
Base stem Infinitive/perfect participle
होख /ɦokʰ/ 'be' भइल /b̤ ʌil/

जा /jɑ/ 'go' गइल /ɡʌil/

(ii) Verb stems and transitivity
Bhojpuri has the widespread New Indo-Aryan transitivity series of
derivationaly-related intransitive, transitive, and causative verbs as Das (2006:19) has
presented for Banarasi Bhojpuri.
Transitive verbs in this series are derived by suffixing -आ /-ɑ/ to the shortened

intransitive root and the causative verbs by suffixing -वा /-wɑ/ to the same root.
Besides, there is the second series in which the transitive verbs are the basic
ones to be derived into their intransitive counterparts and the shortened forms into
causative by suffixing -आ /-ɑ/. Moreover, Bhojpuri has another causative derivational

root formed by suffixing -वा /-wɑ/ to the shortened stem.

Sometimes, suffix -आ /-ɑ/ is also added for passivization to a verb that is

inherently passive or at least intransitive in its meaning. Table 6.4 presents them.

162
Table 6.4 Passivity, Transitivity and causativity
Passive Intransitive Transitive/Causative Causative
मरा /mʌrɑ/ 'be मर /mʌr/ 'die' मार /mɑr/ 'beat or kill' मरवा /mʌrwɑ/ 'cause to
beaten or killed' be beaten or killed'
चढ़ /cʌɽ̊/ 'rise चढ़ा /cʌɽ̊ɑ/ 'to raise' चढ़वा /cʌɽ̊wɑ/ 'cause to
up' rise up'
उड़ /uɽ/ 'fly' उड़ा /uɽɑ/ 'fly' उड़वा /uɽwɑ/ 'cause to
fly'
िगर /ɡir/ 'fall' िगरा /ɡirɑ/ 'fell' िगरवा /ɡirwɑ/ 'cause to
fell'
धरा /d̤ ʌrɑ/ 'be ध /d̤ ʌ/ 'be kept' धर /d̤ ʌr/ 'keep' धरा /d̤ ʌrɑ/ or धरवा
kept' /d̤ ʌrwɑ/ 'cause to keep'
बदला /bʌdʌlɑ/ 'be बदल /bʌdʌl/ बदलवा /bʌdʌlwɑ/ 'cause
changed' 'change' to be changed'
There are some verb stems inherently transitive and they are changed into
passive, causative and bi-causative as in the Table 6.5.
Table 6.5 Passivity and causativity
Passive/Intransitive Transitive Causative Bi-causative
कहा /kʌɦɑ/ 'be said' कह /kʌɦ/ 'say' कहा /kʌɦɑ/ 'cause कहवा /kʌɦwɑ/ 'cause
to say' to be said'
गना /ɡʌnɑ/ 'be counted' गन /ɡʌn/ 'count' गना /ɡʌnɑ/ 'cause गनवा /ɡʌnwɑ/ 'cause
to count' to be counted'
िजता /jitɑ/ 'be िजत /jit/ िजता /jitɑ/ 'help िजतवा /jitwɑ/ 'cause
conquered' 'conquer' to conquer' to conquer'
देखा /dekʰɑ/ 'be seen' देख /dekʰ/ 'see' देखा /dekʰɑ/ देखवा /dekʰwɑ/
'show' 'cause to show'
पढ़ा /pʌɽ̊ɑ/ 'be read' पढ़ /pʌɽ̊/ 'read' पढ़ा /pʌɽ̊ɑ/ 'teach' पढ़वा /pʌɽ̊wɑ/ 'cause
to read or teach'
पकड़ा /pʌkʌɽɑ/ 'be पकड़ /pʌkʌɽ/ पकड़ा /pʌkʌɽɑ/ पकड़वा /pʌkʌɽwɑ/
caught' 'catch' 'cause to catch' 'cause to be caught'
िपसा /pisɑ/ 'be ground' िपस /pis/ 'grind' िपसा /pisɑ/ 'help िपसवा /piswɑ/ 'cause

163
to grind' to grind'
फका /pʰẽkɑ/ 'be thrown' फक /pʰẽk/ 'throw' फका /pʰẽkɑ/ 'help फकवा /pʰẽkwɑ/
to throw' 'cause to throw'
बऩा /bʌn̥ ɑ/ 'be bound' बाऩ /bɑn̥ / 'bind' बऩा /bʌn̥ ɑ/ 'help बऩवा /bʌn̥ wɑ/ 'cause
to bind' to bind'
बोआ /boɑ/ 'be sown' बो /bo/ 'sow' बोआ /boɑ/ 'help बोवा /bowɑ/ 'cause
to sow' to sow'
बोला /bolɑ/ 'be spoken' बोल /bol/ 'speak' बोला /bolɑ/ 'help बोलवा /bolwɑ/
to speak' 'cause to speak'
रखा /rʌkʰɑ/ 'be put' राख /rɑkʰ/ 'put' रखा /rʌkʰɑ/ 'help रखवा /rʌkʰwɑ/
to put' 'cause to put'
समझ /sʌmʌȷ̈/ 'be समझ /sʌmʌȷ̈/ समझा /sʌmʌȷ̈ɑ/ समझवा /sʌmʌȷ̈wɑ/
understood' 'understand' 'explain' 'cause to explain'
िसख /sikʰ/ 'be learned' िसख /sikʰ/ 'learn' िसखा /sikʰɑ/ िसखवा /sikʰwɑ/
'teach' 'cause to teach'
सुना /sunɑ/ 'be heard' सुन /sun/ 'hear' सुना /sunɑ/ 'tell' सुनवा /sunwɑ/ 'cause
to tell'
Where there is the same structure in passive and causative, the passives take
suffix -इल /-il/ as कहाइल /kʌɦɑil/ 'to be or have been said' and the causatives -वल /-

wʌl/ as कहावल /kʌɦɑwʌl/ 'caused to be or have been said' for infinitive/perfect

participles respectively. But the same form in passive and transitive are contextually
differentiated, as in (64a-b).
(64) a. गिणत हमर समझल बा ।
ɡʌnit ɦʌmʌr sʌmȷ̈ ʌl bɑ
ɡʌnit ɦʌm-ʌr sʌmʌȷ̈ -ʌl bɑ
Mathematics 1SG-GEN understand-PP be.3SG.PRES
'Mathematics is understood by me.'
b. दुिनया समझल क ठन बा ।
duniɑ sʌmȷ̈ ʌl kʌʈʰin bɑ
duniɑ sʌmʌȷ̈ -ʌl kʌʈʰin bɑ
world understand-INF hard be.3SG.PRES

164
'The world is difficult to understand.'
b) Derivational morphology
All the verbs in Bhojpuri in perfect participle forms, already discussed, are
verbal adjectives. Moreover, some verbal nouns and verbal adjectives are derived by
suffixing the verb-stems directly. They are featured as here under.
(i) Verbal nouns
Some verb stems are used as nouns without affixation but sometimes they
occur semantically different from each other. So, they seem to be the same in form
but completely different in meaning. So, they can also be treated as polysemic verb
roots semantically, as shown in (65).
(65) Verbal stems used as nouns
Stems Verb Verbal nouns
पी /pi/ 'drink' 'husbabd'

जी /ji/ 'live' 'mind'

रट /rʌʈ/ 'repeat' 'repetition'

िलख /likʰ/ 'write' 'league, egg of louse'

काट /kɑʈ/ 'cut' 'option'

मार /mɑr/ 'hit or kill' 'aim, stroke'

जान /jɑn/ 'know' 'life'

मान /mɑn/ 'believe, suppose' 'honour'

Besides these, there are some nouns in Bhojpuri used as verbs without any
morphological or semantic change: सोच /soc/ 'thought/think', रीझ /riȷ̈/ 'satisfaction/be

satisfied', िपलुआ /piluɑ/ 'insect/be insected'. Moreover, there are morphological

derivations of nouns from verbs, already discussed in 6.1.1. But Bhojpuri has the
reverse derivations, i.e., verbs from nouns, as shown in (66a-e):
(66) Noun to verb
Nouns Derived verbs
a. बात बितआ
bɑt bʌtiɑ

bɑt bɑt-iɑ
matter matter-VD

'matter' 'talk'

165
b. लात लितआ
lɑt lʌtiɑ
lɑt lɑt-iɑ
foot foot-VD
'foot' 'kick'
c. ठे न ठे िनआ
ʈʰeɦun ʈʰeɦuniɑ

ʈʰeɦun ʈʰeɦun-iɑ
knee knee-VD

'knee' 'kneel down'

d. गदन गदिनआ
ɡʌrdʌn ɡʌrdʌniɑ
ɡʌrdʌn ɡʌrdʌn-iɑ
neck neck-VD
'neck' 'hit on neck to drive out'
e. िपआस िपआसल
piɑs piɑsʌl

piɑs piɑs-ʌl
thirst thirst-VD

'thirst' 'to feel thirsty'

(ii) Verbal adjectives

Except perfect participles, adjectives are also derived from verbal roots by
suffixation, already discussed in 6.1.2. Besides, Bhojpuri has the reverse derivation
too, i.e., verbs are also derived from adjectives, as shown in (67a-f):
(67) Adjective to verb
Adjectives Derived verbs
a. दुबर दुबरा
dubʌr dubrɑ

dubʌr dubʌr-ɑ
weak weak-VD

'weak' 'weaken'

166
b. मोट मोटा
moʈ moʈɑ

moʈ moʈ-ɑ
fat fat-VD

'fat' 'fatten'

c. िपअर िपअरा
piʌr piʌrɑ

piʌr piʌr-ɑ
yellow yellow-VD

'yellow' 'turn yellow'

d. ह रअर ह रआ
ɦʌriʌr ɦʌriɑ

ɦʌriʌr ɦʌriʌr-ɑ
green green-VD

'green 'turn green'

e. झूठ झु ठआ
ȷ̈ uʈʰ ȷ̈ uʈhiɑ

ȷ̈ uʈʰ ȷ̈ uʈʰ-iɑ
false false-VD

'false' 'falsify'

f. जूड़ जुड़ा
juɽ jʌɽɑ

juɽ juɽ-ɑ
cool cool-VD

'cool' 'satisfy'

Besides these, there are some adjectives used as verbs without any
morphological or semantic change: क रआ /kʌriɑ/ 'black/blacken', खाटा /kʰɑʈɑ/ 'sour/be

sour', ठं ढा /ʈʰʌnɖ̈ɑ/ 'cold/be cold'.

167
6.1.4 Adverbs
Payne (1997:69) exhibits adverb as "a 'catch-all' category, i.e., any word with
semantic content (i.e., other than grammatical particles) that is not clearly a noun, a
verb, or an adjective is often put into the class of adverb". Givón (2001:87) terms it as
the least homogenious of the four lexical word-classes, semantically, morphologically
and syntactically. Therefore, adverbs cover an extremely wide range of concepts. As
Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:244), Maithili (Yadav 1996:241), Awadhi (Saksena
1937/1971:301), Hindi (Koul 2008:130) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:82) exhibit, some
of more common types of adverbs in Bhojpuri are as follows:
a) Manner adverbs
"Manner adverbs typically modify, or add to, the meaning of the verb.
Semantic range of such modification is wide and heterogeneous, depending on the
specific meaning of ghe verb" (Givón 2001: 88). Some typical manner adverbs in
Bhojpuri are given in (68a-b):
(68) a. समय एकदम तेज जा रहल बा ।
sʌmɛ ekdʌm tej jɑ rʌɦʌl bɑ
sʌmɛ ekdʌm tej jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
time excessively fast go live-INF be.3SG.PRES
'Time is fleeting so quickly.' (03.383)
b. धीरे हाँकऽ, पुल खराब बा ।
d̤ ire ɦɑ̃kʌ pul kʰʌrɑb bɑ
d̤ ire ɦɑ̃k-ʌ pul kʰʌrɑb bɑ
slowly drive-IMP.MH bridge damaged be.3SG.PRES
'Drive slow, the bridge is damaged.' (09.038)
In (67a-b), एकदम /ekdʌm/ 'excessively', तेज /tej/ 'fast' and धीरे /d̤ ire/ 'slowly'

are the manner adverbs. The other manner adverbs in Bhojpuri are अक मात /ʌkʌsmɑt/

'suddenly', िनरं तर /nirʌntʌr/ 'incessantly', जइसन /jʌisʌn/ 'as', तइसन /tʌisʌn/ 'so', िबरथा

/birtʰɑ/ 'in vain', अनायास /ʌnɑyɑs/ or अनचेतले /ʌncetle/ 'accidently' and so on.
b) Instrumental adverb
It is very much difficult to set up a firm boundary between manner and instrumental
adverbs. Givón (2001a:90) terms it "as more abstract manner but a metaphoric extension of
the more concrete instrument", as shown in (69a-b) available in Bhojpuri.

168
(69) a. िबआ हाँथे उखाड़ ।
biɑ ɦɑ̃tʰe ukʰʌɽ
biɑ ɦɑ̃tʰ-e ukʰɑɽ
seedlings hand-CLT uproot.IMP.NH
'Uproot the seedlings by hand.' (Thakur, 2013: 80)
b. ऊ ओके च कु से मारलख ।
u oke cʌkku se mɑrlʌkʰ
u oɦ-ke cʌkku se mɑr-ʌl-ʌkʰ
3SG.NOM 3SG-ACC knife INS kill-PP-3SG.PST
'He killed him with a knife.'
In example (69a-b) हाँथे /ɦɑ̃tʰe/ 'by hand' and च कु से /cʌkku se/ 'with a knife'

are the adverbial phrase in which clitic3 -ए /-e/ and instrumental case marker से /se/
'with or by' characterize the nouns they mark as instrumental adverbs too.
c) Time adverbs
"As adverbs may also code a point in time, or various temporal aspects of
events, their semantic scope is thus not the verb alone, but rather the entire event-
clause (proposition)" (Givόn 2001a:91). Some of the time adverbs in Bhojpuri are
listed in (70a-b):
(70) a. नागा, ऊ लोग अब गाँव म कबोकाल आवेलन ।
nɑɡɑ u loɡ ʌb ɡɑ̃o mẽ kʌbokɑl
nɑɡɑ u loɡ ʌb ɡɑ̃o mẽ kʌbokɑl
hermit 3SG.DIST.NOM PL now village LOC seldom
ɑwelʌn
ɑ-e-ʌl-ʌn
come-PRES-INF-3.H
'Hermits, they seldom come in villages nowadays.' (09.029)
b. का हरदम भाई भाई कइले रहेलु ?
kɑ ɦʌrdʌm b̤ ɑi b̤ ɑi kʌile
kɑ ɦʌrdʌm b̤ ɑi b̤ ɑi kʌr-il-e
what all the time brother brother do-INF-SEQ
rʌɦelu

3. Clitics are discussed in Section 6.2 in detail.

169
rʌɦ-e-ʌl-u
live-PRES-INF-2.F
'Why do you always remember your brother?' (10.074)
In example (70a-b) कबोकाल /kʌbokɑl/ 'seldom' and हरदम /ɦʌrdʌm/ 'always' are

the time adverbs respectively. Likewise, आजु /ɑju/ 'today', का /kɑl̥ / 'yesterday', िबहान

/biɦɑn/ 'tomorrow', अब /ʌb/ 'now', तब /tʌb/ 'then', कब /kʌb/ 'when' and so on are the
time adverbs in Bhojpuri.
d) Adverbs modifying adjectives
"A distinct class of adverbs are used to quantify the extent of adjectives"
(Givón 2001a:94). Some adverbs that function as modifying adjectives in Bhojpuri
are listed in (71a-b).
(71) a. अभीन त अपने वा य से ब त लाचार बानी ।
ʌb̤ in tʌ ʌpne swɑstʰyʌ se bʌɦut lɑcɑr bɑni
ʌb̤ in tʌ ʌpne swɑstʰyʌ se bʌɦut lɑcɑr bɑni
now COND self health means very weak be.PRES.H
'Now you are very weak with your health.' (06.009)
b. भोजपुरी अपने-आप म ब त धिनक भाषा बा ।
b̤ ojpuri ʌpne ɑp mẽ bʌɦut d̤ ʌnik b̤ ɑsɑ bɑ
b̤ ojpuri ʌpne ɑp mẽ bʌɦut d̤ ʌn -ik b̤ ɑsɑ bɑ
Bhojpuri self self LOC very wealth -ADJ language be.3SG.PRES
'Bhojpuri is a very prosperous language in itself.' (03.056)
In example (71a-b), ब त /bʌɦut/ 'very' has been placed as modifying predicate

adjective लाचार /lɑcɑr/ 'weak' in (71a) and the noun-modifying adjective धिनक
/d̤ ʌnik/ 'wealthy' in (71b).
e) Place adverbs
Place adverbs refer to the location of the event/state encoded in the verb as
illustrated in (72a-d):
(72) a. एतहाँ त कमल फु लाइल बा ।
etʌɦɑ̃ tʌ kʌmʌl pʰulɑil bɑ
etʌɦɑ̃ tʌ kʌmʌl pʰul-ɑ-il bɑ
here COND lotus flower-CAUS-PP be.3SG.PRES
'The lotus has been bloomed here.' (09.307)

170
b. बड़कु चल गइल पंजाब आ ओतहाँ आपन काम खोजके करे लगल ।
bʌɽku cʌl ɡʌil pʌnjɑb ɑ otʌɦɑ̃ ɑpʌn
bʌɽ-ku cʌl jɑ-il pʌnjɑb ɑ otʌɦɑ̃ ɑpʌn
elder-DET walk go-3SG.PST Punjab and there 3.GEN
kɑm kʰojke kʌre lɑɡʌl
kɑm kʰoj-ke kʌr-e lɑɡ-ʌl
work search-SEQ do-PUR continue-3SG.PST
'The elder went to Punjab and started working there.' (10.007)
c. एने छोटकु गइल हर जोते खेत म ।
ene cʰoʈku ɡʌil ɦʌr jote kʰet mẽ
ene cʰoʈ-ku jɑ-il ɦʌr jot-e kʰet mẽ
this side small-DET go-3SG.PST plough plough-PUR farm LOC

'Hence, the younger went to plough in the field.' (10.008)

d. हाथ एने से ओने काँप जाला ।
ɦɑtʰ ene se one kɑ̃p jɑlɑ
ɦɑ̃tʰ ene se one kɑ̃p jɑ-lɑ
hand this side ABL that side tremble go-3SG.PRES
'Hand trembles hither and thither.' (04.234)
In examples (72a-d), एतहाँ /etʌɦɑ̃/ 'here' in (72a), ओतहाँ /otʌɦɑ̃/ 'there' in (72b)

and एने /ene/ 'this side' in (72c-d), and ओने /one/ 'that side' are the place adverbs.
Dhakal (2011) has categorized such adverbs including adverbs of time and place
except interrogatives and relatives as pronominal adverbs in Darai.
f) Derivational morphology
Grierson (1883:28) states adverbs as indeclinable in Bhojpuri and other
grammarians are almost silent whether Bhojpuri adverbs are declinable. But Singh
(2008:36) catches sight of declinable characteristics of the Bhojpuri adverbs. Generally,
the adverbs are declined to form other word classes in Bhojpuri, as shown in (73a-c).
(73) Adverb to verb
Adverb Derived noun Derived verb
a. आगा अगुआ अगुआ
ɑɡɑ ʌɡuɑ ʌɡuɑ

171
ɑɡɑ ɑɡɑ-uɑ ɑɡɑ-uɑ
ahead ahead-ND ahead-VD
'ahead' 'leader' 'lead'
b. पाछा पछु आ पछु आ
pɑcʰɑ pʌcʰuɑ pʌcʰuɑ
pɑcʰɑ pɑcʰɑ-uɑ pɑcʰɑ-uɑ
back back-ND back-VD
'back' 'follower' 'follow/stay back'
c. िनअर िनअरा
niʌr niʌrɑ
niʌr niʌr-ɑ
near near-VD
'near' 'reach closer'
6.2 Minor word classes
This sub-section deals with the different types of grammatical operators in
Bhojpuri. The morphemic status of these operators is not so clear as in comparision to
the major word classes.
6.2.1 Postpositions
Being a post-positional language, Bhojpuri has a number of postpositions to
mark different case roles of the nominals in the proposition. They are described in
detail in Chapter 8.
6.2.2 Determiners
The class of determiners includes a number of noun or noun-phrase operators,
each one with its own specific functions and morpho-syntactic behaviour in the noun
phrase (Givón, 2001:97). Further more, many of those are unstressed grammatical
morphemes, cliticized on the noun or noun phrase, thus, they should not be counted as
a lexical word-class. Almost all the pronouns4 in Bhojpuri as in its close neighbours
Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:172-6), Maithili (Yadav, 1996:133-41), Hindi (Koul
2008:166-8) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:68-9), excluding the personal pronouns, can
function as determiners in Bhojpuri. They are discussed as follows:

4. In traditional grammar, the word ‘pronoun’ is used with a wide range, to cover personal, possessive,
demonstrative, interrogative, reflexive, reciprocal relative pronouns and indefinite pronouns (Dixon
2010a:114-115). Pronominal system is discussed in detail in Chapter 14.

172
a) Demonstratives (deictics)
Typically, demonstratives code the orientation (deixis) of a noun vis-a-vis
some spatial referens points, most commonly the location of the speaker or hearer and
in many languages, the spatial orientitation of demonstratives can be expanded into
temporal orientation vis-a-vis some reference point in time, and evolution that
transforms them rather natural into articles (Givón 2001a:97). Bhojpuri possesses the
demonstratives as in (74), also used as determiners or definitizers.
(74) Proximal Distal Far distal
ई /i/ 'this' ऊ /u/ 'that'
ए /e/ 'this' ओ /o/ 'that' हऊ /ɦʌu/ 'that'
एह /eɦ/ ओह /oɦ/
The demonstratives presented in (74) are used as both of the demonstrative
determiners as well as the demonstrative pronouns as shown in (75a-b).
(75) a. अभी खाितर सुनल जाओ ई गीत ।
ʌb̤ i kʰɑtir sunʌl jɑo i ɡit
ʌb̤ i kʰɑtir sun-ʌl jɑ-o i ɡit
now for listen-INF go-IMP.H 3SG.DEM.PROX song
'Enjoy this song for a while.' (03.010)
b. एकर सीधा माने ई भइल ।
ekʌr sid̤ ɑ mɑne i b̤ ʌil
ekʌr sid̤ ɑ mɑne i b̤ ʌ-il
PROXGEN straight meaning 3SG.DEM.PROX become-3SG.PST
'Its direct meaning was this.' (02.107)
In example (75a-b), ई /i/ in (75a) is a demonstrative determiner and in (75b) a
demonstrative pronoun one.
b) Possessives
Possessives code simply the orientation (deixis) of a noun vis-a-vis some
genitive reference point, most commonly the possession or relation of the speaker or
hearer or the subject of conversation. Bhojpuri has the possessives as in (76), also
used as determiners or definitizers.
(76) Singular Plural
हमार /ɦʌmɑr/ or हमर /ɦʌmʌr/ 'my/mine' हमनी के /ɦʌmni ke/ 'our/ours'
तोहार /toɦɑr/ or तोहर /toɦʌr/ 'your/yours' तोहनी के /toɦni ke/ 'your/yours'
ओकर /okʌr/ 'his/her/hers' ओकनी के /okni ke/ 'their/theirs'

173
The possessives presented in (76) are used as both of the possessive
determiners as well as the possessive pronouns, as shown in (77a-b).
(77) a. िनि त प से भोजपुरी हमर माई के भाषा ह ।
niscit rup se b̤ ojpuri ɦʌmʌr mɑi ke b̤ ɑsɑ
certain form with Bhojpuri 1SG.GEN mother GEN language
ɦʌ
be.3SG.PRES
'Certainly, Bhojpuri is my mother tongue.' (03.035)
b. भइआ महाजन हो तोरा खेतवा म आधा हमार बा ।
b̤ ʌiɑ mʌɦɑjʌn ɦo torɑ kʰetwɑ mẽ
b̤ ʌiɑ mʌɦɑjʌn ɦo tu-ʌr-ɑ kʰet-wɑ mẽ
elder brother creditor VOC 2SG-GEN-DEF farm-DEF LOC

ɑd̤ ɑ ɦʌmɑr bɑ
ɑd̤ ɑ ɦʌm-ʌr bɑ
half 1SG-GEN be.3SG.PRES
'O creditor brother, half of your farm is mine.' (02.038)
In (77a-b), हमार /ɦʌmɑr/ is an unstressed possessive determiner 'my' in (77a)
and a stressed independent possessive pronoun 'mine' in (77b).
Likewise, the interrogative pronouns as के /ke/ or कौन /kɔn/ 'who', का /kɑ/ or

कथी /kʌtʰi/ 'what', के कर /kekʌr/ 'whose'; relative and correlative pronouns as जे /je/ or

जौन /jɔn/ 'who', से /se/ or तौन /tɔn/ 'that' जथी /jʌtʰi/ 'whatever', तथी /tʌtʰi/ 'that';

indefinite pronouns as कौनो /kɔno/, कु छ /kucʰ/ 'some/few', कु िछओ /kucʰio/

'anything/everything' among others are used as determiners in Bhojpuri.5
6.2.3 Compounding and Reduplication
Compounding and reduplication significantly form different word classes in
Bhojpuri are as follows:
a. Compounding
Compounding combines lexical categories (nouns, adjectives, verbs or
prepositions) resulting in a compound word as a noun, a verb, or an adjective
(O'Grady et. al. 1997:133). It is a prominent process of word formation in Bhojpuri
similar to its close neighbours Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:90), Maithili (Yadav

5. Please see in Chapter 10, 11 and 12 in detail.

174
1996:191), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:296), Hindi (Koul 2008:72-5) and Nepali
(Adhikari 2016:507). In this process different word classes are compounded to form a
noun, an adjective, or a verb, as shown in (78-89).6
(78) Noun + noun = noun
a. घर /ɡ̈ʌr/ 'house' + दुआर /duɑr/ 'door' = घरदुआर /ɡ̈ʌrduɑr/ 'home'

b. छीपा /cʰipɑ/ 'plate' + लोटा /loʈɑ/ 'water-pot' = छीपालोटा /cʰipɑloʈɑ/ 'plate and glass'

c. दाल /dɑl/ 'pulse' + भात /b̤ ɑt/ 'boiled rice' = दालभात /dɑlbat/ 'rice and pulse'

d. तामा /tɑmɑ/ 'copper' + घइला /ɡ̈ʌilɑ/ 'pitcher' = तमघइल /tʌmɡ̈ʌil/ 'copper-pitcher'

e. कान /kɑn/ 'ear' + फू ल /pʰul/ 'flower' = कनफू ल /kʌnpʰul/ 'ear-ornament'

(79) Adjective + noun = noun
a. भल /b̤ ʌl/ 'gentle' + आदमी /ɑdmi/ 'man' = भलादमी /b̤ ʌlɑdmi/ 'gentleman'

b. दूर /dur/ 'distant' + दशा /dʌsɑ/ 'condition' = दुदशा /durdʌsɑ/ 'misery'

c. सु /su/ 'nice' + दन /din/ 'day' = सु दन /sudin/ 'nice day'

(80) Noun + verb = noun
a. जेब /jeb/ 'pocket' + कतर /kʌtʌr/ 'cut' = जेबकतरा /jebkʌtʌrɑ/ 'pickpocket'

b. पा कट /pɑkiʈ/ 'pocket' + मार /mɑr/ 'kill' = पा कटमार /pakiʈmɑr/ 'pickpocket'

c. भंडा /b̤ ʌnɖɑ/ 'earthen pot' + फोर /pʰor/ 'break' = भंडाफोर /b̤ ʌnɖɑpʰor/ 'exposition'

d. भात /b̤ ɑt/ 'boiled rice' + िनऱ /nir̥ / 'cook' = भतिनऱा /b̤ ʌtnir̥ ɑ/ 'cook'

e. पानी /pɑni/ 'water' + भर /b̤ ʌr/ 'fill' = पनभरा /pʌnb̤ ʌrɑ/ 'water-puller'
(81) Noun + adverb = noun
a. गाँड़ /ɡɑ̃ɽ/ 'hip/anus' + तर /tʌr/ 'down' = गँड़तर /ɡʌɽ̃ tʌr/ 'diaper'

b. खंड /kʰʌnɖ/ 'part' + तर /tʌr/ 'down' = खँड़तर /kʰʌɽ̃ tʌr/ 'rags'

c. हाँथ /ɦɑ̃tʰ/ 'hand' + फे र /pʰer/ 'change' = हँ फे र /hʌ̃tpʰer/ 'loan without interest'

(82) Adverb + noun = noun
a. भीतर /b̤ itʌr/ 'inside' + घाम /ɡ̈ʌm/ 'sun' = भीतरघामा /b̤ itʌɡ̈ɑmɑ/ 'cloudy sun'

b. भीतर /b̤ itʌr/ 'inside' + मार /mɑr/ 'beating' = भीतरमार /b̤ itʌrmɑr/ 'beating
without external wound'
c. बाहर /bɑɦʌr/ 'outside' + बास /bɑs/ 'living' = बहरवास /bʌɦʌrwʌs/ 'living outside'

d. तर /tʌr/ 'inside' + हाँथ /ɦɑ̃tʰ/ 'hand' = तऱथी /tʌr̥ ʌtʰi/ 'palm'

6. Some morphophonemic changes also occur during this process, already discussed in Chapter 5.

175
(83) Noun + noun = adjective
a. घोड़ा /ɡ̈oɽɑ/ 'horse' + मुह /muɦ/ 'mouth' = घोड़मुह /ɡ̈oɽmuɦ/ 'horse-faced'

b. गाय /ɡɑe/ 'cow' + दोम /dom/ 'tail' = गैदोम /ɡɛdom/ 'foolish'

c. मुह /muɦ/ 'mouth' + खंड /kʰʌnɖ/ 'part' = मुखंड /mukʰʌnɖ/ 'face'

(84) Adjective + adjective = adjective
a. लाल /lɑl/ 'red' + िपअर /piʌr/ 'yellow' = लालिपअर /lɑlpiʌr/ 'red and yellow'

b. लामा /lɑmɑ/ 'long' + चौड़ा /cɔɽɑ/ 'wide' = लामाचौड़ा /lɑmɑcɔɽɑ/ 'long and wide'

c. छोट /cʰoʈ/ 'small/short' + मोट /moʈ/ 'thick' = छोटमोट /cʰoʈmoʈ/ 'small/small and thick'
(85) Adjective + noun = adjective
a. लामा /lɑmɑ/ 'long' + डोड़ /doɽ/ 'thread' = लमडोड़ /lʌmdoɽ/ 'breadthless'

b. कम /kʌm/ 'less' + जोर /joɽ/ 'strength' = कमजोर /kʌmjor/ 'weak/feeble'

c. बड़ /bʌɽ/ 'big' + घर /ɡ̈ʌr/ 'house' = बड़घर /bʌɽɡ̈ʌr/ 'big house/reputed family'

(86) Verb + verb = noun
a. पढ़ /pʌɽ̊/ 'read' + िलख /likʰ/ 'write' = पढ़िलख /pʌɽ̊likʰ/ 'reading and writing'

b. नाप /nɑp/ 'measure' + जोख /jokʰ/ 'weigh' = नापजोख /nɑpjokʰ/ 'measurement

and weighing'
c. ताक /tɑk/ 'see' + तौल /tʌul/ 'weigh' = ताकतौल /tɑktʌul/ 'assumption'
(87) Verb + noun = noun
a. बोल /bol/ 'utter' + बम /bʌm/ 'Shiva chanting' = बोलबम /bolbʌm/ 'Shiva
chanting pilgrimage'
b. बजा /bʌjɑ/ 'ring' + अंतर /ʌntʌr/ 'difference' = बजंतर /bʌjʌntʌr/ 'musician'

c. िलख /likʰ/ 'write' + अंत /ʌnt/ 'end' = िलखंत /likʰʌnt/ 'fate'

(88) Adverb + adverb = adverb
a. नीचा /nicɑ/ 'down' + उपर /upʌr/ 'up' = नीचाउपर /nicɑupʌr/ 'up and dwon'

b. तर /tʌr/ 'down' + उपर /upʌr/ 'up' = त पर /tʌrupʌr/ 'piled up'

c. बाहर /bɑɦʌr/ 'outside' + भीतर /b̤ itʌr/ 'inside' = बाहरभीतर /bɑɦʌrb̤ itʌr/ 'in and out'
(89) Verb + noun = adjective
a. हँस /ɦʌs̃ / 'laugh' + मुख /mukʰ/ 'mouth' = हँसमुख /ɦʌs̃ mukʰ/ 'smiling faced'

b. सोच /soc/ 'think' + अंत /ʌnt/ 'end' = सोचंत /socʌnt/ 'gentle'

c. पूज /puj/ 'worship' + अंत /ʌnt/ 'end' = पूजंत /pujʌnt/ 'highly honoured'

176
In examples (78-89), we observe the process of compounding different
lexemes for formation of different word classes exhibits some phonemic changes
along with semantic ones with the compounds obtained.
b. Reduplication
Reduplication is a morphological process in which the stem of a word or its
part or even the whole word is repeated exactly or with a slight change. Salzmann
(1998:94) states reduplication as doubling or repetition of a phoneme or phonemes in
a word. As exhibited in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:184), Maithili (Asad 2015:28-
54), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:322-3), Hindi (Koul 2008:93/137) and Nepali
(Adhikari 2016:540-52), Bhojpuri also exhibits reduplication (Tiwari 1960:159,
Nirbhik 1975:33 and Singh 2013:123) in word formation. Some of them are
exemplified as follows:
(90) Complete reduplication
a. रामराम /rɑmrɑm/ 'exclamatory expression of sorrow calling Lord Rama'

b. बा बाप /bɑbbɑp/ 'cry with calling one's father'

c. छीछी /cʰicʰi/ 'exclamation of hate'

d. दुर-दुर /durdur/ 'expressed for chasing a dog'

e. भुलभुल /b̤ ulb̤ ul/ 'one after another continuously'

f. खट-खट /kʰʌʈkʰʌʈ/ 'knock at the door'

g. का-का /kɑ-kɑ/ 'what (plural)'

h. कथी-कथी /kʌtʰi-kʌtʰi/ 'what (plural)'

i. कौन-कौन /kɔn-kɔn/ 'who (plural)'

j. के ने-के ने /kene-kene/ 'where (plural)'

k. हाँथे-हाँथे /ɦɑ̃tʰe-ɦɑ̃tʰe/ 'with each hand'

(91) Partial reduplication
a. एने-ओने /ene-one/ 'hither and thither' b. हई-हऊ /ɦʌi-ɦʌu/ 'this and that'

c. पातर-िछतर /pɑtʌr-cʰitʌr/ 'lean and thin' d. पानी-ओनी /pɑni-oni/ 'water and else'

e. खेतोत /kʰetot/ 'farm and else' f. म टझ ट /mõʈȷ̈õʈ/ 'fat and healthy'

g. मारामारी /mɑrɑmɑri/ 'fighting' h. लातालाती /lɑtɑlɑti/ 'kicking'

i. ताकाताक /tɑkɑtɑki/ 'waiting impatiently' j. देखादेखी /dekʰɑdekʰi/ 'face to face'

177
k प ाप /pʌkkɑpʌkki/ 'undoubtedly' l. झ टाझ टी /ȷ̈ õʈɑȷ̈ õʈi/ 'hair-pulling'
6.2.4 Independent subject and object pronoun
As described above, both the demonstratives and possessives can be used as
independent pronouns. In addition, subject and object pronouns can also be stressed,
thus, serve as independent pronouns, in the appropriate discourse context (Givón,
2001a:99). Bhojpuri does have such illustrations, as shown in (92a-c).
(92) a. Unstressed clitic pronouns
ढ ढ़ाइ के जाएके रहे काठमाड़ो, ऊ प च
ँ गइल द ली ।
ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke jɑeke rʌɦe kɑʈʰmɑɽo
ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke jɑ -e -ke rʌɦ -e kɑʈʰmɑɽo
Dhondhai GEN go -PUR -PUR live -3.PST.NH Kathmandu
D

u pʌɦũc ɡʌil dilli

u pʌɦũc jɑ-il dilli
3SG.NOM reach go-3SG.PST Delhi
'Dhondhai had to go to kathmandu, he reached Delhi.' (13.073)
b. Stressed independent object pronouns
हमरा ऊ ना सोहालन, इनका के त हम ब त चाहेनी ।
ɦʌmrɑ u nɑ soɦɑlʌn inkɑ ke
ɦʌm-rɑ u nɑ soɦɑ-ʌl-ʌn inkɑ ke
1SG-POSS 3SG.NOM NEG like-INF-3.H 3SG.DAT.H DAT

tʌ ɦʌm bʌɦut cɑɦeni

tʌ ɦʌm bʌɦut cɑɦ -e -ni
COND 1SG.NOM very like PRES -PRES.H
'I don't like HIM, HER I'm fond of.' (06.039)
c. Stressed independent subject pronouns
(i) हमार ह घर, तोहार ना ।
ɦʌmɑr ɦʌ ɡ̈ʌr toɦɑr nɑ
ɦʌm -ɑr ɦʌ ɡ̈ʌr tu -ɑr nɑ
1.SG.NOM -POSS be.3SG.PRES house 2SG.NOM -POSS NEG

'MINE is the house, not YOURS.'

(ii) ऊ ना कइलख काम, ई कइली ।
u nɑ kʌilʌkʰ kɑm i

178
u nɑ kʌr-il-ʌkʰ kɑm i
3SG.NOM NEG do-PP-3SG.PST.M work 3SG.PROX.NOM
kʌili
kʌr-il-i
do-PST-3.F.MH
'HE didn't work, SHE did.'
6.2.5 Inter-clausal connectives
Inter-clausal connectives are grammatical morphemes par excellence, usually
becoming either clause-final or clause-initial clitics (Givón, 2001a:99). In Bhojpuri,
an SOV language, they function as verb suffixes, joining with tense-aspect-modal,
speech-act and switch reference markers. The inter-clausal connectives arise from
more complex adverbial constructions, and may for a while persist as such before
truncation and cliticization.
a) Participial suffixes
There are sequential and simultaneous participial suffixes in Bhojpuri as
observed in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:360-1) and Maithili (Yadava 2005:443-
9), Hindi (Koul 2008:199) and Nepali (Yadava 2005:443-9). The sequential
participial in Bhojpuri is formed by suffixing the verb stems with -के /-ke/, -ई /-i/ and
/ø/ as illustrated from Lohar (2012:217) in (93a-c).
(93) a. राजु बस चढ़के काठमाड़ो गइल ।
rɑju bʌs cʌɽ̊ke kɑʈʰmɑɽo ɡʌil
rɑju bʌs cʌɽ̊-ke kɑʈʰmɑɽo jɑ-il
Raju bus ride-SEQ Kathmandu go-3SG.PST.M
'Raju went to Kathmandu by bus.'
b. तोहरा के देखी-देखी पागल भइले मनवा ।
toɦʌrɑ ke dekʰi dekʰi pɑɡʌl b̤ ʌile mʌnwɑ
tu-ɑr-ɑ ke dekʰ-i dekʰ-i pɑɡʌl ɦo-il-e mʌn-wɑ
2.SG-POSS-DEF ACC see-SEQ see-SEQ mad be-PP-SEQ mind-DEF
'I became mad after having seen you.'
c. लइका कह चलल ।
lʌikɑ kʌɦ cʌlʌl
lʌikɑ kʌɦ cʌl-ʌl
boy say walk-3SG.PST

179
'The boy walked having said.'
The simultaneous participial in Bhojpuri is formed by suffuixing the verb stems
with -त /-t/, -अत /-ʌt/ and -वत /-wʌt/ as illustrated from Lohar (2012:217) in (94a-c).

(94) a. हम खाना खात िच ी पढ़नी ।

ɦʌm kʰɑnɑ kʰɑt ciʈʈʰi pʌɽ̊ni
ɦʌm kʰɑnɑ kʰɑ-t ciʈʈʰi pʌɽ̊-ni
1.SG.NOM meal eat-SIM letter read-PST.H
'I read a letter while having meal.'
b. ऊ रोपनी करत गीत गइलख ।
u ropni kʌrʌt ɡit ɡʌilʌkʰ
u ropni kʌr-ʌt ɡit ɡɑ-il-ʌkʰ
3SG.NOM plantation do-SIM song sing-PP-3SG.PST
'He sang a song while planting seedlings.'
c. अपने गीत गावत डेली िबन लेनी ।
ʌpne ɡit ɡɑwʌt ɖeli bin leni
ʌpne ɡit ɡɑ-wʌt ɖeli bin le-ni
2.SG.NOM.H song sing-SIM grass-container knit take-PST.H
'You knitted a grass-container singing a song.'
While we go through morphology of the simultaneous participials in Bhojpuri,
the -आ /-a/ final verb stems like खा /kɑ/ 'eat', जा /jɑ/ 'go', नहा /nʌɦɑ/ 'bathe' which are

used for mid-honorific imperative take suffix -त /-t/; the consonant-final verb stems like

कर /kʌr/ 'do', खेल /kel/ 'play', बोल /bol/ 'speak' which are used for non-honorific

imperative take suffix -अत /-ʌt/; and the -आ /-a/ final verb roots like आ /ɑ/, गा /ɡɑ/

'sing', पा /pɑ/ 'get', भा /b̤ ɑ/ 'like' which are used for non-honorific take suffix -वत /-wʌt/.
b) Conjunctions
As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:344-54), Maithili (Yadav 2014:149-72), Awadhi
(Saksena 1937/1971:310-2), Hindi (Koul 2008:241-4) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:113-7)
exhibit, Bhojpuri (Grierson 1884a:1883:29, Ojha 1915[1982]:24-5, Tiwari 1954:305 and
1960:200, Nirbhik 1975:84, Tripathy 1987:124, Shrivastava 1999:104, Thakur 2011:127,
Sharma and Ashk 2011:46 and Singh 2013:108) also utilizes conjunctions to conjoin
nominals, noun phrases and clauses, as shown in (95a-c) and (96a-b).

180
(95) a. Simple conjunctions
आ /ɑ/ 'and', भा /b̤ ɑ/ or क /ki/ 'or', बाँ कर /bɑ̃kir/ 'but', ओहीसुके /oɦisuke/ or

ओहीसे /oɦise/ or ओसे /ose/ 'so', तब /tʌb/ 'then'

b. Complex conjunctions
आ ओहीसे /ɑ oɦise/ 'and then', बाद म /bɑd mẽ/ 'later on', आ तब /ɑ tʌb/ 'and

then', ओहीसे त /oɦise tʌ/ 'so then'

c. Historically complex conjunctions
तइओ /tʌio/ or एकरा बादो /ekrɑ bɑdo/ 'however/moreover' काहे क /kɑɦeki/

'because', साथसाथ /sɑtʰsɑtʰ/ 'furthermore', ओहीसुके /oɦisuke/ 'therefore' are

some historically complex conjunctions used as clausal conjunctions,
presented as in (95).
(96) a. हारके लइका पुछलक, ‘तब के ङवे कर ?’
ɦɑrke lʌikɑ pucʰlʌk tʌb ke ŋʌwe kʌrĩ
ɦɑr-ke lʌikɑ pucʰ-ʌl-ʌkʰ tʌb ke ŋʌwe kʌr-ĩ
defeat-SEQ boy ask-PP-3SG.PST then what method do-FUT.H
'Lastly, the boy asked, 'What should I do then?'' (06.017)
b. ऊ िबआ जे लगाएम त ओ म जादा खाद के ज रत बा, पानी के ज रत बा आ जादा से
जादा िवषा द के ज रत बा ।
u biɑ je lʌɡɑem tʌ
u biɑ je lʌɡɑ-em tʌ
3SG.DEM.DIST seed 3SG.COND.NOM set.CAUS-FUT.H COND

o mẽ jɑdɑ kʰɑd ke jʌrurʌt bɑ

o mẽ jɑdɑ kʰɑd ke jʌrurʌt bɑ
3SG.DEM.DIST LOC excess fertilizer GEN need be.3SG.PRES
pɑni ke jʌrurʌt bɑ ɑ jɑdɑ se jɑdɑ
pɑni ke jʌrurʌt bɑ ɑ jɑdɑ se jɑdɑ
water GEN need be.3SG.PRES and excess means excess
bisɑdi ke jʌrurʌt bɑ
bisɑdi ke jʌrurʌt bɑ
pesticide GEN need be.3SG.PRES
'If you use such seeds, then it needs more fertilizer, more irrigation and
more pesticides.' (02.095)

181
The use of phrasal conjunctions can also be presented in (97a-b).
(97) a. राजा मह चउदगो अंचल आ पचह रगो िजला बनवल ।
rɑjɑ mʌɦendrʌ cʌudʌɡo ʌncʌl ɑ pʌcɦʌttʌrɡo
rɑjɑ mʌɦendrʌ cʌudʌ-ɡo ʌncʌl ɑ pʌcɦʌttʌr-ɡo
king Mahendra fourteen-CLF zone and seventy-five-CLF
jilɑ bʌnɔlẽ
jilɑ bʌn
district make
'King Mahendra constructed fourteen zones and seventy-five districts.'
(01.052)
b. ओकरा के हमनी भोजपुरी म कहेम चाहे हद-आय भाषा म चाहे भारतीय आय भाषा म ।
okʌrɑ ke ʌɡʌr ɦʌmni b̤ ojpuri mẽ kʌɦem
okʌrɑ ke ʌɡʌr ɦʌm-ni b̤ ojpuri mẽ kʌɦ-em
3.SG.GEN ACC if 1SG.NOM-PL Bhojpuri LOC say-FUT.H
cɑɦe ɦind-ɑryʌ b̤ ɑsɑ mẽ cɑɦe b̤ ɑrʌtie ɑryʌ b̤ ɑsɑ
cɑɦe ɦind-ɑryʌ b̤ ɑsɑ mẽ cɑɦe b̤ ɑrʌtie ɑryʌ b̤ ɑsɑ
or Indo-Aryan language LOC or Indian Aryan language
mẽ
mẽ
LOC

'We can interpret it either in Bhojpuri or in any Indo-Aryan languages.'

(03.102)
c) Subordinators
Clausal or phrasal subordinators are part of the grammatical morphology
attached to particular embedded and/or subordinate clauses, discussed in detail in
Chapter 12. However, some adverbial and relative clause subordinators in Bhojpuri
are presented as in (98a-d).
(98) a. य द /yʌdi/ or ज द /jʌdi/ 'if', जब /jʌb/ 'when', य िप /yʌdyʌpi/ or जदिप
/jʌdʌpi/ 'although' among others are the adverbial-clause subordinators.
b. जौन /jɔn/ 'who', जे /je/ 'that', जहाँ /jʌɦɑ̃/ 'where' among others are the
relative-clause subordinators.
c. क /ki/ 'that', खाितर /kʰɑtir/ 'to' or 'in order to', -ए के /-e ke/ 'to' among others
are the verb-complement subordinators.
182
d. कब /kʌb/ 'when', जे /je/ 'that' among others are the noun-complement subordinators.
6.2.6 Quantifiers, numerals and ordinals
Quantifiers, numerals and ordinals are small classes of noun modifiers that
code notions of quantity, extent, number or serial order and they all partake in the
grammar of noun phrases discussed in Chapter 9. Besides that, numerals, ordinals,
cardinals and fractions have already been described in preceding section as adjectives.
Moreover, the prominent quantifiers in Bhojpuri are कु छ /kucʰ/ 'some or a few', सब

/sʌb/ 'all', पूरा /purɑ/ 'whole', ब त /bʌɦut/ 'many', तिनका /tʌnikɑ/ 'little', अिधक /ʌd̤ ik/

'much or lots', मा /mɑtrʌ/ 'only', इहाँ तक क /iɦɑ̃ tʌk ki/ 'even' and so on.
6.2.7 Auxiliary verbs
Auxiliary verbs are an early stage of the grammaticalization of verbs into tense-
aspect-modal markers. Besides, they also act as copular verbs to express
state/existence of nouns. They are discussed in Chapter 7.
6.2.8 Interjections
"Interjections are not, strictly speaking, part of the grammar, rather, high-
frequency expressions, many of them old, short and condensed. Others, however, are
longer and still analyzable into their component parts, and thus presumably of more
recent vintage" (Givón, 2011:427). "They cover a broad range of functions, for either
signalling epistemic notions such as an assent or disagreement with the interlocutor or
tilting more towards the deontic, including interlocutor's past or future actions, or
signalling surprise, incomprehension, query, uncertainty and social insecurity" (Givόn
2001a:102). As displayed in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:277-8), Maithili (Yadav
1996:268-71), Hindi (Koul 2008:162-4) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:124-8); some
interjections in Bhojpuri; also exhibited in Ojha (Grierson 1883:29), Ojha
(1915[1982]:25), Tiwari (1954:534-5 and 1960:203), Nirbhik (1975:85-6), Tripathy
(1987:132), Shrivastava (1999:107-8), Thakur (2011:153), Sharma and Ashk
(2011:46-7) and Singh (2013:108-9); are illustrated in (99).
(99) जी /ji/ 'yes', जी ना /ji nɑ/ 'no', ओह /oɦ/ 'oh', बाह ! /bɑɦ/ 'wow', हँ ? /ɦʌ/̃

'really?', आँएँ /ɑ̃ẽ/ 'yea', ठीक /ʈʰik/ 'right', जानतानी ? /jɑntɑni/ 'y'know', कहत

रनी ह /kʌɦʌt rʌni ɦʌ/ 'I see', अ छा /ʌccʰɑ/ 'okay, well', अब /ʌb/ 'now' कौनो

उपाय ना /kɔno upɑy nɑ/ 'no way!' and so on.

183
Some of the particles in example (98) exhibit multiple functions on the basis
on the discourse context or determined by their syntactic position. For example आँएँ
/ɑ̃ẽ/ 'yea' is generally used to respond somebody's call but if something happens
against general conception, the same is used to express surprise raising a question by
rising the tone.
But there are some more complex constructions from the functional domains
of interjections in Bhojpuri, as in (100a-h).
(100) a. बाप रे बाप !
bɑp re bɑp
bɑp re bɑp
father O-NH father
'O my father!' (Exclamation of expressing pain)
b. हाय रे दादा !
ɦɑe re dɑdɑ
ɦɑe re dɑdɑ
hi O-NH grandfather
'O my Grand Pa!' (Exclamation of expressing terrible accident)
c. बाह जी बाह !
bɑɦ ji bɑɦ
bɑɦ ji bɑɦ
wow yea wow
'Wow! Excellent performance!'
d. ओर लगइलऽ !
or lʌɡʌilʌ
or lʌɡ-ɑ-il-ʌ
end do-CAUS-PP-IMP.MH
'How a terrible end!'
e. खड़ रच देखले बाड़ऽ !
kʰĩɽric dekʰle bɑɽʌ
kʰiɽric dekʰ-le bɑɽʌ
wagtail see-SEQ be.2.PRES.MH
'Have you seen a wagtail?' (The exclamation of having good luck!)
f. एसो त उजरे उजरे !

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eso tʌ ujʌre ujʌre
eso tʌ ujʌr-e ujʌr-e
this year COND white-EMPH white-IMPH
'This year will completely be white!' (Weather forecast of heavy rain or
famine.)
g. कामे ना आइल से उफरे परो !
kɑme nɑ ɑil se upʰʌre pʌro
kɑm-e nɑ ɑ-il se upʰʌr-e pʌr-o
use-CLT NEG come-3SG.PST that die of falling-EMPH lie-OPT
'May s/he die who didn't help in need!'
h. ए जीनगी से मरले िनमन !
e jinɡi se mʌrʌle nimʌn
e jinɡi se mʌr-ʌl-e nimʌn
PROX life than die-PP-EMPH good
'Death is better than this life!' (A pessimistic exclamation)
6.2.9 Clitics
In a number of languages, clitics, occurred as bound morphemes are generally
treated as an acategorematic as they do not readily fit into a standard description of
'parts of speech' (Yadav 1991:123).
Zwicky and Pullum (1983:502-13) lists some criteria to differentiate clitics
and inflectional affixes. Likewise Zwicky (1985:283-305) proposes some tests to
distinguish clitics from particles. As displayed in Chitoniya Tharu (2013:161-6) and
Maithili (Yadav 1991:123-32), clitics are examined in Bhojpuri on such parameters
and tests as follows:
Bhojpuri displays clitics -ए /-e/, -ओ /-o/, -हे /-ɦe/, -हो /-ɦo/, -ही /-ɦi/ and -
/-ɦu/ among which -ए /-e/ is multifunctional as it has been obtained from different
sources under process of grammaticalization, including case marker postpositions
such as instrumental case marker से /se/, locative case marker म /mẽ/ among others7.
According to Hopper and Traugott (2003:7) a content item passes through the
following stages under grammaticalization:
content item> grammatical word> clitic > inflectional affix

7. Thakur (2013) has examined -ए /-e/ as a multifunctional clitic in detail.

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In Bhojpuri, -ए /-e/ has been obtained through such processes from different
types of grammatical words:
(i) Adverb of place: भीतर /b̤ itʌr/ > म /mẽ/ > ए /-e/ 'in' and ऊपर /upʌr/ > पर

/pʌr/ > प /pʌ/ > पे /pe/ > ए /-e/ 'on'. In both the cases adverbs of place have
been grammaticalized into locative case marker postpositions as well as
into clitic/suffix used as shown in (101a-b).
(101) Locative
a. मने धाअ ।
mʌne dʰɑʌ
mʌn-e dʰɑ-ʌ
mind-LOC remember-3SG.PRES
'Something is remembered mentally.' (Dāmodara 1953:8, 12th Century)
b. जीभ चाखऽ ।
jib̤ ẽ cɑkʰʌ
jib̤ -e cɑkʰ-ʌ
tongue-LOC taste-3SG.PRES
'Something is tasted on tongue.' (Dāmodara 1953:6, 12th Century)
(ii) Interrogative pronoun: कौन /kɔn/ or के /ke/ > के /ke/ > ए /-e/ 'to'. In this
stage the interrogative pronoun कौन /kɔn/ or के /ke/ 'who' is
grammaticalized into an accusative/dative के /ke/ and it is further
grammaticalized into clitic -ए /-e/ as a suffix, shown in (102a-b).
(102) Accusative/dative
a. हमे कह ।
ɦʌme kʌɦ
ɦʌm-e kʌɦ
1SG-DAT say.IMP
'Tell me.'
b. तोहे िपटेम
toɦe piʈem
tu-e piʈ-em
2SG-ACC beat-FUT.H
'I'll beat you.'

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(iii) Instrumental case: ारा /dwɑrɑ/ > से /se/ > -ए /-e/ 'by/with', as shown in (103).
(103) Instrumental
हाथ छु अ ।(७)
ɦɑtʰẽ cʰuʌ
ɦɑtʰ-e cʰu-ʌ
hand-INST touch-3SG.PRES
'Something is touched by hand.' (Dāmodara 1953:6, 12th Century)
The rest of the clitics are used only for emphasis. In emphatic environments,
-ए /-e/, -हे /-ɦe/ and -ही /-ɦi/ are exclusive as well as -ओ /-o/, -हो /-ɦo/ and - /-ɦu/ are

inclusive. Diachronically, the exclusive emphatic एव /ewʌ/ 'only' in Sanskrit seems to

have been grammaticalized into -ए /-e/ the inclusive emphatic अिप /ʌpi/ 'also' in

Sanskrit seems to bave grammaticalized into -ओ /-o/. in Bhojpuri. The emphatic

clitics in Bhojpuri has been discussed as follows:
a) The exclusive emphatic -ए /-e/

(104) a. रामे एसो पास करी ।

rɑme eso pɑs kʌri
rɑm-e eso pɑs kʌr-i
Rem-emph this year pass do-3.FUT
'Only Ram will pass (the exam) this year.' (Thakur 2013:77)
b. रउए भात खा , हम ना खाएम ।
rʌue b̤ ɑt kʰɑĩ ɦʌm nɑ kʰɑem
rʌuɑ-e b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-ĩ ɦʌm nɑ kʰɑ-em
2SG.H-EMPH boiled rice eat-IMP.H 1SG.NOM NEG eat-FUT.H
'Please eat rice, I won't eat.' (13.047)
c. बाबुजी भुखले चल अइनी ।
bɑbuji b̤ ukʰle cʌl ʌini
bɑbu-ji b̤ ukʰ-ʌl-e cʌl ɑ-ini
father-H hunger-INF-EMPH walk come-PST.H
'Father returned hungry.' (Thakur 2013:77)
d. तू नीचे बइठ ।
tu nice bʌiʈʰ

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tu nicɑ-e bʌiʈʰ
2SG downside-EMPH sit.IMP
'Sit downside only.' (Thakur 2013:77)
In examples (104a-d), the exclusive emphatic clitic -ए /-e/ has been cliticized

with a noun राम /rɑm/ 'Ram' in (104a), with a personal pronoun रउआ /rʌuɑ/ 'you (H)'

in (104b), with an adjective भुखल /b̤ ukʰʌl/ 'hungry' in (104c) and with an adverb नीचा
/nicɑ/ 'downside' in (104d).
b) The exclusive emphatic -हे /-ɦe/

(105) a. तूहे अइहऽ, हम ना ।

tuɦe ʌiɦʌ ɦʌm nɑ
tu-ɦe ɑ-i-ʌ ɦʌm nɑ
2SG.NOM-EMPH come-FUT-IMP.MH 1SG.NOM NEG

'You will only come, not I.' (13.045)

b. नेपाली म उहे मादल हो गइल बा ।
nepɑli mẽ uɦe mɑdʌl ɦo ɡʌil bɑ
nepɑli mẽ u-ɦe mɑdʌl ɦo jɑ-il bɑ
Nepali LOC 3SG.DEM.DIST-EMPH Madal be go-PP be.3SG.PRES
'The same has become Madal in Nepali.' (03.295)
Examples (105a-b) show that the exclusive emphatic clitic -हे /-ɦe/ is cliticized
with a personal pronoun.
c) The exclusive emphatic -ही /-ɦi/

(106) a. हमही जाएम, ऊ ना जाई ।

ɦʌmɦi jɑem u nɑ jɑi
ɦʌm-ɦi jɑ-em u nɑ jɑ-i
1SG.NOM-EMPH go-FUT.H 3SG.NOM NEG go-3SG.FUT
'I will only go, he won't go.' (13.046)
b. ... तुही खइह तीनगो ... ।
tuɦi kʰʌiɦʌ tinɡo
tu-ɦi kʰɑ-i-ʌ tin-ɡo
2SG.NOM-EMPH eat-FUT-IMP.MH three-CLF
'… only you will eat the three ...' (11.025)
In examples (106a-b), clitic -ही /-ɦi/ is cliticized with personal prouns हम

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/ɦʌm/ 'I' and तू /tu/ respectively.

d) The inclusive emphatic -ओ /-o/

(107) a. फुँ किनहारो गइल रहे पाँचे आदमी ।

pʰũkniɦɑro ɡʌil rʌɦe pɑ̃ce ɑdmi
pʰũkniɦɑr-o jɑ-il rʌɦ-e pɑ̃c-e ɑdmi
funeral attendant-EMPH go-PP live-3.PST five-EMPH man
'The funeral attendants were also five only.' (11.026)
b. रउओ चल गाँवे ।
rʌuo cʌlĩ ɡɑ̃we
rʌuɑ-o cʌl-ĩ ɡɑ̃o-e
2SG.H-EMPH walk-IMP.H village-LOC
'Please (you also) come in the village.'
c. ई लउका त मीठो लागी ।
i lʌukɑ tʌ miʈʰo lɑɡi
i lʌukɑ tʌ miʈʰ-o lɑɡ-i
PROX pumpkin COND sweet-EMPH taste-3.FUT
'This pumpkin will taste sweet also.'
d. हम त नीचो बइठे म ।
ɦʌm tʌ nico bʌiʈʰem
ɦʌm tʌ nicɑ-o bʌiʈʰ-em
1SG COND downside-EMPH sit-FUT.H
'I will sit downside, too.'
Examples (106a-d) show that the inclusive emphatic clitic -ओ /-o/ has been

cliticized with a noun फुँ किनहार /phũkniɦɑr/ 'funeral attendant' in (107a), with a

personal pronoun रउआ /rʌuɑ/ 'you (H) in (107b), with adjective मीठ /miʈʰ/ 'sweet' in

(107c) and with an adverb नीचा /nicɑ/ 'downside' in (107d).

e) The inclusive emphatic -हो /-ɦo/

(108) a. जो तुहो पंजाब ।

jo tuɦo pʌnjɑb
jɑ -o tu -ɦo pʌnjɑb
go -IMP 2SG.NOM -EMPH Punjab
'Go to Punjab youself too.' (10.033)

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b. उहो नेपािलए रहल ।
uɦo nepɑlie rʌɦlẽ
u-ɦo nepɑl-i-e rʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ
3SG.DIST.NOM-EMPH Nepal-ADJ-EMPH live-PP-PST.H
'He was also Nepali.' (04.078)
Examples (108a-b) show that the inclusive emphatic clitic -हो /-ɦo/ is

cliticized with personal pronouns तू /tu/ 'you' and उ /u/ 'he' respectively.

f) The inclusive emphatic - /-ɦu/

(109) a. हम मानेम ।
,ɦʌmɦu mɑnem
ɦʌm-ɦu mɑn-em
1SG.NOM-EMPH realize-FUT.H
'I also admit.' (06.045)
b. तु चल घरे ।
tuɦu cʌlʌ ɡ̈ʌre
tu-ɦu cʌl-ʌ ɡ̈ʌr-e
2SG.NOM-EMPH walk-IMP-MH home-LOC
'Please (you also) go home.'
c. घर जाएके बा ।
ɡ̈ʌrɦu jɑeke bɑ
ɡ̈ʌr-ɦu jɑ-e-ke bɑ
home-EMPH go-PUR-PUR 3SG.PRES
'It is essential to go home, too.'
Examples (109a-c) show that the inclusive emphatic clitic - /-ɦu/ is cliticized
with personal pronouns and nouns respectively.
As already discussed, the clitics are cliticized with all word classes in Bhojpuri.
6.2.10 Particles
The particle is considered as an ever-present impression in syntax. It is
peculiar in terms of semantics and distributions in contrast to those established in
word classes. Thus 'particle' is a cover term for items that do not fit easily into
syntactic and semantic generalizations about the language and it covers any
indeclinable, or uninflectable, item; its use is particularly common for languages, like

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Sanskrit, in which most words have inflected forms (Zwicky 1985:290). It often
remains vague, since many linguists define particles according to a ‘leftover principle’
as short functional words, which are neither conjunctions, nor prepositions, nor
auxiliaries etc (Zimmerling 2008).
As exhibited in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:266-8), Maithili (Yadav
1996:272-80), Hindi (Koul 2008:137-59) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:118-24);
Bhojpuri particles might be classified in terms of emphatic markers, discourse
markers, vocative, modal particles and dubitative particles according to Zwicky
(1985) and Zimmerling (2008). Particles have also traditionally been treated as िनपात
/nipat/ as observed earlier in Bhojpuri (Sharma and Ashk 2007:52, Singh 2009:151-3
and 2013:122 and Thakur 2011:174). They have been discussed as follows:
a) Emphatic ही /ɦi/ and भी /b̤ i/

As emphatic clitics have already discussed, Hindi borrowings ही /ɦi/ and भी

/b̤ i/ are exclusive and inclusive emphatic marker particles respectively in Bhojpuri, as
shown in (110a-b).
(110) a. खाली शंसा ही शंसा रहे ।
kʰɑli prʌsʌnsɑ ɦi prʌsʌnsɑ rʌɦe
kʰɑli prʌsʌnsɑ ɦi prʌsʌnsɑ rʌɦ-e
only praise EMPH praise live-3.PST
'There were only admirations of him.' (04.091)
b. पैसा के भी अभाव रहे ।
pʌisɑ ke b̤ i ʌb̤ ɑo rʌɦe
pʌisɑ ke b̤ i ʌb̤ ɑo rʌɦ-e
money GEN also scarcity live-3.PST
'There was lack of money too.' (04.122)
b) Discourse markers
i. The particles जी /ji/, हँ /ɦʌ̃/, होई /ɦoi/

Bhojpuri has discours marker particle जी /ji/, हँ /ɦʌ/̃ and होई /ɦoi/ for

acceptance of some proposals of the addressee. Among them, जी /ji/ expresses full
honorificity and the others are neutral in honorificity, as show in (111a-c).
(111) a. जी जी, ब त ध यवाद ! ढु नराजजी ।
ji ji bʌɦut d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd ɖ̈unrɑjji

191
ji ji bʌɦut d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd ɖ̈unrɑj-ji
yea yea more thank Dhunraj-H
'Yea, thank you a lot, Dhunrajji.' (03.014)
b. हँ हँ, एकदम ।
ɦʌ̃ ɦʌ̃ ekdʌm
ɦʌ̃ ɦʌ̃ ekdʌm
yea yea excessively
'Yea, of course.' (03.326)
c. होई, िबहने घरे आएम ।
ɦoi biɦʌne ɡ̈ʌre ɑem
ɦoi biɦɑn-e ɡ̈ʌr-e ɑ-em
yea tomorrow-EMPH home-LOC come-FUT.H
'Yea, I'll come home tomorrow.'
ii. The particles मत /mʌt/, जन /jʌn/, ना /nɑ/

Bhojpuri has negative discourse particles मत /mʌt/, जन /jʌn/ and ना /nɑ/.

Initially मत /mʌt/ 'opinion' and जन /jʌn/ 'people' have been grammaticalized from
noun, their Sanskrit origin in a group of the NIA languages Bhojpuri belongs to.
Hence, मत /mʌt/ is used in imperative, जन /jʌn/ in optative and ना /nʌ/ is used in
almost all environments, as shown in (112a-c).
(112) a. अब के करो के गारी मत दे ।
ʌb kekro ke ɡɑri mʌt de
ʌb kekʌr-o ke ɡɑri mʌt de
now whose-EMPH ACC abuse NEG give
'Don't abuse anyone now onwards.' (09.142)
b. अब हमरा के जन के मारो ।
ʌb ɦʌmrɑ ke jʌn keɦu mɑro
ʌb ɦʌm-rɑ ke jʌn keɦu mɑr-o
now 1.SG-POSS ACC NEG anybody kill/beat-OPT
'Let nobody kill/beat me now.'
c. ना, ई काम हम ना करे म ।
nɑ i kɑm ɦʌm nɑ kʌrem

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nɑ i kɑm ɦʌm nɑ kʌr-em
NEG PROX work 1SG.NOM NEG do-FUT.H
'No, I won't do this.'
But ना /nɑ/ is also grammaticalized to function as emphatic affirmative
particle in Bhojpuri, as shown in (113a-c).
(113) a. बच ना द ।
bẽc nɑ dʌ
bẽc nɑ dʌ
sell EMPH give.IMP.MH
'Rather sell it.' (10.061)
b. त खोइँ छा रोक ना, ओही म िगरा देतानी ।
tʌ kʰoĩcʰɑ rok nɑ oɦi mẽ ɡirɑ
tʌ kʰoĩcʰɑ rok nɑ oɦ-i mẽ ɡir-ɑ
COND Anchal stretch EMPH 3SG.DIST-EMPH LOC fall-CAUS
detɑni
de-ʌt bɑni
give-SIM be.PRES.H
'Then flatten your Anchal, I'll let it fall in.' (05.013)
c. कु िछयो कु िछयो इहे ना त ह ?
kucʰio kucʰio iɦe nɑ
kucʰ-i-o kucʰ-i-o i-ɦe nɑ
something-EMPH-EMPH something-EMPH-EMPH this-EMPH EMPH

tʌ ɦʌ
tʌ ɦʌ
COND be.3SG.PRES
'Is this the only something?' (10.057)
In examples (113a-c), ना /nɑ/ is pragmatically used as affirmative particle in
(113a) and as emphatic particle in (113b-c).
iii. The particle फे न /pʰen/ or फे र /pʰer/

Bhojpuri has use of फे न /pʰen/ and फे र /pʰer/ 'again' as reccurring discourse

particle. They have also been grammaticalized from noun and adjective respectively

193
in Bhojpuri as फे न /pʰen/ 'foam' and फे र /pʰer/ 'lengthy due to different bends'. They
bave been exemplified as particles in (114a-b).
(114) a. फे न जाड़ आई ।
pʰen jɑɽ ɑi
pʰen jɑɽ ɑ-i
again winter come-3SG.FUT
'The winter will come again.'
b. अिगला मङर के फे र भट होई ।
ʌɡilɑ mʌŋʌr ke pʰer b̤ ẽʈ ɦoi
ʌɡilɑ mʌŋʌr ke pʰer b̤ ẽʈ ɦo-i
next Tuesday ACC again meet be-3SG.FUT
'We'll meet again on next Tuesday.' (03.432)
c) Vocatives ओ /o/, हो /ɦo/, ऐ /ɛ/, आरे /ɑre/, रे /re/, गे /ɡe/

Bhojpuri has vocative particles ओ /o/, हो /ɦo/, ऐ /ɛ/, आरे /ɑre/, रे /re/ and गे /ɡe/

among which ओ /o/ is full honorific, हो /ɦo/ is mid-honorific, ऐ /ɛ/, आरे /ɑre/ and रे

/re/ are non-honorific and गे /ɡe/ is used for close female addressee irrespective of
honorificity, as shown in (115a-f).
(115) a. ओ कु टुम, खाए चल ।
o kuʈum kʰɑe cʌlĩ
o kutum kʰɑ-e cʌl-ĩ
VOC.H guests eat-PUR walk-IMP.H
'O guests! Let's go to have meal.'
b. काहे खड़ा बाड़ऽ हो भाई ?
kɑɦe kʰʌɽɑ bʌɽʌ ɦo b̤ ɑi
kɑɦe kʰʌɽɑ bʌɽ-ʌ ɦo b̤ ɑi
why stand big-IMP.MH VOC.MH brother
'O my brother! Why are you standing there?' (10.049)
c. ऐ राजु, घरे जो ।
ɛ rɑju ɡ̈ʌre jo
ɛ rɑju ɡ̈ʌr-e jɑ-o
VOC Raju home-LOC go-IMP
'O Raju! Go home.'

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d. आरे मोर बबुआ, अइसन मत करऽ ।

ɑre mor bʌbuɑ ʌisʌn mʌt kʌrʌ

ɑre mor bʌbuɑ ʌisʌn mʌt kʌr-ʌ

VOC 1SG.GEN boy like this NEG do-IMP.MH
'O my boy! Don't do like this.'
e. ना रे बबुआ, भुइआँइन हो जाई ।’
nɑ re bʌbuɑ b̤ uiɑ̃in ɦo jɑi
nɑ re bʌbuɑ b̤ uiɑ̃ -in ɦo jɑ -i
NEG VOC.NH boy ground -ADJ be go -FUT
'No! My child, it will be contaminated with ground.' (05.012)
f. गे बु ढ़आ दाई, िप ठआ भुइआँ म िगरा दी ँ ?
ɡe buɽ̊iɑ dɑi piʈʈʰiɑ b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ
ɡe buɽ̊iɑ dɑi piʈʈʰi-ɑ b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ
VOC.F old woman grandma cake-SPEC ground LOC

ɡirɑ dĩ
ɡir-ɑ dĩ
fall-CAUS give.FUT.H
'O my Grandma! Can I let the cake fall on the ground?' (05.011)
d) Modal particles जे /je/

Bhojpuri displays modal function of the particle जे /je/ that occurs generally
following the main verb in a clause. It expresses negativity in a satirical way, as swon
in (116a-b).
(116) a. राउर कहल मान जे गइनी !
rɑur kʌɦʌl mɑn je ɡʌini
rɑur kʌɦ-ʌl mɑn je jɑ-ini
2SG.GEN say-INF accept MOD go-PST.H
'Do you think I accepted your advice?'
b. चिलए देनी जे !
cʌlie deni je
cʌl-i-e de-ni je
walk-PST-EMPH give-PST.H MOD

'Do you think I left here?'

195
e) Plural सन /sʌn/, स /sʌ/, जा /jɑ/
Bhojpuri has both suffixal and postpositional plural markers, already discussed
with characteristics of nouns in this chapter. Among them, सब /sʌb/ 'all', लोग /loɡ/

'people' and जा /jɑ/ are themselves pronoun, noun and verb respectively. But under the

process of grammaticalization8, they have become plural marker particles. Besides, सन

/sʌn/ and स /sʌ/ have been derived from सब /sʌb/ and placed as plural marker particles
in Bhojpuri. They have clause-final position in general, as shown in (117a-c).
(117) a. िछतराइल बाड़ऽ सन ।
cʰitʌrɑil bɑɽʌ sʌn
cʰitʌrɑ-il bɑɽʌ sʌn
scatter-PP be.2/3.PRES PL

'They are all scattered.' (04.231)

b. दुनू भाई खुब खुश भइलन स ।
dunu b̤ ɑi kʰub kʰus b̤ ʌilʌn sʌ
du-nu b̤ ɑi kʰub kʰus b̤ ʌ-ilʌn sʌ
two-EMPH brother highly happy become-3.PST.MH PL

'Both the brothers became overjoyed.' (10.044)

c. खाके चलनी जा ।
kʰɑke cʌlni jɑ
kʰɑ-ke cʌl-ni jɑ
eat-SEQ walk-PST.H PL

'We moved after meal.'

f) Dubitatives
The dubitative modality codes the speaker's doubts about the truth of the
whole proposition, (Frajzyngier 2016:266-7). The dubitative mood not only marks
doubt about the truth value of a proposition but also about the identity of an argument
within a proposition (Whitehead 2004:18). Bhojpuri has dubitative modality marked
by the particle क /ki/, कानू /kɑnu/, हँनू /ɦʌñ u/ and कादो /kɑdo/ occurred generally at

clause-final position. Hence, कादो /kɑdo/ 'mud' has been grammaticalized to be

dubitative particle in Bhojpuri. Such dubitatives are shown in (118a-d).

8. Hopper and Traugott (2017: xiii) defines grammaticalization as the change whereby lexical items
and constructions come in certain linguistic contexts to serve grammatical functi ons and, once
grammaticalized, continue to develop new grammatical functions.

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(118) a. कायकारी पद म आ जाई क ?
kɑryʌkɑri pʌd mẽ ɑ jɑi ki
kɑryʌkɑri pʌd mẽ ɑ jɑ-i ki
executive post LOC come go-3SG.FUT DUB

'Will they grab any executional post?' (01.079)

b. मेघवा बरसी कानू ?
meɡ̈wɑ bʌrsi kɑnu
meɡ̈-wɑ bʌrʌs-i kɑnu
cloud-DEF fall-3.FUT DUB

'Perhaps it rains.'
c. मङ खेते जाई, हँनू ?
mʌŋʌru kʰete jɑi ɦʌ̃nu
mʌŋʌru kʰet-e jɑ-i ɦʌ̃nu
Mangaru farm-LOC go-3.FUT DUB

'Mangaru will go to farm, won't he?'

d. बसवा छू ट गइल कादो !
bʌswɑ cʰuʈ ɡʌil kɑdo
bʌs-wɑ cʰuʈ jɑ-il kɑdo
bus-DEF miss go-3.PST DUB

'Perhaps the bus was missed.'

6.3 Summary
We discussed the properties of the word classes (lexicons) in Bhojpuri in this
chapter. Syntactically, Bhojpuri nouns function as the subject, direct object, indirect
object, nominal predicate, possessive noun modifier, complement and locative noun
phrase position.
Bhojpuri nouns are generally inflected in terms of number, gender, classifiers
and the case role of the referent. Bhojpuri employs only two classifiers: जने /jʌne/ or

जना /jʌnɑ/ as a separate word for human noun and -गो /-ɡo/ for non-human countable
nouns. There is three-way distinction in pronominal agreement in Bhojpuri: first,
second and third persons. Plurality in Bhojpuri nominals is indicated by the suffix -अन

/-ʌn/ or -वन /-wʌn/ as a suffix and सब /sʌb/ and लोग /loɡ/ and as a separate word. Like
its number system, Bhojpuri nouns are expressed in two genders: masculine and

197
feminine but their grammatical expressions in finite verbs fade eastwards. Bhojpuri has
two types of adjectives: basic and derived. The derived adjectives are formed from
nouns and verbs. The perfective forms of all verbs are eligible to be used as adjectives.
Bhojpuri adjectives may be classified in terms of size, colour, age, value, physical
property and human propensity. Syntactically, they may function like verbs as the head
of an intransitive predicate or they may modify a noun which is the head of an NP. The
verb normally occurs clause-finally and functions as the main predicate of the clause.
The verb registers three person and two numbers (in first, second and third personal
pronouns) combined with a complex system of tense, aspect and modality. The verbal
nouns in Bhojpuri are obtained by the roots as well as by different types of suffixations.
Adverbs in Bhojpuri are broadly categorized, in terms of manner, instrumental, time,
place and modifying adjectives. Nouns, adjectives, verbs and adverbs in Bhojpuri are
highly derivational among each other. Minor word classes include postpositions,
determiners, pronouns (independent and possessive), inter-clausal connectives
(participial suffixes, conjunctions and subordinators), quantifiers, numerals and
ordinals, auxiliary verbs and interjections, clitics and particles.

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CHAPTER 7
SIMPLE VERBAL CLAUSES AND ARGUMENT STRUCTURE
7.0 Outline
This chapter deals with the different types of simple clauses in Bhojpuri. Section
7.1 introduces nonverbal or nominal clauses with presence of copula. In the section 7.2,
verbal clauses are introduced with sub-classification of verbs based on argument
structure and transitivity. We summarise findings of the chapter in section 7.3.
7.1 Nonverbal or nominal clauses
As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:307), Maithili (Yadav 2014:32), Hindi
(Koul 2008:207) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:319) display, a nominal predication
typically occurs with the particular copular form. A question of phrasal identity
primarily falls under such type of construction. Whether it is another noun phrase, an
adjective phrase or a locative expression, it represents such permanent or temporary
state. Moreover, it is also related to the semantic distinction between equation or
identification, property and location, as well as to tense.
Table 7.1 shows a very clear tendency for the different phrase categories – and the
semantic relationships coded by them – to be mapped systematically to certain copular
forms and expressions. Besides, it does not take every single instance into account.
Table 7.1: Distribution of standard copular forms and expressions
NP – NP NP – AP NP– Loc
(Equation/Identification) (Property) (Location)
Present ह /ɦʌ/ or बा /bɑ/ 'be' and नइख /nʌikʰ/ 'be.NEG.PRES'
Past रह /rʌɦ/ 'live' (literally), 'be' (semantically)

The standard affirmative copula in present tense is होख /ɦokʰ/ or बाट /bɑʈ/ 'be',
also displayed in Grierson (1884a:41), Tiwari (1960:xxxvii), Nirbhik (1975:79),
Shrivastava (1999:82) and Thakur (2011:88). Diachronically, होख /ɦokʰ/ and बाट /bɑʈ/

have been derived from Sanskrit verb roots अस् /ʌs/ and वृत् /vrit/ in process of

grammaticalization and both have further been shortened to ह /ɦʌ/ and बा /bɑ/

respectively in the same process. Likewise, नइख /nʌikʰ/ 'be.NEG.PRES' is the copula for
negation primarily found in Bhojpuri, used with some inflections only in present tense.
Likewise, रह /rʌɦ/ 'live/stay' is used in general with some inflections for past tense of

'be'. Sanskrit र /rʌkcʰ/ 'preserve/keep' has been grammaticalized into रह /rʌɦ/

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'stay/live' (Montaut 2017:125) to function as passive in a group of the NIA languages
Bhojpuri belongs to. Besides, it has further been grammaticalized as a finite verb or
infinitive for certain aspects in Bhojpuri, already expalained in Chapter 10 in detail.
7.1.1 Copular clauses with nominal predicates
Predicate noun phrases occur with an overt copula in Bhojpuri as presented in (1a-c).
(1) a. ... ... ऊ राजु ह ।
[u]SBJ [rɑju]PRD ɦʌ
3SG.NOM Raju be.3SG.PRES
'… … He is Raju.' (07.016)
b. ओकर आबा िश क बानी ।
[okʌr ɑbɑ]SBJ [sikcʰʌk]PRD bɑni
3SG.GEN.NH father teacher be.PRES.H
'His father is a teacher.' (09.095)
c. आम मौसमी फल ह ।
ɑm mɔsmi pʰʌl ɦʌ
[ɑm]SBJ [mɔsʌm-i pʰʌl]PRD ɦʌ
mango season-ADJ fruit be.3SG.PRES
'The mango is a seasonal fruit.' (09.203)
The unmarked word order is SBJ-PRD in such clauses as shown in (1a-c). But a
reverse word order is also possible with such type of clauses for focus and other
discourse purposes as shown in (2a-c).
(2) a. हमर घर ई ह ।
[ɦʌmʌr ɡ̈ʌr] PRD [i] SBJ ɦʌ
1SG.GEN house 3SG.PROX be.3SG.PRES
'My house is this.' (07.002)
b. ई घर हमर ह ।
[i ɡ̈ʌr]PRD [ɦʌmʌr]SBJ ɦʌ
3SG.DEM. PROX house 1SG.GEN be.3SG.PRES
'This house is mine.' (09.114)
c. रामदेव उनकर नाम रहे आ अलम त उनकर उपािध रहे ।
rɑmdeo unkʌr nɑm rʌɦe ɑ ʌlmʌst

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[rɑmdeo] PRD [unkʌr nɑm] SBJ rʌɦ-e ɑ [ʌlmʌst] PRD
Ramdeo 3.SG.POSS.H name live-3.PST.M and Almast
unkʌr upɑd̤ i rʌɦe
[unkʌr upɑd̤ i] SBJ rʌɦ-e
3SG.POSS.H title live-3.PST
'Ramdev was his name and Almast was his title.' (04.056)
Likewise, copula is unmarked in final position of a clause. But it is found
otherwise in clauses for focus and other purposes too, as shown in (3a-c).
(3) a. ... ... हम बानी ढू नराज ।
[ɦʌm]SBJ bɑni [ɖ̈unrɑj]PRD
1SG.NOM be.PRES.H Dhunraj
'I am Dhunraj. … …' (03.002)
b. ओकर नाँव रहे ‘भोजपुरी कहािनयाँ’ ।
okʌr nɑ̃o rʌɦe b̤ ojpuri kʌɦɑniyɑ̃
[okʌr nɑ̃o]SBJ rʌɦ-e [b̤ ojpuri kʌɦɑni-yɑ̃]PRD
3SG.GEN.NH name live-3.PST Bhojpuri story-PL
'Its name was 'Bhojpuri Stories'.' (04.108)
c. उनकर नाँव रहे रामदेव अलम त ।
unkʌr nɑ̃o rʌɦe rɑmdeo ʌlmʌst
[unkʌr nɑ̃o]SBJ rʌɦ-e [rɑmdeo ʌlmʌst]PRD
3.SG.POSS name live-3.PST Ramdeo Almast
'His name was Ramdev Almast.' (04.055)
Besides, clauses with discontinuous predicate are also available in Bhojpuri as
shown in (4a-b).
(4) a. दोसरा भाषा से ऊ के तना नजदीक बा ?
dosʌrɑ b̤ ɑsɑ se u ketnɑ nʌjdik
[dosʌr-ɑ b̤ ɑsɑ se]PRD [u]SBJ [ketnɑ nʌjdik]PRD
another-DEF language with 3SG.DEM.DIST how much close
<

bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'How much is it nearer to other language?' (03.112)
b. ई पौरािणक िव ास बा लोग के ।

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i pɔrɑnik biswɑs bɑ loɡ
[i]SBJ [purɑn-ik biswɑs]PRD bɑ [loɡ
3SG.DEM.PROX mythology-ADJ trust be.3SG.PRES people
ke
ke]PRD
GEN

'This is the mythological public belief … …' (07.033)

The presence of copula as already presented, however, is not the absolute in
Bhojpuri. There is availability of copula-less clauses that reflects a pattern for
languages that allow so-called copula dropping (Pustet, 2003:34; Givón 2001a:120) as
well as other Indo-Aryan or neighbouring languages where copula-less sentences are
allowed or normative (Masica 1991:339; Baart 1999:121). But such copula dropping
in Bhojpuri is found in present tense only, as presented in (5a-c).
(5) a. साँच बात म आँच का ?
[sɑ̃c bɑt mẽ ɑ̃c]PRD [kɑ]SBJ
truth saying LOC obstacle what
'What is obstacle in true statement?' (09.287)
b. काजर से आँख भारी ?
kɑjʌr se ɑ̃kʰ b̤ ɑri
[kɑjʌr se]PRD [ɑ̃kʰ]SBJ [b̤ ɑr-i]PRD
kajal with eye load-ADJ
'Can eyes be loaded with kajal?' (09.297)
c. जेकर उदय सेकर अ त ।
[jekʌr]SBJ [udʌy]PRD [sekʌr]SBJ [ʌst]PRD
3SG.GEN.COND rise 3SG.GEN.COND fall
'The one who rises falls too.' (09.367)
A special type of subjectless copular clauses is also available in Bhojpuri.
Such expressions often occur at opening of a story, as shown in (6a-b).
(6) a. कवन देश म एगो गाँव रहे ।
kɔno des mẽ eɡo ɡɑ̃o rʌɦe
[kɔno des mẽ ek-ɡo ɡɑ̃o]PRD rʌɦ-e
some country LOC one-CLF village live-3.PST
'Once upon a time there was a village in a country.' (10.001)

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b. कवनो गाँव म एगो बु ढ़आ रहली ।
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ eɡo buɽ̊iɑ rʌɦli
[kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ ek-ɡo buɽ̊iɑ]PRD rʌɦ-ʌl-i
some village LOC one-CLF old woman live-3SG.PST-F.H
'There was an old woman in a village.' (07.001)
Moreover, there are some subjectless copular clauses to occur in between a
discourse too, as shown in (7a-c).
(7) a. भंडारन के सम या बा ।
[b̤ ʌnɖɑrʌn ke sʌmʌsyɑ]PRD bɑ
storage GEN problem be.3SG.PRES
'There is problem of storage.' (02.117)
b. ए बात म कवनो दम नइखे ।
e bɑt mẽ kɔno dʌm nʌikʰe
[e bɑt mẽ kɔno dʌm]PRD nʌikʰ-e
PROX matter LOC any weight be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'There is no weightage of this sort of gossip.' (01.066)
c. ... ... अं ज
े ी म एगो श द बा टाइपॉलॉजी ।
ʌŋreji mẽ eɡo sʌbd bɑ ʈɑipɔlɔji
[ʌŋreji mẽ ek-ɡo sʌbd]PRD bɑ [ʈɑipɔlɔji]PRD
English LOC one-CLF word be.3SG.PRES typology
'… … there is a terminology in English, Typology.' (03.101)
Moreover, हो जा /ɦo jɑ-/ (agreeing in person, number and gender with the
subject NP as well as with tense) of the standard copula is simply present in ongoing
discourse, as shown in (8a-b).
(8) a. बरखा म सड़क पर पाँक हो जाला ।
bʌrkʰɑ mẽ sʌɽʌk pʌr pɑ̃k ɦo jɑlɑ
[bʌrkʰɑ mẽ sʌɽʌk pʌr pɑ̃k]PRD ɦo jɑ-lɑ
rain LOC road LOC mud be go-3SG.PRES
'There is mud on the road during rainy season.' (09.475)
b. ... ... आवाद जगह जङल हो जाला ।
ɑwɑd jʌɡʌɦ jʌŋʌl ɦo jɑlɑ

203
[ɑwɑd jʌɡʌɦ]SBJ [jʌŋʌl]PRD ɦo jɑ-lɑ
fruitful place jungle be go-3SG.PRES
'… … A piece of cultivated land turns into jungle.' (04.082)
7.1.2 Copular clauses with adjectival predicates
The clauses with a predicate adjective phrase occur with a copula almost
identical with that of a predicate noun phrase in Bhojpuri, as shown in (9a-c).
(9) a. ... ... ऊ सराहनीय बा ।
[u]SBJ [sʌrɑɦnie]PRD bɑ
3SG.DEM.DIST praiseworthy be.3SG.PRES
'… … that is praiseworthy.' (03.324)
b. अनेक तरह के लोक कथा सब भोजपुरी म चिलत बा ।
ʌnek tʌrʌɦ ke lok kʌtʰɑ sʌb b̤ ojpuri mẽ
[ʌnek tʌrʌɦ ke lok kʌtʰɑ sʌb]SBJ [b̤ ojpuri mẽ
many kind GEN folk story PL Bhojpuri LOC

prʌcʌlit bɑ
prʌcʌlʌn-it]PRD bɑ
use-ADJ be.3SG.PRES
'Many kinds of folk-tales are popular in Bhojpuri.' (03.252)
c. खएर से ओठ लाल हो जाला ।
kʰʌer se oʈʰ lɑl ɦo jɑlɑ
[kʰʌer se]PRD [oʈʰ]SBJ [lɑl]PRD ɦo jɑ-lɑ
catechu with lip red be go-3SG.PRES
'The lips turn red chewing catechu.' (09.504)
'… … within twenty or forty miles, the form turns into a different one.' (04.187)
As shown in (9a-c), the adjectival predicates somehow modify the subject
noun phrase in the clause.
7.1.3 Copular clauses with locative expressions
There is overt copula in clauses with a predicate locative phrase, as shown in (10a-c).
(10) a. ... ... तोरा खेतवा म आधा हमार बा ... ...।
torɑ kʰetwɑ mẽ ɑd̤ ɑ ɦʌmɑr bɑ
[torɑ kʰet-wɑ mẽ ɑd̤ ɑ ɦʌmɑr]PRD bɑ
2SG.GEN farm-DEF LOC half 1SG.GEN be.3SG.PRES
'… … half of your farm is mine … …' (02.038)

204
b. एक जघे नइखे ।
ek jʌɡʰe nʌikʰe
[ek jʌɡʌɦ-e]PRD nʌikʰ-e
one place-LOC be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'They are not together.' (01.039)
c. घरे बु ढ़आ के एगो बेटी रहे ।
ɡ̈ʌre buɽ̊iɑ ke eɡo beʈi rʌɦe
[ɡ̈ʌr-e buɽ̊iɑ ke ek-ɡo beʈi]PRD rʌɦ-e
house-LOC old woman GEN one-CLF daughter live-3.PST
'The old woman had a daughter at home.' (07.041)
7.1.4 Other copular or copula-like expressions
a) Existentials
The existentials function to specify the location of a known entity but to assert
the existence of some previously unintroduced entity, though it seems to be similar to
copular clauses with a locative expression.
It is so that the subjects of existential clauses are indefinite while the subjects
of local copular clauses are definite to a greater extent. Besides, clear location is not
essential in existential expressions, as shown in (11a-c).
(11) a. बाँ कर प रवार के सभे लोग बागड़े रहे ।
bɑ̃kir pʌriwɑr ke sʌb̤ e loɡ bɑɡʌɽe
bɑ̃kir [pʌriwɑr ke sʌb̤ -e loɡ]SBJ [bɑɡʌɽ-e]PRD
but family GEN all-EMPH PL deaf and dumb-EMPH
rʌɦe
rʌɦ-e
live-3.PST
'But all the family members were deaf and dumb.' (10.005)
b. िनि त प से भोजपुरी हमर माई के भाषा ह ।
niscit rup se [b̤ ojpuri]SBJ [ɦʌmʌr mɑi ke b̤ ɑsɑ]PRD
certain form with Bhojpuri 1SG.GEN mother GEN language
ɦʌ
be.3SG.PRES
'Certainly, Bhojpuri is my mother tongue.' (03.035)
c. नेपाल राजक य ा- ित ान रहे ओह बेरा ।

205
nepɑl rɑjkie prʌɡyɑ-prʌtisʈʰɑn rʌɦe oɦ berɑ
nepɑl rɑjkie prʌɡyɑ-prʌtisʈʰɑn]PRD rʌɦ-e oɦ berɑ
Nepal royal academy live-.PST.NH 3SG.DIST time
'There was Royal Nepal Academy at that time.' (03.074)
There are also some existential expressions where there is no overt location at
all, as shown in (12a-b).
(12) a. के बा ? सामने होखऽ ।
keɦu bɑ sɑmne ɦokʰʌ
keɦu bɑ sɑmne ɦokʰ-ʌ
anyone be.3SG.PRES front be.PRES-IMP.MH
'Is there anyone? Please be in front.' (12:001-002)
b. ओकरा बाद नेपाल राजक य ा- ित ान रहे ओह बेरा ।
okʌrɑ bɑd nepɑl rɑjkie prʌɡyɑ-prʌtisʈʰɑn rʌɦe
okʌrɑ bɑd nepɑl rɑjkie prʌɡyɑ-prʌtisʈʰɑn rʌɦ-e
3.SG.GEN later Nepal royal academy live-3.PST
oɦ berɑ
oɦ berɑ
3SG.DIST time
'There was Royal Nepal Academy at that time.' (03.074)
The intransitive verb पड़ /pʌɽ/ 'lie' is also analysed as having a function similar

to रह /rʌɦ/ 'live' for existential, such as in (13).

(13) एक साल आकाल पड़ल ।

ek sɑl ɑkɑl pʌɽʌl
ek sɑl ɑkɑl pʌɽ-ʌl
one year famine fall-3SG.PST
'There happened famines in a year.' (13.026)
b) Possessives
Though almost similar to the existential ones in structure, the possessive
constructions are identified with either as a genitive NP with -अर /-ʌr/ or -आर /-ɑr/

inflectional morphemes with personal pronouns or as a postpositional phrase with के

/ke/ 'of' or apostrophe s ('s) but राउर /rɑur/ 'your' is a typical Bhojpuri entity in second
person singular genitive with honorificity, as shown in (14a-c).

206
(14) a. हमार लेख ब त बाड़ऽ ।
ɦʌmɑr lekʰ bʌɦut bɑɽʌ
ɦʌm-ɑr lekʰ bʌɦut bɑɽʌ
1SG-GEN article more be.2/3.PRES
'There are many articles of mine.' (04.230)
b. ... ... राउर िज ासा बा ... ...।
rɑur jiɡyɑsɑ bɑ
2SG.GEN.H query be.3SG.PRES
'… … it's your query … …' (03.392)
c. घरे बु ढ़आ के एगो बेटी रहे ।
ɡ̈ʌre buɽ̊iɑ ke eɡo beʈi rʌɦe
ɡ̈ʌr-e buɽ̊iɑ ke ek-ɡo beʈi rʌɦ-e
house-LOC old woman GEN one-CLF daughter live-3.PST
'The old woman had a daughter at home.' (07.041)
7.2 Verbal predicates
Verbal predication is the pragmatic function of a verb. As displayed in
Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:310), Maithili (Yadav 2014:41), Hindi (Koul
20018:211) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:322), it is a natural phenomenon in languages
and analyzed on the basis of argument structure and transitivity. Verbal predicates in
Bhojpuri; also displayed in Grierson (1884a:34), Ojha (1915[1982]:27-43), Tiwari
(1954:243-58 and 1960:151-96), Nirbhik (1975:76-9), Shrivastava (1999:73-9),
Sharma and Ashk (2007:19-23), Singh (2009:108-19 and 2013:69-79) and Thakur
(2011:85-92); may be described as follows:
7.2.1 Argument structure and transitivity
Bhojpuri exhibits a clear distinction between intransitive and transitive verbs.
Simply a verb is either intransitive or transitive but there is also possibility of
ambivalent or polyvalent as far as transitivity is concerned. As Bhojpuri is a
nominative-accusative language such as Maithili as well as English, a verb's
transitivity is primarily diagnosed on the basis of absence or presence of direct objects
or patients in a clause.
The four resulting argument structures as shown in Table 7.2 cover a large
majority of all verbs in Bhojpuri. Besides, some verbs displaying a non-standard

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pattern are also discussed along with complement-taking verbs and to some extent
analytically challenging conjunct verbs too.
Table 7.2 Summary of valence patterns
Basic pattern Intransitive Transitive
Simple NPSBJ V NPSBJ NPDO V
With indirect object NPSBJ PP/NPIO V NPSBJ NPDO PP/NPIO V
7.2.2 Simple intransitive verbs
Intransitive verbs simply code states, events or actions. Their typical pattern is
to take a single argument in the form of a subject noun phrase coded in the
nominative: NPSBJ V as shown in (15a-c).
(15) a. ... ... दुःिखया दुःख रोए ... ...
dukʰiɑ dukʰ roe
dukʰ-iɑ dukʰ ro-e
sorrow-ADJ misery cry-PRES
'… … The sufferer cries on his sorrow… …' (10.059)
b. ऊ सँिझया आइल ।
u sʌ̃ȷ̈iɑ ɑil
u sʌ̃ȷ̈iɑ ɑ-il
3SG.NOM in the evening come-3.PST
'He came in the evening.' (07.010)
c. लमढेङ आदमी चल देलख ।
lʌmɖ̈eŋ ɑdmi cʌl delʌkʰ
lʌmɖ̈eŋ ɑdmi cʌl de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
tall man walk give-PP-3.PST
'The tall man left.' (07.028)
A number of such verbs are process verbs and the subject noun phrase has a
semantic role that could be described as a patient-of-change (Givón 2001a:125)
whether human, animate or inanimate:
मर /mʌr/ 'die' जी /ji/ 'live, revive'

टु ट /ʈuʈ/ 'break' िपआस /piɑs/ 'be thirsty'

अँकुर /ʌ̃kur/ 'germinate' िगर /ɡir/ 'fall'

मरक /mʌrʌk/ 'fracture' भूख /b̤ ukʰ/ 'be hungry'

208
उठ /uʈʰ/ 'rise, stand, wake' खुल /kʰul/ 'open'

बढ़ /bʌɽ̊/ 'grow, increase, forward' भभक /b̤ ʌb̤ ʌk/ 'spill'

There are some other verbs that can take as a single argument, to a lesser
extent, an agent or a patient-of-state subject:
उठ /uʈʰ/ 'rise, stand, wake' सुत /sut/ 'sleep'

रो /ro/ 'weep, cry' सड़ /sʌɽ/ 'rotten'

उठ /uʈʰ/ 'rise' is exemplified in (16).

(16) बेरा उठ गइल ।

berɑ uʈʰ ɡʌil
berɑ uʈʰ jɑ-il
sun rise go-3.PST
'The sun rose up.' (11.014)
7.2.3 Simple transitive verbs
Subject noun phrase coded in nominative and direct object noun phrase coded
in the nominative or accusative are the arguments of the transitive verbs in Bhojpuri
as found in English. The unmarked word order is subject preceding direct object:
NPSBJ NPDO V as exemplified in (17a-b).
(17) a. ... ... तोहर मास-भात खातानी ।
toɦʌr mɑs-b̤ ɑt kʰɑtɑni
toɦʌr mɑs-b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-ʌt bɑni
2SG.GEN meat and rice eat-IMPF be.PRES.H
'… … I'll eat your meat and rice.' (07.029)
b. ... ... कृ ण सुदशन च से िशशुपाल के मार देहल ... ... ।
krisnʌ sudʌrsʌn cʌkrʌ se sisupɑl ke mɑr
krisnʌ sudʌrsʌn cʌkrʌ se sisupɑl ke mɑr
Krishna Sudarshan cog INST Shishupal ACC kill
deɦlẽ
de-ʌl-ẽ
give-3.PST-H
'Krishna killed Shishupal with his Sudarshan Chakra, a cog.' (07.072)
The direct object in most of the transitive verbs of this type occurs as a
patient-of-change role corresponding to the role of the subject of the typical

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intransitive verb (cf. मर /mʌr/ 'die' & मार /mɑr/ 'kill'):

मार /mɑr/ 'kill' पी /pi/ 'drink'

खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' तोड़ /toɽ/ 'pluck, break'

बना /bʌnɑ/ 'make' िलख /likʰ/ 'write'

धो /d̤ o/ 'wash' जमा /jʌmɑ/ 'germinate, freeze'

Further classification of such verbs is also possible according to types of
change following Givón (2001a:127):
(a) creation, e. g., बना /bʌnɑ/ 'make'

(b) destruction, e. g., खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat'

(c) change in physical condition, e. g., तोड़ /toɽ/ 'pluck, break'

(d) change in surface condition, e. g., धो /d̤ o/ 'wash'

(e) change in internal qualities, e. g., जमा /jʌmɑ/ 'germinate, freeze'

There are some more transitive verbs less prototyped in this pattern, e. g., those
with dative-subjects (in a semantic sense) rather than agent-subjects as in the verbs
already exemplified. Among them, देख /dekʰ/ 'see' and सुन /sun/ 'hear, listen' are
exemplified in (18a-b).
(18) a. हम आभा म दाई के देखनी ।
ɦʌm ɑb̤ ɑ mẽ dɑi ke dekʰni
ɦʌm ɑb̤ ɑ mẽ dɑi ke dekʰ -ni
1SG.NOM dream LOC grandmother ACC see -PST.H
'I saw my grandmother in dream.' (09.096)
b. ... ... अपने लोग राखी के गीत सुनले होखेम ... ... ।
ʌpne loɡ rɑkʰi ke ɡit sunle ɦokʰem
ʌpne loɡ rɑkʰi ke ɡit sun-ʌl-e ɦo-kʰ-em
2.SG PL Raxabandhan GEN song listen-INF-SEQ be-PRES-FUT
'… … you might have enjoyed Rakhi songs … …' (07.003)
7.2.4 Intransitive verbs with an indirect object
In addition to a subject, some of the intransitive verbs take an indirect object
in terms of a postpositional phrase as well as a non-nominative noun phrase. In such
cases the subject is an agent and the indirect object a locative: NPSBJ PP/NPIO V as
shown in (19a-b).

210
(19) a. मुस िबल म ढु ँक गइल ।
mus bil mẽ ɖ̈ũk ɡʌil
mus bil mẽ ɖ̈ũk jɑ-il
mouse hole LOC enter go-3SG.PST
'The mouse entered the hole.' (09.375)
b. अब छोटकु पंजाब प च
ँ लख ... ... ।
ʌb cʰoʈku pʌnjɑb pʌɦũclʌkʰ
ʌb cʰoʈ-ku pʌnjɑb pʌɦũc-ʌl-ʌkʰ
now small-DEF Punjab reach-PP-3.PST
'Now the younger reached Punjab … …' (10.039)
A number of verbs of this type code events of motion:
आ /ɑ/ 'come' ढु ँक /ɖ̈ũk/ 'enter'

जा /jɑ/ 'go' भाग /b̤ ɑɡ/ 'flee'

लउक /lʌuk/ 'look, appear' पइस /pʌis/ 'enter, get down'

7.2.5 Transitive verbs with an indirect object
An indirect object is added to the pattern of simple transitive verbs occurring
mostly as a postpositional phrase but alternatively as a non-nominative noun phrase.
Such indirect object is widely defined argument type and the noun phrases are coded
as non-core participants. Hence, the subject is an agent, the direct object a patient in a
changed physical location, and the indirect object a locative: NPSBJ PP/NPIO NPDO
V, as exemplified in (20).
(20) पिहले गाँव म लोग गड़ी राखत रहे ।
pʌɦile ɡɑ̃o mẽ loɡ ɡʌɽi rɑkʰʌt rʌɦe
[pʌɦil-e ɡɑ̃o mẽ]IO [loɡ]SBJ [ɡʌɽi]DO rɑkʰ-ʌt rʌɦ-e
first-DEF village LOC people a cart keep-SIM live-3.PST
'Those days, villagers used to have carts.' (09.027)
A number of verbs of this type also code events of movement caused by a
human agent:
िनकाल /nikɑl/ 'extract' फेँ क /pʰẽk/ 'throw'

हाँक /ɦɑ̃k/ 'drive' बाऩ /bɑn̥ / 'tighten with rope, fasten, block'

211
7.2.6 Bi-transitive verbs
Bi-transitive verbs have the indirect object but human goal with a benefactive
role instead of being a locational one:
दे /de/ 'give' ले /le/ 'bring, take'

भेज /b̤ ej/ 'send' िलख /likʰ/ 'write'

पढ़ा /pʌɽ̊ɑ/ 'teach' देखा /dekʰɑ/ 'show'

Some are exemplified in (21a-b).
(21) a. ... ... बोरा के बोरा खाद नेपाल सरकार िवदेश से लेआके लोग के देत रहे ।
borɑ ke borɑ kʰɑd nepɑl sʌrkɑr bides
[borɑ ke borɑ kʰɑd]DO [nepɑl sʌrkɑr]SBJ bides
sack GEN sack fertilizer Nepal government foreign country
se leɑke loɡ ke det rʌɦe
se le-ɑ-ke [log ke]IO de-ʌt rʌɦ-e
source bring-CAUS-SEQ people DAT give-SIM live-3.PST
'… … Government of Nepal used to distribute sacks of chemical fertilizer
among people importing from foreign countries. (02.066)
b. ... ... ऊ मोगल राजा मायू के राखी भेजली ... ... ।
u moɡʌl rɑjɑ ɦumɑyu ke rɑkʰi b̤ ejli
[u]SBJ [moɡʌl rɑjɑ ɦumɑyu ke]IO [rɑkʰi]DO b̤ ej -li
3SG.NOM Mughal king Humayu DAT Raxabandhan send -PST.FEM.H
'… … she sent the sacred thread to the Mughal king, Humayu … … (07.0620)
This pattern extends to other verbs with movements but with only abstract
interpretation: देखा /dekʰɑ/ vt. 'show', कह /kʌɦ/ vt. 'say, tell', as shown in (22a-b).

(22) a. माई-दाई लोग ब ा के कथा कहके सुनावत रहनी ।

mɑi dɑi loɡ bʌccɑ ke kʌtʰɑ kʌɦke
[mɑi dɑi loɡ]SBJ [bʌccɑ ke]IO kʌtʰɑ kʌɦ-ke
mother grandmother PL child ACC story say-SEQ
sunɑwʌt rʌɦni
sun-ɑ-ʌt rʌɦ-ni
listen-CAUS-SIM live-PST.H
'Mothers and grandmothers used tell the children such stories.' (03.254)
b. ... ... ऊ लोग उपज बढ़ावल लोग के देखइलक ।

212
u loɡ upʌj bʌɽ̊ɑwʌl loɡ ke
u loɡ upʌj bʌɽ̊ -ɑ -wʌl loɡ ke
3SG PL product increase CAUS -INF people DAT

dekʰʌilʌk
dekʰ - ɑ -il -ʌkʰ
see -CAUS -3SG.PST -3.PST.NH
'… … they showed the people the products be increased dramatically.' (02.068)
7.2.7 Non-standard valence patterns
a) Dummy-subject or subjectless verbs
There are a few verbs that code states or events, i. e., natural conditions or
weather phenomena. They are intransitive as they have neither object nor other
semantic participants. Such clauses are known as dummy-subject or subjectless clauses.
The verb phrase in this environment in dummy-subject clauses might be either
adjectival or verbal, as shown in (23a-c).
(23) a. आकाश म मेघ लागल बा ।
ɑkɑs mẽ meɡ̈ lɑɡʌl bɑ
ɑkɑs mẽ meɡ̈ lɑɡ-ʌl bɑ
sky LOC cloud fill-INF be.3SG.PRES
'The sky is full of clouds.' (09.092)
b. बड़ी गम बा ... ... ।
bʌɽi ɡʌrmi bɑ
bʌɽ-i ɡʌrmi bɑ
much-EMPH heat be.3SG.PRES
'It is extremely hot ... …' (09.381)
c. राते मेघ बरसल ... ... ।
rɑte meɡ̈ bʌrsʌl
rɑt-e meɡ̈ bʌrʌs-ʌl
night-EMPH rain rain-3SG.PST
'It rained last night only … …' (09.458)
Besides natural conditions or weather phenomena, Bhojpuri has some other
dummy-subject or subjectless verbs that code health conditions, as shown in (24).
(24) जि दए देह खाली होखेवाला बा ।

213
jʌldie deɦ kʰɑli ɦokʰewɑlɑ bɑ
jʌldi-e deɦ kʰɑli ɦo-kʰ-e-wɑlɑ bɑ
soon-EMPH body empty be-PRES-PUR-owner be.3SG.PRES
'Her delivery is very close.' (10.031)
b) Intransitive verb with non-nominative experiencer
Intransitive verbs with an indirect object (subsection 7.2.4) are used for a
number of constructions where nominative subjects agree with the verb whereas the
human or animate experiencer appears as a non-nominative NP or PP. It is almost
identical with those discussed in subsection 7.2.4 but due to the special status of the
non-nominative argument, it deserves special treatment, as shown in (25a-b).
(25) a. बाँ कर ओकरा रा ता पर िपआस लाग गइल ।
bɑ̃kir okʌrɑ rɑstɑ pʌr piɑs lɑɡ ɡʌil
bɑ̃kir okʌrɑ rɑstɑ pʌr piɑs lɑɡ jɑ-il
but 3.SG.GEN way LOC thirst feel go-3SG.PST
'But she got thirsty on the way.' (07.020)
b. बोअल धान पानी िबना सुख गइल ।
boʌl d̤ ɑn pɑni binɑ sukʰ ɡʌil
bo-ʌl d̤ ɑn pɑni binɑ sukʰ jɑ-il
sow-PP paddy water without dry go-3SG.PST
'The sown paddy dried without water.' (09.531)
c) Intransitive verbs with a postpositional object
When intransitive verbs with a dative or patient indirect object coded with oblique
case and a postposition, such indirect objects are postpositional objects although they can
be considered as primary objects in a semantic sense, as shown in (26a-b).
(26) a. जी, अपने के हम थोड़ा सा रोके के चाहतानी ।
ji ʌpne ke ɦʌm tʰoɽɑ sɑ rokeke
ji ʌpne ke [ɦʌm]SBJ tʰoɽɑ sɑ rok-e-ke
yea 2SG.H GEN 1SG.NOM little as stop-PUR-INF
cɑɦʌtɑni
cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni
want-SIM be.PRES.H
'Yea, I want you to halt for a while.' (01.051)
b. चलऽ बइर खाए ।

214
cʌlʌ bʌir kʰɑe
cʌl-ʌ bʌir kʰɑ-e
walk-IMP.MH plum eat-PUR
'Let's go to eat plums.' (09.502)
d) Manipulation verbs
The human agent-subject of the main clause, headed by a manipulation verb,
manipulates the behavior of a manipulee, being coreferential with the agent of the
complement clause in which the verb often appears as a verbal noun coded as an
indirect object, as shown in (27a-b).
(27) a. एक दन ऊ अपना मेहरा से साँझ म खीर बनावेके कहलख ।
ek din u ʌpnɑ meɦrɑru se sɑ̃ȷ̈ mẽ
ek din u ʌpnɑ meɦrɑru se sɑ̃ȷ̈ mẽ
one day 3SG.MAS.NOM 1/2/3SG.GEN wife caus evening LOC

kʰir bʌnɑweke kʌɦlʌkʰ

kʰir bʌnɑ-e-ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
rice-pudding make-PUR-PUR say-PP-3.PST.NH
'One day he told his wife to cook rice-pudding in the evening.' (08.005)
b. … … आ मातारी जास पनिपआई करावे ।
ɑ mɑtɑri jɑs pʌnpiɑi kʌrɑwe
ɑ mɑtɑri jɑ-ʌs pʌnpiɑi kʌr-ɑ-e
and mother go-3.PST.H breakfast do-CAUS-PUR
'… … and the mother used to go to make him have breakfast.' (10.013)
e) Perception, cognition or utterance (PCU) verbs
The subject of this kind of verbs perceives or cognizes a state or event, or
utters a proposition concerning a state or event. What perceived or cognized or uttered
is corresponded in the complement clause. The complement clause in this
environment functions as the object of the mental or verbal activity that the main
clause depicts but there are reasons for not assigning it as the direct object, as shown
in (28a-c).
(28) a. एतने म छोटकु देखता कवन राही बटोही पड़ा धइले चलल जात रहे ।
etne mẽ cʰoʈku dekʰʌtɑ kɔno
etne mẽ cʰoʈ-ku dekʰ-ʌt bɑ kɔno
meanwhile.EMPH LOC small-DEF see-IMPF be.3SG.PRES some

215
rɑɦi bʌʈoɦi pɛɽ̃ ɑ d̤ ʌile jɑt rʌɦe
rɑɦi bʌʈoɦi pɛɽ̃ ɑ d̤ ʌr-il-e jɑ-ʌt rʌɦ-e
passerby passenger way put-PP-SIM go-IMPF live-3.PST
'In the meantime, the younger saw a passerby was walking on the way.'
(10.015)
b. बटोही समझ गइल, ‘ई हरवाहा बिहर बुझाता ।’
bʌʈoɦi sʌmʌȷ̈ ɡʌil i ɦʌrwɑɦɑ bʌɦir
bʌʈoɦi sʌmʌȷ̈ jɑ-il i ɦʌrwɑɦɑ bʌɦir
passenger understand go-3SG.PST this ploughman deaf
buȷ̈ ɑtɑ
buȷ̈ -ɑ-ʌt bɑ
understand-CAUS-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'The passerby understood, 'The ploughman seems deaf.'' (10.020)
c. हम त कहनी क ए म दोसर कु छ नइखे ।
ɦʌm tʌ kʌɦni ki e mẽ dosʌr kucʰ
ɦʌm tʌ kʌɦ-ni ki e mẽ dosʌr kucʰ
1SG.NOM COND say-PST.H COMP PROX LOC another something
nʌikʰe
nʌikʰ-e
be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'I said (that) there is nothing otherwise in this.' (04.070)
7.2.8 Valence patterns of conjunct verb constructions
A combination of the host and a verbalizer comprises conjunct verbs. The host
in some of the conjunct verbs is independent as it stands in no grammatical relation
whatsoever to other parts of the clause, whereas with others it functions as a direct
object of the verbalizer. On the basis of several diagnostics, Liljegren (2008:288)
quotes Verma (1993:201) and Mohanan (1993:165) as saying some scholars suggest
only some of these combinations are true conjunct verbs while the rest are normal
syntactic combinations of nouns and verbs. In Bhojpuri the hosts are not only nouns
but adjectives and other verbs too and such combinations cannot be treated as merely
syntactic ones. As pointed out by (Masica 1993:160) such classification seems
somewhat oversimplified.

216
a) Conjunct verbs with कर /kʌr/ 'do'

Formation of conjunct verbs with verbalizer कर /kʌr/ 'do' is the most

productive and a wide variety of constructions and possible argument structures
formed this way are noticed accordingly. To some extent, the host may be loaned
from another language. All of such constructions are transitive. According to Verma
(1993:201), conjunct verbs are subclassified into three types – lexically complex,
syntactically complex and a purely analytical sequence superficially looking like a
conjunct verb. Such conjuncts can be distinguished into internal agreement conjuncts
and external agreement conjuncts. Hence, Table 7.3 presents a few internal
agreement conjuncts.
Table 7.3 Internal agreement कर- /kʌr-/ conjuntcts
Host + Verbaliser
हरान कर /ɦʌrɑn kʌr/ 'trouble' सु कर /suru kʌr/ 'start'

बेयान कर /beyɑn kʌr/ 'describe' सपुरन कर /sʌpurʌn kʌr/ 'hand over'

जमा कर /jʌmɑ kʌr/ 'gather' रे कड कर /rekʌɖ kʌr/ 'record'

िनणय कर /nirnɛ kʌr/ 'decide' फता कर /pʰirtɑ kʌr/ 'refund'

मुकरर कर /mukʌrʌr kʌr/ 'fix' ओिमट कर /ɔmiʈ kʌr/ 'omit'

जदा कर /jinɑ kʌr/ 'make live क रआ कर /kʌriɑ kʌr/ 'be shameful'

It clarifies that the direct object in such constructions comes to be an argument

of the complex as a whole, whereas the complex can be analyzed as a single
predicate. The host is also possible to be separated from the verbaliser by a negation.
All conjunct kʌr- verbs with an adjective host, such as हरान कर /ɦʌrɑn kʌr/ 'trouble' in
(29) belong to this particular type.
(29) एह गाँव के सब लोग के तू हरान कइले बाड़ऽ ।
eɦ ɡɑ̃o ke sʌb loɡ ke tu ɦʌrɑn kʌile
eɦ ɡɑ̃o ke sʌb loɡ ke tu ɦʌrɑn kʌr-ile
PROX village GEN all people DAT 2SG.NOM restless do-SEQ
bɑɽʌ
bɑ-ɽʌ
be.2.PRES.MH
people in this village face trouble.' (13.027)

217
But it is more interesting that this type of complexes are also found with a
noun as a host that no way participates as NP in the argument structure. The conjunct
कान कर /kɑn kʌr/ 'listen' in (30) is an example.

(30) ऊ के करो बात के कान ना करे ला ।

u kekʌro bɑt ke kɑn nɑ
u kekʌr-o bɑt ke kɑn nɑ
3SG.NOM whose-EMPH talk ACC ear NEG

kʌrelɑ
kʌr-e-lɑ
do-PUR-3SG.PRES
'He does not listen to anybody.' (13.028)
Liljegren (2008:290) suggests that a host element, which may be homonymous
with another noun in the language – such as कान /kɑn/ 'ear' in कान कर /kɑn kʌr/ 'listen'
– with which it is historically related, has ceased to constitute an NP in this
construction, or, in the case of a loan from another language – such as Urdu noun
बेयान /beyɑn/ 'description' in बेयान कर /beyɑn kʌr/ 'describe' – it may never even have
been interpreted as an NP from the very beginning. According to (Verma 1993:203)
such process of lexical incorporation is simply a convenient way of deriving new
verbs, combining the semantics (or some aspects of it) of the host element with the
"verbness" of the verbaliser with the resulting verb behaving.
Likewise some external agreement conjuncts are presented in Table 7.4
Table 7.4 External agreement कर- /kʌr-/ conjuncts
Host + Verbaliser
मदत कर /mʌdʌt kʌr/ 'help' माफ कर /mɑpʰ kʌr/ 'forgive'

सलाम कर /sʌlɑm kʌr/ 'greet' याल कर /kʰyɑl kʌr/ 'take care of'

अमल कर /ʌmʌl kʌr/ 'obey, follow' हमला कर /ɦʌmlɑ kʌr/ 'attack'

चाज कर /cɑrj kʌr/ 'charge सलाह कर /sʌlɑɦ kʌr/ 'consult'

दया कर /dʌya kʌr/ 'show goodness' र ा कर /rʌkcʰɑ kʌr/ 'protect'

Many of the host elements are transparent loans as with the former type, such as
in (31a-b), but historically, Bhojpuri has its own tradition with such hosts in abundant.
(31) a. कह द हमरा से िमले के , हम ओके मदत करे म ।

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kʌɦ dʌ ɦʌmrɑ se mileke ɦʌm
kʌɦ dʌ ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ se mil-e-ke ɦʌm
say give.IMP.MH 1SG-POSS-DEF DAT meet-PUR-SEQ 1SG.NOM
oke mʌdʌt kʌrem
oke mʌdʌt kʌr-em
3SG.DAT help do-FUT.H
'Tell (him/her) to meet with me, I'll help him/her.' (13.029)
b. हनुमान राम के खुबे मदत कइल ।
ɦʌnumɑn rɑm ke kʰube mʌdʌt kʌilẽ
ɦʌnumɑn rɑm ke kʰub-e mʌdʌt kʌr-il-ẽ
Hanuman Ram DAT highly-EMPH help do-3.PST-H
'Hanuman helped Ram a lot.' (13.030)
Besides, according to Verma (1993:204-12) and Mohanan (1993:164-70),
there is a puzzling situation of the host being part of the argument structure to analyze
the noun in the complex as itself assuming the role of predicate. Such predicate
chooses a suitable verbaliser to be incorporated with and contributes itself to the total
number of arguments of the clause but it assigns roles and case marking to its "own"
arguments at the same time. However, Liljegren (2008:291) suggests it is sufficient
and easier to see the valence displayed (e.g. the host coded as a direct object and the
occurrence of indirect objects, i.e., certain postpositional phrases) as a property (or
lexical specification) of each individual construction in its entirety. In my observation,
Bhojpuri does have the situation, as shown in (32a-b).
(32) a. ऊ मवेशी के खुबे याल करे ।
u mʌwesi ke kʰube kʰyɑl kʌre
u mʌwesi ke kʰub-e kʰyɑl kʌr-e
3SG.NOM cattle ACC highly-EMPH attention do-3.PST
'He used to care the cattle a lot.' (13.031)
b. ऊ दु मन पर हमला करे जाता ।
u dusmʌn pʌr ɦʌmlɑ kʌre jɑtɑ
u dusmʌn pʌr ɦʌmlɑ kʌr-e jɑ-ʌt bɑ
3SG.NOM enemy LOC invasion do-PUR go-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'He is going to attack his enemies.' (13.032)
As Bhojpuri is a nominative-accusative language, ergative marker is absent

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with the subject whether the clause is perfective or not. So, the arguments have to be
coded as an indirect or postpositional object, e.g. मवेशी के /mʌwesi ke/ 'with the cattle'

in (32a) and दु मन पर /dusmʌn pʌr/ 'on the enimies' in (32b). The postposition used
for that argument is specified by each conjunct. Table 7.5 presents a few of them.
Table 7.5 Postpositions in the valence pattern of some कर- /kʌr-/ conjuncts.
IO Postposition Conjunct verb
सङे /sʌŋe/ 'with' रहम कर /rʌɦʌm kʌr/ 'show goodness'

बात कर /bɑt kʌr/ 'talk'

सलाह कर /sʌlɑɦ kʌr/ 'consult'

से /se/ 'to' बात कर /bɑt kʌr/ 'talk'

सलाह कर /sʌlɑɦ kʌr/ 'consult'

ेम कर /prem kʌr/ 'love'

के /ke/ 'to' माफ कर /mɑpʰ kʌr/ 'excuse'

सलाम कर /sʌlɑm kʌr/ 'greet'

याल कर /kʰyɑl kʌr/ 'take care of'

पर /pʌr/ 'on' रहम कर /rʌɦʌm kʌr/ 'show goodness'

हमला कर /ɦʌmlɑ kʌr/ 'attack'

म /mẽ/ 'in' आराम कर /ɑrɑm kʌr/ 'rest'

िशकार कर /sikɑr kʌr/ 'hunt'

Besides these, clitic -ए /-e/ in Bhojpuri performs as such when human object
occurs as shown in (33a-c).
(33) a. हमे माफ कर ।
ɦʌme mɑpʰ kʌr
ɦʌm-e mɑpʰ kʌr
1SG-DAT excuse do
'Excuse me.' (13.033)
b. हम तोहे सलाम कइनी ।
ɦʌm toɦe sʌlɑm kʌini
ɦʌm tu-e sʌlɑm kʌr-ini
1SG.NOM 2SG-DAT salute do-PST.H

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'I saluted you.' (13.034)
c. राजा ओके बड़ी सजाय कइलन ।
rɑjɑ oke bʌɽi sʌjɑe kʌilʌn
rɑjɑ oke bʌɽ-i sʌjɑe kʌr-il-ʌn
king 3SG.ACC big-EMPH punishment do-PP-3.PST.MH
'The king punished hem/her to the maximum.' (13.035)
There are complexes considered 'purely analytical' sequences and no 'true'
conjuncts by Verma (1993:201) as they only differ from the ones already discussed in
such a way that a postpositional phrase is not included in their valence pattern. As
Masica (1993:157) has pointed out, it is not a very convincing argument to treat them
as different phenomena on the basis that they are logically intransitive, i.e. not having
a 'logical object beside the direct object-coded 'formal' host; but they are 'logically
intransitive' actually in the trivial sense of translation equivalence. In Bhojpuri, काम

कर kɑm kʌr 'work', पूजा कर pujɑ kʌr 'worship', पेसाब कर pesɑb kʌr 'urinate' as shown
in (34a-d).
(34) a. आज के दन म कल काम करे ला ।
ɑj ke din mẽ kʌl kɑm kʌrelɑ
ɑj ke din mẽ kʌl kɑm kʌr -e -lɑ
today GEN day LOC machine work do -PRES -3SG.PRES
'The machine works these days.' (09.393)
b. ... अपने लोग श दकोश पर ा- ित ान का ओर से काम कइनी ।
ʌpne loɡ sʌbdʌkos pʌr prʌɡyɑ-prʌtisʈʰɑn kɑ or
ʌpne loɡ sʌbdʌkos pʌr prʌɡyɑ-prʌtisʈʰɑn kɑ or
2SG PL dictionary LOC academy GEN towards
se kɑm kʌini
se kɑm kʌr-ini
source work do-PST.H
'… you people worked on a dictionary on behalf of the Nepal Academy.' (03.053)
c. िसउजी के जल चढ़ाके पूजा कइल जाला ।
siuji ke jʌl cʌɽ̊ɑke pujɑ kʌil
siu-ji ke jʌl cʌɽ̊-ɑ-ke pujɑ kʌr-il
Shiva-H ACC holy water offer-CAUS-SEQ worship do-INF

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jɑlɑ
jɑ-lɑ
go-3SG.PRES
'Lord Shiva is worshipped following holy water bath.' (09.422)
d. ... पदान के नाती, मुिड़ए पर पेसाब करताड़ऽ ? ...
pʌdɑn ke nɑti muɽie pʌr pesɑb
pʌdne ke nɑti muɽi-e pʌɽ pesɑb
wind-excretor GEN grand son head-EMPH LOC urination
kʌrtɑɽʌ
kʌr-ʌt bɑɽʌ
do-IMPF be.2.PRES
… 'The foolish one, are you urinating on my head?' (07.029)
b) Conjunct verbs with हो /ɦo/ 'become'

The other way of forming conjunct verbs is with हो /ɦo/ 'become'. It is a

tadbhava from Sanskrit भव /b̤ ʌwʌ/ 'be' or 'become' and so it is still भइल /b̤ ʌil/ in

infinitives and perfectives too. Besides, it is used as होख /ɦokʰ/ alternatively. But it

differs from कर /kʌr/ 'do' conjuncts because all of हो /ɦo/ 'become' conjuncts are
intransitive and bound to have fewer potential arguments, Followings are some
examples in (35a-c).
(35) a. िलखे म भी द त होता ।
likʰe mẽ b̤ i dikkʌt ɦotɑ
likʰ-e mẽ b̤ i dikkʌt ɦo-ʌt bɑ
write-IMPF LOC also difficulty be-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'Difficulty is being faced while writing.' (04.233)
b. सािह य का बाद म ाकरण पर काम हो रहल बा चाहे हो गइल ।
sɑɦityʌ kɑ bɑd mẽ byɑkʌrʌn pʌr kɑm ɦo rʌɦʌl
sɑɦityʌ kɑ bɑd mẽ byɑkʌrʌn pʌr kɑm ɦo rʌɦ-ʌl
literature GEN later LOC grammar LOC work be live-INF
bɑ cɑɦe ɦo ɡʌil
bɑ cɑɦe ɦo jɑ-il
be.3SG.PRES or be go-3SG.PST
'Following literature the work is continuing or has been completed on

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grammar.' (04.251)
c. ओकरा खाितर फे र िवषा द के योग भइल ।
okrɑ kʰɑtir pʰer bisɑdi ke prʌyoɡ b̤ ʌil
okrɑ kʰɑtir pʰer bisɑdi ke prʌyoɡ b̤ ʌ-il
3SG.GEN for again pesticide ACC. use become-3SG.PST
'For that, pesticide was used.' (02.070)
In terms of host+verbaliser, Bhojpuri has a number of हो ɦo-conjuncts, as पार

हो /pɑr ɦo/ 'pass/go across', भट हो /b̤ ẽʈ ɦo/ 'meet', सु हो /suru ɦo/ 'begin', ेम हो /prem

ɦo/ 'fall in love', दशन हो /dʌrsʌn ɦo/ 'appear', अंत हो /ʌnt ɦo/ 'end', रवाना हो /rʌwɑnɑ

ɦo/ 'move/set for', देर हो /der ɦo/ 'delay', जमा हो /jʌmɑ ɦo/ 'gather', ज दी हो /jʌldi ho/
'haste' and so on. Many of these conjuncts consist of the same host element as some of
the कर kʌr-conjuncts but they are not derivations because the meaning of the

corresponding हो ɦo-conjunct is not necessarily passive. Moreover, they stand in the

similar relationship to one another as any other transitive/intransitive pairs with or
without a common base segment, as shown in (36a-b).
(36) a. हमरा नदी पार होएके बा ।
ɦʌmrɑ nʌdi pɑr ɦoeke bɑ
ɦʌm -rɑ nʌdi pɑr ɦo-e-ke bɑ
1SG.NOM -POSS river cross become-PUR-SEQ be.3SG.PRES
'I have to go across the river.' (09.099)
b. अिगला मङर के फे र भट होई ।
ʌɡilɑ mʌŋʌr ke pʰer b̤ ẽʈ ɦoi
ʌɡilɑ mʌŋʌr ke pʰer b̤ ẽʈ ɦo-i
next Tuesday ACC again meet be-3SG.FUT
'We'll meet again on next Tuesday.' (03.432)
As an argument structure involving postpositionally coded participants such as
हमनी दूनू जने /ɦʌmni dunu jʌne/ 'we both' in (37a) and मोहन /moɦʌn/ 'Mohan' in (37b)

with many of the कर kʌr- and हो ɦo-conjuncts for which they are specified, some of
these indirect objects can be described as 'human dative'.
(37) a. ओइसन कइअनगो काय म म हमनी दूनू जने के रे िडयो नेपाल से बाहरो भट भइल बा ।
oisʌn kʌiʌnɡo kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ ɦʌmni dunu

223
oisʌn kɛ-ʌn-ɡo kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ ɦʌm-ni du-nu
like that many-PL-CLF programme LOC 1SG-PL two-EMPH
jʌne ke reɖio nepɑl se bɑɦʌro b̤ ẽʈ b̤ ʌil
jʌn-e ke reɖio nepɑl se bɑɦʌr-o b̤ ẽʈ b̤ ʌ-il
people-EMPH GEN Radio Nepal abl out-EMPH meet become-PP
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'We both have met at different programmes of such kinds even outside
Radio Nepal.' (03.325)
b. राधा के मोहन से ेम हो गइल ।
rɑd̤ ɑ ke moɦʌn se prem ɦo ɡʌil
rɑd̤ ɑ ke moɦʌn se prem ɦo jɑ-il
Radha ACC Mohan DAT love be go-3SG.PST
'Radha fell in love with Mohan.' (13.036)
c) Conjunct verbs with दे /de-/ 'give' and other verbalizers

Except कर /kʌr-/ and हो /ɦo-/ conjuncts, दे /de-/ 'give' conjuncts are found in
Bhojpuri in equivalence. Gambhir (1993:78-9) says it is not so obvious when DO
comes to verbalizers other than BE/BECOME and it does not contribute to any larger
extent to semantics to the complexes as it stands with BE/BECOME verbalizers in the
Indo-Aryan languages, whereas, Masica (1993:157) phrases it "shading off" through
GIVE and TAKE into individual combinations of certaing verbs and nonverbal
elements of mostly idiomatic character.
In Bhojpuri, कर /kʌr-/ and हो /ɦo-/ are relevant for conjuncts with दे /de-/ 'give'

in many ways. As alredy noted, दे /de-/ has already been a simple verb rather
polysemous and as such is associated with a few different valence patterns, something
that blurs the picture. A number of दे /de-/ conjuncts in Bhojpuri can be noted as मार दे

/mɑr de/ 'kill', देखाई दे /dekʰɑi de/ 'appear/notice', छोड़ दे /cʰoɽ de/ 'leave', यान दे /d̤ yɑn

de/ 'pay attention to', कर दे /kʌr de/ 'do', दान दे /dɑn de/ 'donate', फार दे /pʰɑr de/ 'tear',

ाप दे /srɑp de/ 'curse', जोड़ दे /joɽ de/ 'add/stitch' दे दे /de de/ 'give' and so on.

As Liljegren (2008:295) has examined, दे /de-/ also comes to be bleached,

often no exact meaning can be assigned to the host element semantically and so the

224
complex meaning seldom can be deduced or guessed from its individual components.
But in my observation, the host appears mostly as a verb and only it is meaningful
since दे /de-/ is omitted semantically in the environment as shown in (38a-b).

(38) a. मोितयािबन आऩर कर देला ।

motiɑbin ɑn̥ ʌr kʌr delɑ
motiɑbin ɑn̥ ʌr kʌr de-lɑ
cataract blind do give-3SG.PRES
'Cataract causes blindness.' (09.255)
b. ... कृ ण सुदशन च से िशशुपाल के मार देहल, ... ।
krisnʌ sudʌrsʌn cʌkrʌ se sisupɑl ke mɑr
krisnʌ sudʌrsʌn cʌkrʌ se sisupɑl ke mɑr
Krishna Sudarshan cog means Shishupal ACC kill
deɦlẽ
de-lẽ
give-PST.H
'… Krishna killed Shishupal with his Sudarshan Chakra, a sharp-edged
revolving cog ….' (07.072)
Likewise, noun appears as a host in दे /de-/ conjuncts in Bhojpuri as already
shown, now exemplified in (39a-b).
(39) a. ओही म से एगो आदमी छोटका के हावभाव पर यान देलक ।
oɦi mẽ se eɡo ɑdmi cʰoʈkɑ ke
oɦ-i mẽ se ek-ɡo ɑdmi cʰoʈ-kɑ ke
that-EMPH LOC source one-CLF man small-DEF GEN

ɦɑob̤ ɑo pʌr d̤ yɑn delʌk

ɦɑob̤ ɑo pʌr d̤ yɑn de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
gesture LOC attention give-.PP-3SG.PST
'From among them, a man paid attention to the outlook of the younger.' (10.083)
b. दान देवेके सुपातर के ।
dɑn deweke supɑtʌr ke
dɑn de-e-ke supɑtʌr ke
donation give-PUR-SEQ capable person ACC

'A capable person should be donated.' (09.008)

225
As such as दे /de-/ 'give', ले /le-/ 'take' conjuncts are found in abundant and

most of the hosts are the same as in दे /de-/ conjuncts such as मार ले /mɑr le/

'kill/hit/enjoy', जान ले /jɑn le/ 'know/notice/kill', काट ले /kɑʈ le/ 'cut', उ जा ले /ubjɑ le/

'produce', कर ले /kʌr le/ 'do', दान ले /dɑn le/ 'have donation', फार ले /pʰɑr le/ 'tear', कस

ले /kʌrs le/ 'place and tighten', जोड़ ले /joɽ le/ 'add/stitch', ले ले /le le/ 'take' and so on.

Though it seems to be similar to a greater extent with दे /de-/ conjuncts, it differs

sometimes in the way that the host verb supercedes the verbalizer with sense of 'have',
as shown in (40a-b).
(40) a. ... बु ढ़आ ओके पकड़के धोकरी म कस लेली आ चल देली ।
buɽ̊iɑ oke pʌkʌɽke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
buɽ̊iɑ oke pʌkʌɽ-ke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
old woman 3SG.ACC catch-SEQ bag LOC place and tighten
leli ɑ cʌl deli
le-ʌl-i ɑ cʌl de-ʌl-i
take-3SG.PST-F.MH and walk give-3SG.PST-F.MH
'... the old woman pulled him down, tightened him in the bag and went.' (07.039)
b. ... रउआ कु छ उबजा लेनी ... ।
rʌuɑ kucʰ ubjɑ leni
rʌuɑ kucʰ ubjɑ le-ni
2SG.H something grow take-PST.H
'... you produced something …' (02.110)
The verbalizer ले /le/ 'take' and दे /de/ 'give' are partially grammaticalized
functionally (Das 2015:66), as presented in (41a-b).
(41) a. ऊ हमर झोरा ले लेलस ।
u ɦʌmʌr ȷ̈ orɑ le lelʌs
u ɦʌm-ʌr ȷ̈ orɑ le le-ʌl-ʌs
3SG.NOM 1SG-POSS bag take take-PP-3SG.PST
'S/he took my bag.' <In a sense that s/he should not have taken it but s/he
did.>
b. ऊ हमर झोरा दे देलस ।
u ɦʌmʌr ȷ̈ orɑ de delʌs

226
u ɦʌm-ʌr ȷ̈ orɑ de de-ʌl-ʌs
3SG.NOM 1SG-POSS bag take take-PP-3SG.PST
'S/he gave my bag.' <In the sense that s/he favoured me by doing so as I
had forgotten it somewhere and he got it.>
The examples (41a-b) clearly display the verbalizers ले /le/ 'take' and दे /de/
'give' have not been completely grammaticalized. So, it is a partial grammaticalization.
Besides, जा /jɑ-/ 'go' conjuncts in Bhojpuri are found excessively. Its infinitive

and perfective pattern is गइल ɡʌil 'to go' or 'gone'. Sometimes जाइल /jɑil/ is also used
but rarely. It is a verbalizer with different verbs in general and passive verbalizer in
particular, as shown in (41a-c).
(42) a. ई गीत सुनल जाओ ।
i ɡit sunʌl jɑo
i ɡit sun-ʌl jɑ-o
3SG.DEM.PROX song listen-INF go-IMP.H
'Please entertain the song.' (03.008)
b. काय म के समय एतना ज दी चल जाता क मुि कल बा ।
kɑryʌkrʌm ke sʌmɛ etnɑ jʌldi cʌl
kɑryʌkrʌm ke sʌmɛ etnɑ jʌldi cʌl
programme GEN time so much soon walk
jɑtɑ
jɑ-ʌt bɑ
go-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'The time of the programme passes so quickly...' (03.382)
c. हमनी के वतं ता छीना गइल ।
ɦʌmni ke swʌtʌntrʌtɑ cʰinɑ ɡʌil
ɦʌm-ni ke swʌtʌntrʌtɑ cʰin-ɑ jɑ-il
1SG-PL GEN freedom seize-CAUS go-3SG.PST
'Our freedom was seized.' (02.098)
d. ऊ अब ओरा गइल ।
u ʌb orɑ ɡʌil
u ʌb orɑ jɑ-il
3SG.DIST now empty go-3SG.PST

227
'Now it was finished.' (03.244)
In (42a-d) the verbalizer जा /jɑ/ 'go' is used to function as imperative in (42a)
and as passive marker verbalizer in (42b-d). But it has no separate meaning more than
its hosts. So, it is default grammaticalization (Das 2015:68).
7.3 Summary
In this chapter, we discussed simple verbal clauses and argument structure in
Bhojpuri. Bhojpuri verbs are classified in different groups in terms of clause structure
and argument structure. Non-verbal predicates in Bhojpuri are nominal predicates,
adjectival predicates and locative expressions. Besides these, existentials and
possessives are the other copular or copula-like expressions in Bhojpuri. The
nominal predicates in Bhojpuri sometimes occur without an overt copula in present
tense whereas when a clause predicates the time reference other than the present, the
copula verb is employed. The adjectival and locative copular clauses take the copula ह

/ɦʌ/ or बा /bɑ/ 'be' inflected to encode tense, aspect and participant reference marking
morphemes. The verbal predicates in Bhojpuri may be divided in terms of transitivity.
Basic differences are found in intransitive, transitive and bi-transitive predicates. All
of these types may be divided as encoding indirect objects. Further, modality verbs,
manipulation verbs and perception-cognition-utterance (P-C-U) verbs in Bhojpuri are
characterized by clausal complements of different types. Some predicates in Bhojpuri
exhibit multiple membership due to valance patterns for conjunct verb constructions.

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CHAPTER 8
GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS AND CASE MARKING
8.0 Outline
This chapter deals with the grammatical relations and the case marking system
in Bhojpuri. It consists of three sections. Section 8.1 deals with the grammatical
relations and 8.2 with case marking system. We summarize the findings in the chapter
in section 8.3.
8.1 Grammatical relations
The notion of grammatical relations is broad and ill-defined as this term can
be used to refer to any grammatically dependent relations. However, in practice, it is
used to denote relations between a predicate and its arguments in a clause for which
some linguists use the term 'grammatical relation' or 'grammatical function' as
'syntactic function' (Falk 2006) or 'syntactic role' (Croft 2001). Subject, direct object
and indirect object are the major relational categories among the most basic concepts
of several models of grammar and are often regarded, either explicitly or implicitly, as
universal (cf. Chomsky 1981; Dixon 1994, 2009).
In Bhojpuri, too, grammatical relations are characterized by two major formal
properties referred to as coding as well as behavioural properties1.
8.1.1 Overt coding properties
The overt coding properties of the grammatical relations are distinct features
of the grammatical code, such as nominal morphology, intonation or word-order. The
overt coding properties of grammatical subjects of those, the most relevant to
grammatical relations universally, are word order (i.e., the NP's position in the clause
vis-a-vis other grammatical relation bearing arguments and the verb), verb agreement
(i.e., the NP's control of pronominal affixes on the verb) and nominal morphology
(i.e., the NP's morphological case-marking). Of such properties, the word order is
syntactic whearas the verb agreement and case-marking are morphological. These
overt coding properties remarkably determine grammatical roles of the clausal
participants. The relevance of such properties to the grammatical relations even in
simple clauses varies from one language to the other, or within the same language
from one case-role to the other (Givón, 2001:175-7). In this section, we examine the
overt coding properties and their relevance to grammatical relations in Bhojpuri.

1. Givón (1997:7) argues that the formal properties of grammatical subjects investigated by Keenan
(1976:324) can be easily extended to grammatical relations in general.

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a) Nominal morphology
To determine the grammatical relations, the nominal morphology, as one of the
overt coding properties, refers to the morphological case-marking of the noun phrases
(NPs). On contrary to the ergative-absolutive languages, the case-marking morphology
in nominative-accusative languages is keyed towards coding the grammaticalized
subject (nominative) and direct-object (accusative), regardless of semantic roles or
transitivity (Givón 2001a:203). In Bhojpuri, an Indo-Aryan nominative-accusative
language as its close neighbours Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:110), Maithili (Yadav
1996:72) and Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:126), the subject of an intransitive clause
and the agent of a transitive clause are maked as nominative, irrespective of the tense,
aspect or person, whereas, the object of the transitive clause is marked as accusative.
Examples in (1a-b) exhibit the nominative-accusative case marking pattern in Bhojpuri.
(1) a. Intransitive clause
बाबुजी अइनी ... ।
bɑbuji ʌini
bɑbu-ji ɑ-ini
father-H come-PST.H
'Father came ....' (09.505)
b. Transitive clause (non-human patient/object)
प वाहा गाछ पाङे ला ।
pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋelɑ
pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-e-lɑ
shortener tree trim-PUR-3SG.PRES
'A trimmer trims a tree.' (09.363)
In example (1a), the subject of the intransitive clause बाबुजी /bɑbuji/ 'father' is
encoded by the nominative marker -ø.2 Similarly, the agent of the transitive clause in
(1b) प वाहा /pʌŋwɑɦɑ/ 'trimmer' is unmarked nominative and the non-human

object/patient of the transitive clause in (1b) गाछ /ɡɑcʰ/ 'tree' is unmarked accusative.
But they are marked as nominative and accusative respectively semantically
However, a human patient/object is marked as dative in Bhojpuri, as in (2):

2. Nominative is almost always the functional term in a nominative-accusative system, and may also be
formally unmarked (Dixon 2010b:120).

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(2) Transitive Clause (human patient)
राजा ओके बड़ी सजाय कइलन ।
rɑjɑ oke bʌɽi sʌjɑe kʌilʌn
rɑjɑ oke bʌɽ-i sʌjɑe kʌr-il-ʌn
king 3SG.ACC big-EMPH punishment do-PP-3.PST.MH
'The king punished him/her to the maximum.' (13.035)
In example (2), we see that the pronominal argument ओके /oke/ 'him/her' in

object/patient role is marked by the accusative case -के /-ke/. Thus, the nominal
morphology as coding property follows a consistent nominative pattern in Bhojpuri.
b) Verb agreement
There is a very complex pattern of verb agreement/verb cross-rererencing
indexing person, number, gender, honorificity and direct-inverse relations of the verb
arguments in the complex of verb in Bhojpuri. They are briefly discussed as follows:
(i) Pronominal verb agreement
In a single-argument clause, references of all the three person-arguments are
indexed distinctly in the complex of verb in Bhojpuri, exemplified in (3a-c).
(3) a. ऊ आइल ।
u ɑil
u ɑ-il
3SG.NOM come-3SG.PST
'He came.' (08.010)
b. हम अइनी ।
ɦʌm ʌini
ɦʌm ɑ-ini
1SG.NOM come-PST.H
'I came.'
c. तेँ अइले ।
tẽ ʌile
tẽ ɑ-il-e
2SG.NOM come-PP-2SG.PST
'You came.'

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We observed that the verb आ /ɑ-/ 'come' in third person argument/subject in

(3a) is indexed by -इल /-il/ that is a regular suffix for infinitive and perfective in

Bhojpuri but it is furhter decayed and inflectd by -नी /-ni/ for the first person as well

as by -ए /-e/ for the second person.

Going through the instances, it is concluded that pronominal agreement in
Bhojpuri on the complex of verb is neither seen controlled by semantic roles nor by
the grammatical roles of the participants, other than in S-argument. Let's observe the
situation for transitive verb agreement, as in (4).
(4) हम कताब देनी ।
ɦʌm kitɑb deni
ɦʌm kitɑb de-ni
1SG.NOM book give-PST.H
'I gave a book.' (08.008)
It is changed as following when the subject/agent is changed into second and
third person respectively, as in (5a-b).
(5) a. तेँ कताब देले ।
tẽ kitɑb dele
tẽ kitɑb de-ʌl-e
2SG.NOM book give-PP-2.PST
'You gave a book.'
b. ऊ कताब देलस/देलख ।
u kitɑb delʌs/ʌkʰ
u kitɑb de-ʌl-ʌs/ʌkʰ
3SG.NOM book give-PP-3SG.PST
'S/he gave a book.'
We observe in (4) and 5(a-b) that the S-argument pronominal हम /ɦʌm/ 'I' in (4), तेँ

/tẽ/ 'you' in (5a) and ऊ /u/ 's/he' control pronominal agreement with the verb दे /de-/ 'give'.
(ii) Number agreement
Bhojpuri overtly indexes plurality of the verbal arguments in the verbal
complex. It is marked by suffix -नी /-ni/, for all pronominals. However, it is coded by
suffix -अन /-ʌn/ or लोग /loɡ/ as a separate word following nominals as well as
pronominals. Moreover, some plural markers with finite verbs in Bhojpuri are used

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unchanged in both the numbers, so, they are unmarked for number in the endeavour.
In Bhojpuri, such indexation is exclusively controlled by nominative principle, i.e.,
the subjects regardless of transitivity of the verb as in (6a-f).
(6) a. हमनी खेते गइनी ।
ɦʌmni kʰete ɡʌini
ɦʌm-ni kʰet-e jɑ-ini
1SG.NOM-PL farm-LOC go-PST.H
'We went to farm.' (13.005)
b. हमनी आम खइनी ।
ɦʌmni ɑm kʰʌini
ɦʌm-ni ɑm kʰɑ-ini
1SG.NOM-PL mango eat-PST.H
'We ate mangoes.' (13.006)
c. तोहनी खेते गइलऽ ।
toɦni kʰete ɡʌilʌ
tu-ni kʰet-e jɑ-il-ʌ
2SG.NOM-PL farm-LOC go-PP-2.PST.MH
'You went to farm.' (13.007)
d. तोहनी आम खइलऽ ।
toɦni ɑm kʰʌilʌ
tu-ni ɑm kʰɑ-il-ʌ
2SG.NOM-PL mango eat-PP-2.PST.MH
'You ate mangoes.' (13.008)
e. ओकनी खेते गइलन ।
okni kʰete ɡʌilʌn
u-ni kʰet-e jɑ-il-ʌn
3SG.DIST.NOM-PL farm-LOC go-PP-3PL.PST.MH
'They went to farm.' (13.009)
f. ओकनी आम खइलन ।
okni ɑm kʰʌilʌn
u-ni ɑm kʰɑ-il-ʌn
3SG.DIST.NOM-PL mango eat- PP-3PL.PST.MH
'They ate mangoes.' (13.010)
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In examples (6a-f), the verb agreement with respect to plurality is controlled
by the subjects regardless of transitivity.
(iii) Gender agreement
Bhojpuri has dual gender system, masculine and feminine. As the non-human
nominals are used as masculine in general, the masculinity is used unmarked in
morpheme break of the Bhojpuri finite verbs in this study. Hence, the verb agreement
is analyzed on the gender basis, as shown in (7) and (8a-c).
(7) हम माझ घर म रहेनी ।
ɦʌm mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦeni
ɦʌm mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦ-eni
1SG.NOM middle house LOC live-PRES.H
'I live in the middle room.' (09.112)
The caluse can be presented for the second and third person subjects, both in
masculine and feminine as follows:
(8) a. तू माझ घर म रहेलऽ ।
tu mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦelʌ
tu mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦ-elʌ
2SG.NOM middle house LOC live-2PRES.MH
'You live in the middle room.'
b. तू माझ घर म रहेलू ।
tu mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦelu
tu mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦ-elu
2SG.NOM middle house LOC live-2PRES.F.MH
'You live in the middle room.'
c. ऊ माझ घर म रहेला ।
u mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦelɑ
u mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦ-elɑ
3SG.NOM middle house LOC live-3SG.PRES
'He lives in the middle room.'
d. ऊ माझ घर म रहेले ।
u mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦele

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u mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ rʌɦ-ele
3SG.NOM middle house LOC live-3SG.PRES.F
'She lives in the middle room.'
In the intransitive clauses presented in (7) and (8a-d), the verb agrees with the
first person unchanged for feminine, but -नी /-ni/ is changed into -लऽ /-lʌ/ and -लू /-lu/

with the seocond person as well as into -ला /-lɑ/ and -ले /-le/ for masculine and feminine
respectively. Besides, the verb denotes gender in pronominal agreements unlike English
where pronominls denote gender only in third person singular. Now we discuss the
transitive clauses for gender agreement, as in (9) and (10a-d).
(9) हम आम खानी ।
ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑni
ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑ-ni
1SG.NOM mango eat-PRES.H
'I eat a mango.' (Lohar, 2009:143)
The transitive clause in (9) can be presented for second and third person
agents in masculine and feminine, as shown in (10a-d).
(10) a. तू आम खालऽ ।
tu ɑm kʰɑlʌ
tu ɑm kʰɑ-lʌ
2SG.NOM mango eat-2.PRES.MH
'You eat a mango.'
b. तू आम खालू ।
tu ɑm kʰɑlu
tu ɑm kʰɑ-lu
2SG.NOM mango eat-2.PRES.F.MH
'You eat a mango.'
c. ऊ आम खाला ।
u ɑm kʰɑlɑ
u ɑm kʰɑ-lɑ
3SG.NOM mango eat-3SG.PRES
'He eats a mango.'
d. ऊ आम खाले ।

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u ɑm kʰɑle
u ɑm kʰɑ-le
3SG.NOM mango eat-3SG.PRES.F
'She eats a mango.'
Going through the examples (9) and (10a-d), we find the same verb agreement
as in the intransitive clauses on the gender basis already discussed. Now some
bitransitive clauses are presented in (11a-c).
(11) a. ऊ ओह लइका के कहली ... ।
u oɦ lʌikɑ ke kʌɦli
u oɦ lʌikɑ ke kʌɦ-ʌl-i
3SG.NOM 3SG.DIST boy caus say-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'She said to the boy …' (05.010)
b. लइका ... बु ढ़आ के कहलक ... ।
lʌikɑ buɽ̊iɑ ke kʌɦlʌk
lʌikɑ buɽ̊iɑ ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
boy old woman DAT say-PP-3SG.PST
'The boy … said to the old woman …' (05.011)
c. हम ओके कताब देनी ।
ɦʌm oke kitɑb deni
ɦʌm oɦ-ke kitɑb de-ni
1SG.NOM 3SG.DIST-DAT book give-PST.H
'I gave him/her a book.' (08.008)
As exemplified in (11a-c), the verb agrees with the subject ऊ /u/ 'she' in (11a) as

well as with लइका /lʌika/ 'the boy' in (11b) but not with लइका /lʌika/ 'the boy' in (11a)

and बु ढ़आ /buɽ̊iɑ/ 'the old woman' in (11b) respectively. Likewise, the verb agrees with

हम /ɦʌm/ 'I' and neither with ओके /oke/ 'him/her' nor with कताब /kitɑb/ 'book' in (11c).
On the basis of the instances, it is concluded that the verb agreement on the
basis of gender only agrees with subject/agent. It is so because of lacking ergativity as
we find in Hindi (Koul 2008:96-7).
(iv) Honorificity agreement
Though honourificity is displayed in its close neighbours Chotoniya Tharu
(Paudyal 2013:228), Maithili (Yadav 1996:172), Hindi (Koul 2008:75) and Nepali

236
(Upadhyay 2010:84 and Adhikari 2016:157), Bhojpuri clauses express three degrees of
honoroficity: nonhonorific, mid-honorific and honorific or full honorific as Maithili does.
They are observed in second and third person pronominals and nouns, too, because first
person remains always honorific universally. Besides, the nonhonorific usage in Bhojpuri
is the highest in the discourse, so, it is unmarked in morpheme break of the Bhojpuri
clauses in this study. The honorific agreement in all the three persons either in singular or
plural number the verb is suffixed with -नी /-ni/ as shown in (12a-d).

(12) a. बाबुजी अइनी ... ।

bɑbuji ʌini
bɑbu-ji ɑ-ini
father-H come-PST.H
'Father came ....' (09.505)
b. उहाँका अइनी ।
uɦɑ̃kɑ ʌini
uɦɑ̃-kɑ ɑ-ini
3SG.NOM.H-DEF come-PST.H
'S/he came.'
c. रउआ अइनी ।
rʌuɑ ʌini
rʌuɑ ɑ -ini
2SG.NOM.H come -PST.H
'You came.'
d. हम अइनी ।
ɦʌm ʌini
ɦʌm ɑ-ini
1SG.NOM come-PST.H
'I came.'
For mid-honorific agreement the verb is suffixed with -अ /-ʌ/ in the second

person and -अन /-ʌn/ or -एँ /ẽ/ in the third person as shown in (13a-b).

(13) a. तू अइलऽ ।
tu ɑilʌ

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tu ɑ-il-ʌ
2SG.NOM come-PP-2.PST.MH
'You came.' (MH)
b. ऊ अइलन/अइल ।
u ʌilʌn/ʌilẽ
u ɑ-il-ʌn/ẽ
3SG.NOM come-PP.3PST.MH
'He came.' (MH)
The clause can be presented for other pronominals in second and third person
for non-honorificity, as shown in (14a-b).
(14) a. तेँ अइिलस ।
tẽ ʌilis
tẽ ɑ-il-is
2SG.NOM come-PP-2.PST
'You came.' (NH)
b. ऊ अइलस्/क् /ख् ।
u ʌilʌs/k/kʰ
u ɑ-il-ʌs/ʌk/ʌkʰ
3SG.NOM come-PP-3SG.PST
'He came.' (NH)
But in the environment of high honorificity, the verb follows first person
pattern as shown in (15a-b).
(15) a. रउआ/अपने अइनी ।
rʌuɑ/ʌpne ʌini
rʌuɑ/ʌpne ɑ-ini
2SG.NOM come-PST.H
'You came.'
b. उहाँका अइनी ।
uɦɑ̃kɑ ʌini
uɦɑ̃-kɑ ɑ-ini
3SG.NOM.H-DEF come-PST.H
'He came.' (H)

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Further more the verb in the third person mid-honorific feminine
argument/subject is suffixed by -इली /-ili/ as shown in (16).

(16) ऊ अइली ।
u ʌili
u ɑ-ili
3SG.NOM come-PST.F.MH
'She came.' (MH)
The situation is same for the transitive verbs, too, as shown in (17).
(17) ... ऊ अपना मेहरा से ... खीर बनावेके कहलख ।
u ʌpnɑ meɦrɑru se kʰir
u ʌpnɑ meɦrɑru se kʰir
3SG.NOM GEN wife DAT rice-pudding
bʌnɑweke kʌɦlʌkʰ
bʌnɑ-e-ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
make-PUR-SEQ say-PP-3SG.PST
'... he told his wife to cook rice-pudding …' (08.005)
In (17) the verb agrees with the subject, but not with object. Thus, in this
section we conclude that the verb agreement in Bhojpuri is always in accordance with
subject/agent, never with object/patient in all the environments of person, number,
gender and honorificity.
c. Word order
As its close neighbours Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013), Maithili (Yadav 1996
and Yadav 2014), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971), Hindi (Koul 2008) and Nepali
(Upadhyay 2010 and Adhikari 2016), Bhojpuri follows SOV basic clausal word order.
But it is closer to Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:302), Maithili (Yadav 1996:302) and
Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:99) being a nominative-accusative language. Both the S-
argument and A/O-argument have the same word order. However, this order is not
obligatory. For the pragmatic effects such as topicalization and focusing, A, O and V in
A/O arguments are permuted from their stipulated places within the clause to a great
extent as Bhujel and other ergative-absolutive languages also do (Regmi, 2012:119-21).
(18) बाबुजी अइनी ... । (SV)
bɑbuji ʌini

239
bɑbu-ji ɑ-ini
father-H come-PST.H
'Father came ....' (09.505)
The unmarked theme structure is presented in (18) for intransitive subject
where object is not essential. It is a single argument structure S. But if the word order
is changed from SV to VS, the structure remains unmarked in Bhojpuri but it denotes
some special meaning, as shown in (19).
(19) अइनी बाबुजी । (VS)
ʌini bɑbuji
ɑ-ini bɑbu-ji
come-PST.H father-H
'Father came.' (09.505)
The change in word order in (19) signalizes the arrival of father unexpectedly. The
A/O construction also accepts the change of constituent worder as shown in (20) and (21a-e).
(20) प वाहा गाछ पाङे ला । (SOV)
pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋelɑ
pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-e-lɑ
shortener tree trim-PUR-3SG.PRES
'A trimmer trims a tree.' (09.363)
The SOV word order exemplified in (20) can also be presented in SVO, VSO,
VOS, OSV and OVS patterns as shown in (21a-e).
(21) a. प वाहा पाङे ला गाछ । (SVO)
pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋelɑ ɡɑcʰ
pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-e-lɑ ɡɑcʰ
shortener trim-PUR-3SG.PRES tree
'As for a trimmer, he certainly trims a tree.'
b. पाङे ला प वाहा गाछ । (VSO)
pɑŋelɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ
pɑŋ-e-lɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ
trim-PUR-3SG.PRES shortener tree
'He is a trimmer, as for trimming a tree, he does it.'
c. पाङे ला गाछ प वाहा । (VOS)

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pɑŋelɑ ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ
pɑŋ-e-lɑ ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ
trim-PUR-3SG.PRES tree shortener
'It is a tree, as for trimming, which a trimmer did.'
d. गाछ प वाहा पाङे ला । (OSV)
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋelɑ
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-e-lɑ
tree shortener trim-PUR-3SG.PRES
'As for tree, he is a trimmer, who trims it.'
e. गाछ पाङे ला प वाहा । (OVS)
ɡɑcʰ pɑŋelɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ
ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-e-lɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ
tree trim-PUR-3SG.PRES shortener
'As for a tree, a trimmer trims it, he does not do anything else.'
Hence, all the six logically possible clauses (20) and (21a-e) are acceptable for
different pragmatic effects in Bhojpuri. However, SOV in (20) represents the basic
word order in the language. Thus, in a language in which word order is well
characterized as relatively free, it is not a definite diagnostic tool to examine
grammatical relations. Thus, word order has neither S nor A/O coding pattern in
Bhojpuri. However, it distinguishes between agentive subject in the transitive clauses
and an oblique NP in single argument clauses.
8.1.2 Behaviour-and-control properties
Apart from the overt-coding properties, there are the formal properties referred
to as behaviour-and-control properties (i.e. behaviour constraints) also, to characterize
grammatical relations. "Behaviour-and-control properties of GRs are, in practical
terms, a list of the syntactic constructions – or 'processes' – whose behaviour can be
governed, at least potentially, by the GRs subject and/or direct-object" (Givón
2001a:177). But they are not alway applicable across the board, much like the overt-
coding properties, Following Keenan (1976), Givón (2001a:177-8) exhibits the
following grammatical constructions – or 'process' – whose behaviour is most likely
to be governed by either the subject or direct-object GR:
(22) a. promotion to direct object
b. demotion from direct object

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c. passivization
d. reflexivization
e. causativization
f. equi-NP reference in complementation
g. raising
h. possessor raising
i. anaphoric co-reference in chained clauses
j. relativization
k. wh-questions
l. cleft-focus constructions
m. participial adverbial clauses
These properties of GRs may be applicable in a particular construction in a
particular language, determined whether one has to mention the subject and/or direct-
object GR in describing the grammatical behaviour of a particular construction.
Moreover, in a nominative-accusative language like Bhojpuri, the morphology does
not reveal unified categories of subject and direct object.
We examine the patterns of syntactic control in some syntactic constructions
in the language as follows:
a) Promotion to or demotion from direct object
Let us consider the two variant syntactic frames of the verb दे /de/ 'give', as
shown in (23a-b).
(23) a. हम राधा के कताब देनी ।
ɦʌm rɑd̤ ɑ ke kitɑb deni
ɦʌm rɑd̤ ɑ ke kitɑb de-ni
1SG.NOM Radha DAT book give-PST.H
'I gave a book to Radha.'
b. हम कताब राधा के देनी ।
ɦʌm kitɑb rɑd̤ ɑ ke deni
ɦʌm kitɑb rɑd̤ ɑ ke de-ni
1SG.NOM book Radha DAT give-PST.H
'I gave Radha a book.'
Both overt coding properties of relevant Bhojpuri objects, word-order (pre-
verbial, verb-adjacent) and case-marking (no postposition), clearly tag कताब /kitɑb/ 'a

242
book' as the DO in (22a) as well as the word-order (pre-verbial, verb-adjacent) and
case-marking (postposition के /ke/), clearly tag राधा /rɑd̤ ɑ/ 'Radha' as the IO in (22b).
The variation between (22a) and (22b), taken as a 'grammatical process', is
called promotion of IO to DO or dative-shifting. It demonstrates that the dative IO in
(22a) is 'promoted into the DO' in (22b). Thus, this process is clearly governed by the
GR direct-object (or its absence) and it cannot be defined or described without
referring to the DO.
b) Passivization
As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:339), Maithili (Yadav 1996:211), Hindi
(Koul 2008:121) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:283) display, passivization is one of the
behaviour-and-control properties in Bhojpuri. Let us consider the following passive
clauses derived from (23a-b) in (24a-b).
(24) a. हमरा से राधा के कताब दआइल ।
ɦʌmrɑ se rɑd̤ ɑ ke kitɑb diɑil
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ se rɑd̤ ɑ ke kitɑb de-ɑ-il
1SG-GEN-DEF by Radha DAT book give-CAUS-3SG.PST
'A book was given my be to Radha.'
b. हमरा से कताब राधा के दआइल
ɦʌmrɑ se kitɑb rɑd̤ ɑ ke diɑil
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ se kitɑb rɑd̤ ɑ ke de-ɑ-il
1SG-GEN-DEF by book Radha DAT give-CAUS-3SG.PST
'Radha was given a book by me.'
Out of the construction (23a), only कताब /kitɑb/ 'a book' can be made the

subject of the passive (24a), but not राधा /rɑd̤ ɑ/ 'Radha'. Similarly, out of the

construction (23b), only राधा /rɑd̤ ɑ/ 'Radha' (DO) can be made the subject of the

passive (24b), but not कताब /kitɑb/ 'a book'.

Moreover, as displayed in Maithili (Yadav 1996:211), Hindi (Koul 2008:121)
and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:284), unlike in English (Givón, 2001a:179), the other IO
types also can be made subject of passive in Bhojpuri, as shown in (25a-b).
(25) a. ऊ गु कहाँ जाला ...।
u ɡuru kiɦɑ̃ jɑlɑ

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u ɡuru kiɦɑ̃ jɑ-lɑ
3SG.NOM teacher place go-3SG.PRES
'He goes to the schoolmaster ...' (12.038)
b. ओकरा ारा गु कहाँ जाइल जाला ।
okʌrɑ dwɑrɑ ɡuru kiɦɑ̃ jɑil jɑlɑ
okʌr-ɑ dwɑrɑ ɡuru kiɦɑ̃ jɑ-il jɑ-lɑ
3SG.GEN-DEF by teacher place go-PP go-3SG.PRES
'The schoolmaster is gone to by him.'
c) Reflexivization
"Another behaviour-and-control property that is widely applicable to one
grammatical relation – the subject – is reflexivization, the 'true' reflexive invariably is
controlled by the subject, although the coreferentially-deleted argument may be ither
direct or indirect object" (Givón 1997:24). That is, the only nominative subject NP
becomes the reflexive pronoun3 regardless of transitivity as exhibited in Chitoniya
Tharu (Paudyal 2013:143), Maithili (Yadav 1996:121), Awadhi (Saksena
1937/1971:198), Hindi (Koul 2008:151) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:47). It clearly
exhibits nominative control in Bhojpuri, as in (26a-c):
(26) a. राजु अपने-आप के मदत कइलस ।
rɑju ʌpneɑp ke mʌdʌt kʌilʌs
rɑju ʌpneɑp ke mʌdʌt kʌr-il-ʌs
Raju itself DAT help do-PP-3SG.PST
'Raju favoured himself.' (13.195)
b. हम खुद से लड़नी ।
ɦʌm kʰud se lʌɽni
ɦʌm kʰud se lʌɽ-ni
1SG.NOM self ABL fight-PST.H
'I fought against myself.' (13.196)
c. हम खुद के िच नी ।
ɦʌm kʰud ke cin̥ ni

3. A reflexive construction, in a language, which involves a reflexive pronoun or some other reflexive
marker being placed in one argument slot, will always go into O slot with a transitive verb and into a
peripheral slot with an intransitive verb, i.e., it is always the A or S argument which retains its
normal form (Dixon 2010b:154).

244
ɦʌm kʰud ke cin̥ -ni
1SG.NOM self DAT know-PST.H
'I knew myself.' (13.197)
d) Causativization
As observed in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:335), Maithili (Yadav
1996:310-8), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:288-9), Hindi (Koul 2008:98-100) and
Nepali (Adhikari 2016:302-10), Bhojpuri exhibits causativization as the valence
increasing operation. Let us consider the causative clauses, as shown in (27a-c).
(27) a. हम राजु से लुगा फचवइनी ।
ɦʌm rɑju se luɡɑ pʰĩcwʌini
ɦʌm rɑju se luɡɑ pʰĩc-wʌ-ini
1SG.NOM Raju by clothes wash-CAUS-PST.H
'I made Raju wash clothes.'
b. ऊ आज हमे खूब हँसइलस ।
u ɑj ɦʌme kʰub ɦʌ̃sʌilʌs
u ɑj ɦʌm-e kʰub ɦʌ̃s-ɑ-il-ʌs
3SG.NOM today 1SG-ACC excessively laugh-CAUS-PP-3SG.PST
'S/he made me laugh a lot today.'
c. तू हमरा से पानी भरवइलऽ ।
tu ɦʌmrɑ se pɑni b̤ ʌrwʌilʌ
tu ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ se pɑni b̤ ʌr-wʌ-il-ʌ
2SG.NOM 1SG-GEN-DEF by water fill-CAUS-PP-2.PST.MH
'You made me pull water.'
Clauses (27a-c) show that the GR subjects हम /ɦʌm/ 'I' in (27a), non-honorific ऊ /u/

's/he' in (27b) and mid-honorific तू /tu/ 'you' in (27c) have caused the GR obects or DOs

राजु /rɑju/ 'Raju' in (27a) and हम /ɦʌm/ 'I' in (27b-c) to लुगा फच /luɡɑ pʰĩc/ 'wash clothes' in

(27a), हँस /ɦʌ̃s/ 'laugh' in (27b) and पानी भर /pɑni b̤ ʌr/ 'pull water' in (27c). Thus, we
conclude that the S/A in Bhojpuri clauses clearly governs process of causativization.
e) Equi-NP deletion and grammatical relations
Equi-NP deletion is a syntactic process in which the co-referential
argument/NP in the complement clause is deleted. "Equi-NP deletion is the operation
which deletes a subject NP in an imbedded clause under coreferentiality with either

245
the subject or the object of the main clause" (Craig 1977:311). Brainard (1997:122)
notes "equi-NP deletion takes place between a main clause and complement clause:
when an argument in the main clause is co-referential with one in the complement
clause, the co-referential complement argument is deleted". Subject of the main
clause, especially the nominative one in either of the intransitive and transitive
clauses, controls such deletion. Thus, as Maithili (Yadav 2014:88-9), Nepali
(Adhikari 2016:417-9) and Hindi (Koul 2008:188-9) display, the equi-NP deletion (or
co-reference ommission) in complement clauses in Bhojpuri displays a nominative
pattern of control in modality verb like चाह /cɑɦ/ 'want' either with indirect object
complement (28a) or direct object complement (28b).
(28) a. Indirect object complement clause
हम बात करे के चाहतानी जमीन के व थापन का बारे म ।
ɦʌm bɑt kʌreke cɑɦʌtɑni jʌmin ke
ɦʌmi bɑt kʌr-e-ke cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni [øi jʌmin ke
1SG.NOM matter do-PUR-SEQ want-SIM be.PRES.H land GEN

bewʌstʰɑpʌn kɑ bɑre mẽ
bewʌstʰɑpʌn kɑ bɑre mẽ]
management GEN about LOC

'I want to talk on land management.' (02.025)

b. Direct object complement clause
हम अपना लिड़का के इ कोल म भेजेके चाहतानी ।
ɦʌmɦu ʌpnɑ lʌɽikɑ ke iskol mẽ b̤ ejeke
ɦʌm-ɦui [øi ʌpnɑ lʌikɑ ke] iskol mẽ b̤ ej-e-ke
1SG.NOM-EMPH GEN son acc school loc send-PUR-SEQ
cɑɦʌtɑni
cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni
want-IMPF be.PRES.H
'I also want to send my boy to school.' (12.041)
In the examples (28a-b), the deleted NPs in the complement clause (enclosed
in the square brackets) are co-referential with the NPs in the respective main clauses.
Regarding the equi-NP deletion, Givόn (1997: 24) asserts that it applies differently to
grammatical relations in different types of complement taking verbs within the same
language. In English modality verbs (want, start, try), the equi-NP is relevant to the

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subject of both clauses. In English manipulation verbs (force, make, tell), on the other
hand, are relevant to the subject of the complement and object of the main clause.
In Bhojpuri, as in English sentence, 'she told him (ø) to leave' the human object of
manipulative verbs is direct object, so the equi can be formulated in terms of the
subject of the complement and the direct object of the main clause, as in (29a-b):
(29) a. बु ढ़आ फे र कहली िप ी िगरावेके ।
buɽ̊iɑ pʰer kʌɦli piʈʈʰi ɡirɑweke
buɽ̊iɑi pʰer kʌɦ-ʌl-i [øi piʈʈʰi ɡir-ɑ-e-ke]
old woman again say-PP-3SG.PST.F.MH cake fall-CAUS-PUR-SEQ
'The old woman again told him to let a cake fall down.' (05.033)
b. बु ढ़आ नोकर के काम पर लगा देली ।
buɽ̊iɑ nokʌr ke kɑm pʌr lʌɡɑ deli
buɽ̊iɑi nokʌr ke [øi kɑm pʌr lʌɡ-ɑ] de-ʌl-i
old woman servant ACC work LOC join-CAUS give-PP-3SG.F.MH
'The old woman employed the servant on work.' (05.038)
In example (29a), the equi-NP of the manipulation verb कह /kʌɦ/ 'tell' is co-
referential with the subject of the complement and the object of the main clause.
Similarly in (29b), the equi-NP of the manipulation verb लगा /lʌɡɑ/ 'employ' is co-
referential with the subject of the complement clause and object of the main clause.
f) Raising
Similar to English (Givón, 2001a:184), Bhojpuri has the syntactic arrangement
governed by both the object of the main clause and the subject of the subordinate one,
as shown in (30):
(30) a. Unraised
दशक लोग कहल जे ऊ खेल जीत लेलस ।
dʌrsʌk loɡ kʌɦlẽ je u kʰel jit
dʌrsʌk loɡ kʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ je u kʰel jit
spectator PL say-PP-3.PST.MH COMP 3SG.NOM game win
lelʌs
le-ʌl-ʌs
take-PP-3SG.PST
'The spectators declared that he won the game.'

247
b. Raised (active subject)
दशक लोग ओके खेल के जीतल कहल ।
dʌrsʌk loɡ oke kʰel ke jitʌl kʌɦlẽ
dʌrsʌk loɡ oɦ-ke kʰel ke jit-ʌl kʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ
spectator PL 3SG-DAT game ACC win-PP say-PP-3.PST.MH
'The spectators declared him to have won the game.'
c. Raised (passiseve subject)
दशक लोग खेल के ओकर जीतल कहल ।
dʌrsʌk kʰel ke okʌr jitʌl kʌɦlẽ
dʌrsʌk kʰel ke okʌr jit-ʌl kʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ
spectator PL game ACC 3sg.gen say-PP-3.PST.MH
'The spectators declared game to have been won (by him)'
In examples (30a-c), the object of the main clause and subject of the
subordinate clause is raised in (30b) and (30c).
g) Zero anaphora in chained clauses and grammatical relations
"The use of zero anaphora as a pronominal device to mark co-reference in
clause-chaining is confined in English to the subject GR" (Givón 2001a:182). It
happens in the conjoined or adjacent independent clauses that share co-referential
arguments. It is a pronominal device to mark co-reference in clause-chaining,
confined to the subject grammatical relation in Bhojpuri. The zero in a chained
(conjoined) clause could only be governed by the subject of the preceding clause as in
(31a), not by its object as in (31b) in Bhojpuri:4
(31) a. बु ढ़आ ओके पकड़के धोकरी म कस लेली आ चल देली ।
buɽ̊iɑi okej pʌkʌɽke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
buɽ̊iɑ u-ke pʌkʌɽ-ke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
old woman 3SG-ACC catch-SEQ bag LOC place and tighten
leli ɑ øi cʌl deli
le-ʌl-i ɑ cʌl de-ʌl-i
take-PP-3SG.PST.F.MH and walk give-PP-3SG.PST.F.MH
'The old woman pulled him down, tightened him in the bag and went.' (05.039)
b. *बु ढ़आ ओके पकड़के धोकरी म कस लेली आ चल देलख ।

4. The same pattern is observed in Bhujel (Regmi 2014:150) and Dhimal (Khatiwada 2016: 87-8),
though both are Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in Nepal.

248
buɽ̊iɑi okej pʌkʌɽke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
buɽ̊iɑ u-ke pʌkʌɽ-ke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
old woman 3SG-ACC catch-SEQ bag LOC place and tighten
leli ɑ øj cʌl delʌkʰ
le-ʌl-i ɑ cʌl de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
take-PP-3SG.PST.F.MH and walk give-PP-3SG.PST
'The old woman pulled him down, tightened him in the bag and (he) went.'
From the examples in (31a-b), it is clear that the governed zero (ø) could only
be the subject of the chained clause, not the object (see Givόn 2001a:182), i.e., an
absent argument (zero anaphor), in the subsequent clause is coreferential with the
agent/subject argument in the main clause.
h) Relativization and grammatical relations
In some languages, the zero coding strategy is used in the relative clauses,
regardless of whether the focus of relativization is subject, direct object or indirect
object. Japanese can be taken as example (Givόn 2001a:183). In the similar way, as
Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:380), Maithili (Yadav 2014:82-3), Hindi (Koul
2008:189) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:382) exhibit, relativization in Bhojpuri is
irrespective of being governed by grammatical roles because all the grammatical
relations are relativized employing the same strategy, as presented in (32a-d):
(32) a. Main clause
बाबुजी ओके िमठाई देनी ।
bɑbuji oke miʈʰɑi deni
bɑbu-ji oɦ-ke miʈʰɑi de-ni
father-H 3SG-DAT sweets give-PST.H
'Father gave sweets to him/her.'
b. Subject relative clause
बाबुजी जे ओके िमठाई देनी ... ।
bɑbuji je oke miʈʰɑi deni
bɑbu-ji je oɦ-ke miʈʰɑi de-ni
father-H COMP 3SG-DAT sweets give-PST.H
'Father who gave sweets to him/her...'
c. Direct object relative clause
िमठाई जे बाबुजी ओके देनी ... ।

249
miʈʰɑi je bɑbuji oke deni
miʈʰɑi je bɑbu-ji oɦ-ke de-ni
sweets COMP father-H 3SG-DAT give-PST.H
'The sweets that father gave to him/her...'
d. Dative (indirect object) relative clause
ऊ जेके बाबुजी िमठाई देनी ... ।
u jeke bɑbuji miʈʰɑi deni
u je-ke bɑbu-ji miʈʰɑi de-ni
3SG COMP-DAT father-H sweets give-PST.H
'S/he who father gave sweets to ...'
Examples in (32b-d) exemplify that the same complementizer जे /je/ is
employed to relativize different arguments in Bhojpuri but the difference is that it is
followed by dative/accusative के /ke/ if the IO is ralativised as in (32d).
i) Co-reference in imperatives
Brainard (1997:131) states that "imperatives are constructions in which an argument
of the clause is co-referential with the addressee; thus, the argument can be said to control co-
reference". In Bhojpuri, the co-referential argument may be present in the surface structure
usually as the second person pronoun or it may be absent, as shown in (33a-b):
(33) a. ... समय तू धीरे -धीरे चल ।
sʌmɛ tu d̤ ire d̤ ire cʌl
sʌmɛ tu d̤ ire d̤ ire cʌl
time 2SG.NOM slowly slowly walk
'O Time, you walk slowly.' (03.388)
b. ओने जो ।
one jo
one jɑ-o
that side go-IMP.NH
'Go there.' (09.432)
In example (33a), the argument तू /tu/ 'you' of the imperative verb चल /cʌl/
'walk' is present in the surface whereas in (33b) the co-referential argument of the
imperative verb जो /jo/ 'go' is covert, however, understandable because the co-
referential argument for the imperative is always the second person pronoun.

250
8.2 Case marking system
Case is a grammatical category to identify the syntactic relationship among
words in a sentence. In most cases, case typically marks the relationship of a noun to a
verb at the clausal level, or of a noun to a pre/post position before/after another noun
at the phrasal level. Simply, the inflection of nouns is called declension and such
individual declensions are called cases that together form the case system. In other
words, case is actually syntactical relationship of the noun to other verbal elements in
the sentences. This section deals with the cases and their marking system.
Typologically, the languages of the world exhibit remarkable diversity in
grammatical case marking. Givón (2001a:201-9) observes the three systems so far:
active-stative (coding semantic roles), ergative-absolutive (coding transitivity) and
nominative-accusative (coding pragmatic function). Bhojpuri employs the
pragmatically oriented nominative-accusative case-marking strategy as its close
neighbours Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:109), Maithili (Yadav 1996:70-1) and
Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:126) do. In such languages, according to Givón
(2001a:203), the case-marking morphology is keyed towards coding the
grammaticalized subject (nominative) and direct-object (accusative), regardless of
semantic roles or transitivity. S and A are treated the same, and P differently in
Bhojpuri. This phenomenon is shown in Figure 8.1.
Figure 8.1: Bhojpuri case marking strategy

S
P
A

Source: Khatiwada (2016:90)

As shown in Figure 8.1, in Bhojpuri, the subject of an intransitive clause and
the agent of a transitive clause are treated in one way (nominative) and the patient of a
transitive clause is treated differently (i.e., accusative), as shown in (34a-b).
(34) a. राम आइल ।
rɑm ɑil
rɑm ɑ-il
rɑm come-3SG.PST
'Ram came.' (Boodhoo, 2010:28)
b. मलाह डेङी खेई ।

251
mʌlɑɦ ɖeŋi kʰei
mʌlɑɦ ɖeŋi kʰe-i
fisherman boat row-3SG.FUT
'The fisherman will row the boat.' (09.527)
In examples (34a-b), the subject राम /rɑm/ 'Ram' of the intransitive verb आ /ɑ/

'come' in (34a) and the agent of the transitive verb खे /kʰe/ 'row' are marked in the
same way, i.e., zero-marked.
8.2.1 Some common patterns
"The main pattern of case-marking morphology is keyed towards coding the
grammaticalized subject (nominative) and direct-object (accusative), regardless of
semantic roles or transitivity as in English, Japanese, Tolowa-Athabaskan and Ute of
Lunda-Ndembu along with several sub-variations, such as, case-marking on full NPs
but only on pronouns or verbal pronominal affixes, as in Japanese; no grammatical
case-marking on full NPs but only on pronouns, as in English; no marking on full-NP
subject but marking on the full-NP object plus full marking on pronouns and affixes,
as in Hebrew; no case-marking on full NPs but distinct case-marking on verbal
pronominal affixes, at least for first and second persons, as in Tolowa-Athabaskan"
(Givón, 2001a:203-5). Case-marking system, also classified as nominative and non-
nominative5, in my observation, has been described in Bhojpuri, as follows:
a) No case-marking affixes on noun in NPs
As observed in (34a-b) where राम /rɑm/ 'Ram' in (34a) and मलाह /mʌlɑɦ/

'fisherman' in (34b) are nominative and डेङी /ɖeŋi/ 'boat' in (34b) is accusative,
remained unmarked of any case affixes. Though Grierson (1883:26) and Singh
(2009:92-100) attest this characteristics of Bhojpuri for all cases but it is not the reality.
Nouns of the noun phrases (NPs) are generally unmarked for cases in Bhojpuri as has
already been shown in (34a-b) but non-human animate and inaminate nouns are marked
with suffixes if they are not either nominative or accusative in Bhojpuri. This
characteristics of case marking in Bhojpuri has already been attested in Ojha
(1915[1982]:11), Tiwari (1954:189-98 and 1960:108), Nirbhik (1975:117-8),

5. Subbārāo (2012:135) maintains that "the matrix or embedded subject is (i) ergative case-marked, (ii)
dative case-marked, (iii) genitive case-marked, (iv) locative case-marked, (v) acusative case-marked,
or (vi) instrumental case-marked in the by-passive, or (vii) the embedded subjet is accusative case
marked in non-finite embedded clauses”.

252
Shrivastava (1999:58-65), Sharma and Ashk (2007:47-51), Thakur (2011:61-4) and
Singh (2013:86-94); and also discussed here, as shown in (35a-b).
(35) a. िबआ हाँथे उखाड़ ।
biɑ ɦɑ̃tʰe ukʰʌɽ
biɑ ɦɑ̃tʰ-e ukʰɑɽ
seedlings hand-CLT uproot.IMP.NH
'Uproot the seedlings by hand.' (Thakur, 2013: 80)
b. घरे चल ।
ɡ̈ʌre cʌl
ɡ̈ʌre-e cʌl
home-CLT walk.IMP
'Let's go home.' (Lohar, 2013: 80)
Clitic -ए /-e/ marks हाँथ /ɦɑ̃tʰ/ 'hand' in (35a) for instrumental and घर /ɡ̈ʌr/

'home' in (35b) for locative cases respectively. Hence postpositions से se for

instrumental, and म mẽ for locative are cliticized into suffix -ए /-e/ under process of
grammaticalization, already discussed in Chapter 6.
In regular practice the nouns are followed by postpositions for cases, but not
affixed as its neighbour Hindi (Koul, 2008: 36) and Awadhi (Sexena, 1937:126) do.
b) Postpositions with NPs for case-identification
As nouns of NPs are not generally marked in nominative-accusative
languages, there are some postpositions to identify cases of nouns in NPs in Bhojpuri
as follows:
(i) Postposition का /kɑ/
Let us observe the following phrases:
(36) a. पांतरण का साँथे
rupɑntʌrʌn kɑ sɑ̃tʰe
rupɑntʌrʌn kɑ sɑtʰ-e
transformation GEN company-LOC
'along with transformation' (01.015)
b. िव ाम का बाद
bisrɑm kɑ bɑd

253
bisrɑm kɑ bɑd
break GEN later
'after the rest' (01.083)
c. सुनील पटेल का सङे
sunil pʌʈel kɑ sʌŋe
sunil pʌʈel kɑ sʌŋ-e
Sunil Patel GEN company-LOC
'with Sunil Patel' (01.086)
d. दोकान का लगे
dokɑn kɑ lʌɡe
dokɑn kɑ lʌɡ-e
shop GEN near-LOC
'by the shop' (10.048)
Going through the phrases in (36a-d), का kɑ stands as the genitive/possessive
case-marker with the preceding noun. Diachronically, genitive/possessive case marker
postposition का /kɑ/ has been grammaticalization of interrogative pronoun का /kɑ/

'what' originitated in Sanskrit कम /kim/ which has been shortened as क /ki/ in

Maithili. But we also observe that succeeding word which is not necessarily noun but
marked with clitic -ए /-e/ as shown in (36a, c-d).

(ii) Postposition के /ke/

The postposition के /ke/ is most frequently used to mark different cases in

Bhojpuri. It has also been obtained under process of grammaticalization of the
Bhojpuri interrogative pronoun के /ke/ or कौन /kɔn/ has been originated from Sanskrit

कः /kʌ̤/ or का /kɑ/. The different functions of के /ke/ as a case-marker postposition are

shown in (37a-c).
(37) a. नेपाल के सव अदालत
nepɑl ke sʌrboccʌ ʌdɑlʌt
nepɑl ke sʌrboccʌ ʌdɑlʌt
Nepal GEN supreme court
'Supreme Court of Nepal' (01.008)
b. माई-दाई लोग ब ा के कथा सुनावत रहली ।

254
mɑi dɑi loɡ bʌccɑ ke kʌtʰɑ sunɑwʌt
mɑi dɑi loɡ bʌccɑ ke kʌtʰɑ sun-ɑ-wʌt
mother grandmother PL child ACC story listen-CAUS-IMPF
rʌɦli
rʌɦ-ʌl-i
live-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'Mothers and grandmothers used tell the children such stories.' (03.254)
c. ... लइक के नोकर मुआ देलख, ... ।
lʌiki ke nokʌr muɑ delʌkʰ
lʌiki ke nokʌr muɑ de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
girl GEN servant kill give-PP-3SG.PST
'... the servant killed the girl, …' (08.045)
As exemplified in (37a-c), के /ke/ marks genitive/possessive in (38a), dative in
(37b) dative and anti-dative in (37c) of the nouns precede it.
(iii) Postposition से /se/

Some cases are marked with से /se/ in Bhojpuri, as shown in (38a-e).

(38) a. बाभन से लेके डोम तक

bɑb̤ ʌn se leke ɖom tʌk
bɑb̤ ʌn se le-ke ɖom tʌk
Brahmin source take-SEQ Hindu scavenger till
'From Brahmins till the Doms ones' (03.348)
b. भारत से नेपाल तक
b̤ ɑrʌt se nepɑl tʌk
India ABL Nepal till
'From India to Nepal' (03.386)
c. नहर से दि खन
nʌɦʌr se dʌkkʰin
canal source south
'In south of the canal' (02.083)
d. ा- ित ान का ओर से
prʌɡyɑ-prʌtisʈʰɑn kɑ or se
academy GEN towards ABL

255
'On behalf of the Academy' (03.053)
e. िव भोजपुरी स मेलन का तरफ से
biswʌ b̤ ojpuri sʌmmelʌn kɑ tʌrʌpʰ se
world Bhojpuri conference GEN side ABL

'On behalf of the World Bhojpuri Convention' (03.081)

The phrases sited in (38a-e), postposition से /se/ looks equivalent to 'from' in
(38a-b), 'of' in (38c) and 'on' in (38d-e), as in English, that marks ablative, genitive and
locative cases respectively. Its functions on clausal level are also analyzed in (39a-c).
(39) a. कई कार के बेमारी से शरीर एकदम कमजोर हो गइल बा ।
kʌi prʌkɑr ke bemɑri se sʌrir ekdʌm kʌmjor
kʌe prʌkɑr ke bemɑri se sʌrir ekdʌm kʌmjor
many type GEN disease means body excessively weak
ɦo ɡʌil bɑ
ɦo jɑ-il bɑ
be go-PP be.3SG.PRES
'My body has been extremely weakened by several kinds of diseases.' (04.011)
b. ... सुनसरी से त भोजपुरी से कवनो य सरोकार नइखे ।
sunsʌri se tʌ b̤ ojpuri se kɔno prʌtyʌkcʰ sʌrokɑr
sunsʌri se tʌ b̤ ojpuri se kɔno prʌtyʌkcʰ sʌrokɑr
Sunsari with COND Bhojpuri means any direct concern
nʌikʰe
nʌikʰ-e
be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'Bhojpuri is certainly not concerned with … Sunsari.' (01.025)
c. बेटी से बु ढ़आ कहली ... ।
beʈi se buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦli
beʈi se buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-i
daughter ACC old woman say-PP-3SG.PST.F.MH
'The old woman talked to her daughter …' (05.042)
In instances (39a-c), के /ke/ stands for 'by' in (39a), 'with' in (39b) and 'to' in
(39c) marking instrumental, sociative and dative cases respectively. So, it is a multi-
functional case-marking postposition in Bhojpuri.

256
(iv) Postposition ला /lɑ/, लािग /lɑɡi/, खाितर /kʰɑtir/, खाितन /kʰɑtin/, ख तन /kʰʌrtin/, वा ते /waste/

Postpositions ला lɑ, लािग lɑɡi, खाितर kʰɑtir, खाितन kʰɑtin, ख तन kʰʌrtin and

वा ते waste are synonymous with each other and mark benefactive case in Bhojpuri,
as shown in (40a-c).
(40) a. त ए सब चीज ला कृ ित म दूनू िवक प बा ।
tʌ e sʌb cij lɑ prʌkriti mẽ dunu bikʌlp
tʌ e sʌb cij lɑ prʌkriti mẽ du-nu bikʌlp
COND PROX PL matter for nature LOC two-EMPH option
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'For such sufferings, the nature has both options.' (08.113)
b. ... अपन पहचान खाितर अपने लोग भी जागृत हो ।
ʌpʌn pʌɦcɑn kʰɑtir ʌpne loɡ b̤ i jɑɡrit ɦoĩ
ɑpʌn pʌɦcɑn kʰɑtir ʌpne loɡ b̤ i jɑɡrit ɦo-ĩ
one.GEN identity for 2SG PL also aware be-IMP.H
'... please be attentive for your own indentity.' (03.394)
c. भोजपुरी के मानक नेपाल का वा ते पस िजला के होखेके चाह ।
b̤ ojpuri ke mɑnʌk nepɑl kɑ wɑste pʌrse jilɑ
b̤ ojpuri ke mɑnʌk nepɑl kɑ wɑste pʌrsɑ-e jilɑ
Bhojpuri GEN standard Nepal GEN for Parsa-EMPH district
ke ɦokʰeke cɑɦĩ
ke ɦo-kʰ-e-ke cɑɦ-ĩ
GEN be-PRES-PUR-SEQ want-OPT
'The standard Bhojpuri should be the one from very Parsa district for
Nepal.' (04.191)
As cited in (40a-c), ला /lɑ/ in (40a), खाितर /kʰɑtir/ in (40b) and वा ते /waste/ in
(40c) all stand for 'for' as in English, marking benefactive case. Moreover, sometimes
का /kɑ/ precedes खाितर /kʰɑtir/ and वा ते /waste/ but it is obligatory for वा ते /waste/.

(v) Postposition म /mẽ/

(41) ... ई अव था रहे अपना देश म, मधेश म ।

257
i ʌwʌstʰɑ rʌɦe ʌpnɑ des mẽ mʌd̤ es mẽ
i ʌwʌstʰɑ rʌɦ-e ʌpnɑ des mẽ mʌd̤ es mẽ
this situation live-3.PST GEN country LOC Madhesh LOC

'… such was the situation of land management in our country, as well as in
Madhesh.' (02.034)
In (60), म /mẽ/ stands for locative 'in' as in English.

(vi) Postposition पर pʌr

(42) ... सम मधेश ओकर कृ िष अथतं पर आधा रत बा ।

sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es okʌr krisi ʌrtʰʌtʌntrʌ pʌr
sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es okʌr krisi ʌrtʰʌtʌntrʌ pʌr
whole Madhesh 3SG.GEN agriculture economy LOC

ɑd̤ ɑrit bɑ
ɑd̤ ɑr-it bɑ
base-ADJ be.3SG.PRES
'… whole Madhesh is based on its agricultural economy.' (02.002)
In (42), Bhojpuri postposition पर /pʌr/ stands for 'on' as in English marking
locative case.
c. Case-markers with pronominals
As it is already described a nominative-accusative language has the
pronominals marked with case-marker suffixes. Bhojpuri pronouns are not marked for
cases in nominative. The well-known case-marking suffixes are known to be for
genitive as well as dative and anti-dative. Such suffixes are as follows:
(i) Suffix -अर /-ʌr/ or -आर /-ɑr/

(43) a. िनि त प से भोजपुरी हमर माई के भाषा ह ।

niscit rup se b̤ ojpuri ɦʌmʌr mɑi ke b̤ ɑsɑ
niscit rup se b̤ ojpuri ɦʌm-ʌr mɑi ke b̤ ɑsɑ
certain form with Bhojpuri 1SG-GEN mother GEN language
ɦʌ
ɦʌ
be.3SG.PRES
'Certainly, Bhojpuri is my mother tongue.' (03.035)
b. ... हमार बैल ना िबकाई ।

258
ɦʌmɑr bɛl nɑ bikɑi
ɦʌm-ɑr bɛl nɑ bik-ɑ-i
1SG-GEN ox NEG sell-PASS-3.FUT
'... My oxen won't be sold.' (10.017)
c. तोहर पाचन ठीक नइखे ।
toɦʌr pɑcʌn ʈʰik nʌikʰe
tu-ʌr pɑcʌn ʈʰik nʌikʰ-e
2SG-GEN digestion right be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'Your digestion is not sound.' (09.022)
d. ए बबुआ, तोहार का नाम बा ?
e bʌbuɑ toɦɑr kɑ nɑm bɑ
e bʌbuɑ tu-ɑr kɑ nɑm bɑ
VOC boy 2SG-GEN what name be.3SG.PRES
'O boy! What is your name?' (09.465)
e. ओकर नाँव रहे ‘भोजपुरी कहािनयाँ’ ।
okʌr nɑ̃o rʌɦe b̤ ojpuri kʌɦɑniyɑ̃
u-ʌr nɑ̃o rʌɦ-e b̤ ojpuri kʌɦɑni-yɑ̃
3SG-GEN name live-3SG.PST Bhojpuri story-PL
'Its name was 'Bhojpuri Stories'.' (04.108)
f. चवर म ओकर खेत रहे ।
cʌwʌr mẽ okʌr kʰet rʌɦe
cʌwʌr mẽ u-ʌr kʰet rʌɦ-e
cultivated stretch LOC 3SG-GEN farm live-3SG.PST
'There was her farm in a cultivated stretch.' (05.003)
As exemplified in (43a, 43c, 43e and 43f), all personal pronouns are marked
with suffix -अर /-ʌr/ for genitive but the first and second persons are only marked by -

आर /-ɑr/ irrespective of gender but limited to singular number only in (43b and 43d).

In plural, no case-marker suffix is allowed, rather, the postposition के /ke/ performs

the function, already described with nominals. Besides, the final vowel in तू /tu/ in

second and ऊ /u/ in third person singular is found falling with insertion of /ɦ/ and क्

/k/ to achieve their genitive/possessive forms as तोहर /toɦʌr/ or तोहार /toɦɑr/

'your/yours' and ओकर /okʌr/ 'his/her' respectively.

259
(ii) Clitic -ए /-e/

(44) a. राजु हमे िपटलख ।

rɑju ɦʌme piʈlʌkʰ
rɑju ɦʌm-e piʈ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
Raju 1SG-CLT beat-PP-3SG.PST
'Raju beat me.' (Lohar, 2013: 79)
b. जा घरे , चाची तोहे एगो िमठाई दी ।
jɑ ɡ̈ʌre cɑci toɦe eɡo miʈʰɑi di
jɑ ɡ̈ʌr-e cɑci tu-e ek-ɡo miʈʰɑi de-i
go house-LOC aunty 2SG-DAT one-CLF sweet give-3SG.FUT
'Go home; aunty will give you a sweet.' (09.459)
c. गोपाल अ कजी ओके तैयार कइनी ।
ɡopɑl ʌskji oke tʌiɑr kʌini
ɡopɑl ʌsk-ji u-e tʌiɑr kʌr-ini
Gopal Ashk-H 3SG-ACC prepare do-PST.H
'Gopal Ashkji prepared it.' (03.066)
As presented in (44a-c), clitic -ए /-e/ has marked singular pronouns in all three
persons for dative and anti-dative cases in Bhojpuri.
d. Case-marker suffixes further followed by postpositions
There is mixed property of using suffix and postposition together to mark
cases in Bhojpuri, presented as follows:
(i) -रा के /-rɑ ke/

(45) तोहरा के खाहीभर के दआई ।

toɦrɑ ke kʰɑɦib̤ ʌr ke diɑi
tu-ʌr-ɑ ke kʰɑ-ɦi-b̤ ʌr ke de-ɑ-i
2SG-GEN-DEF GEN eat-EMPH-fill GEN give-PASS-3SG.FUT
'You will be given only to eat.'
(ii) -रा से /-rɑ se/

(46) ई सब ओकरा से संबंिधत चीज बा ।

i sʌb okrɑ se sʌmbʌnd̤ it cij bɑ
i sʌb u-ʌr-ɑ se sʌmbʌnd̤ -it cij bɑ
this PL 3SG-GEN-DEF with relation-ADJ factor be.3SG.PRES

260
'These all are the related factors with it.' (02.021)
(iii) -रा खाितर /-rɑ kʰɑtir/, -रा ला /-rɑ lɑ/

(47) ओकरा खाितर फे र िवषा द के योग भइल ।

okrɑ kʰɑtir pʰer bisɑdi ke prʌyoɡ b̤ ʌil
u-ʌr-ɑ kʰɑtir pʰer bisɑdi ke prʌyoɡ b̤ ʌ-il
3SG-GEN-DEF for again pesticide ACC. use become-3SG.PST
'For that, pesticide was used again.' (02.070)
खाितर /kʰɑtir/ is synoymous with ला /lɑ/ and some other words, already presented.

(iv) -रा सङे /-rɑ sʌŋe/, -रा साथे /-rɑ sɑtʰe/, -रा जौरे /-rɑ jɔre/

(48) ओकरा साथे-साथे, इं ाणी भी उनका के रे शम के धागा मं उ ा रत कके बाऩ देहली ।

okrɑ sɑtʰe sɑtʰ indrɑni b̤ i unkɑ ke
u-ʌr-ɑ sɑtʰ-e sɑtʰ indrɑni b̤ i un-kɑ ke
3SG-GEN-DEF company-EMPH company Indrani also 3.SG-DAT GEN

resʌm ke d̤ ɑɡɑ mʌntrʌ uccɑrit kʌke bɑn̥

resʌm ke d̤ ɑɡɑ mʌntrʌ uccɑr-it kʌr-ke bɑn̥
silk GEN thread magic chant spell-ADJ do-SEQ bind
deɦli
de-ʌl-i
give-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'With that, Indrani also bonded Resham-thread to Indra with chanting.' (08.027)
साथे sɑtʰe, सङे sʌŋe and जौरे jɔre are all synonymous in Bhojpuri.

(v) -रा म /-rɑ mẽ/, -रा पर /-rɑ pʌr/

(49) a. ... एकरा म सब िवषय पर कु छ न कु छ लेख आवेके चाह ।

ekrɑ mẽ sʌb bisɛ pʌr kucʰ nʌ kucʰ
i-ʌr-ɑ mẽ sʌb bisɛ pʌr kucʰ nʌ kucʰ
PROX-GEN.DEF LOC all subject LOC something NEG something
lekʰ ɑweke cɑɦĩ
lekʰ ɑ-we-ke cɑɦ-ĩ
article come-PUR-SEQ want-OPT
'The articles from all genres should come into it.' (04.238)
b. ... िसिडयो हमरा पर बड़ा िखिसअइल ।

261
siɖio ɦʌmrɑ pʌr bʌɽɑ kʰisiʌilẽ
siɖio ɦʌm-rɑ pʌr bʌɽ-ɑ kʰis-iɑ-il-ẽ
CDO 1SG-GEN LOC much-DEF anger-V-PP-3.PST.MH
'… the CDO lost his temper on me.' (04.068)
(vi) -रा मारे -rɑ mɑre, -रा कत -rɑ kʌrte

(50) a. राम ओकरा मारे परे शान बा ।

rɑm okrɑ mɑre pʌresɑn bɑ
rɑm u-ʌr-ɑ mɑre pʌresɑn bɑ
Ram 3SG-GEN-DEF BEN restless be.3SG.PRES
'Ram is restless for him/her.'
b. हम तोहरा कत कल बानी ।
ɦʌm toɦrɑ kʌrte rukʌl bɑni
ɦʌm tu-ʌr-ɑ kʌrte ruk-ʌl bɑni
Ram 2SG-GEN-DEF BEN stop-PP be.PRES.H
'I have been stopped for you.'
c. ... ओकरा च ते राजा मह भूिम सुधार लागू कइलन ।
okrɑ cʌlte rɑjɑ mʌɦendrʌ b̤ umi sud̤ ɑr lɑɡu
u-ʌr-ɑ cʌlte rɑjɑ mʌɦendrʌ b̤ umi sud̤ ɑr lɑɡu
3SG-GEN-DEF BEN king Mahendra land reform effect
kʌilʌn
kʌr-il-ʌn
do-PP-3.PST.MH
'… because of that King Mahendra lauched Land Reform Act in effect.' (02.053)
The suffix -रा /-rɑ/ loses its function if followed by any postposition as
already presented in (50a-c).
e) Plural pronouns followed by postpositions
As we observed only pronominals are marked by suffixes for case
identification, but only in singular number. So, plural pronouns are only followed by
postpositions to, for case identification as the nouns do. Almost all postpotisions to
mark nouns for case-identification are used in the environment, as shown in (51a-c).
(51) a. हमनी के खेती- कसानी के काम ब त दु ह हो गइल बाटे ।
ɦʌmni ke kʰeti kisɑni ke kɑm bʌɦut duruɦ ɦo

262
ɦʌm-ni ke kʰeti kisɑni ke kɑm bʌɦut duruɦ ɦo
1SG-PL GEN farming peasantry GEN work very difficult be
ɡʌil bɑʈe
jɑ-il bɑ
go-PP be.3SG.PRES
'Our farming activities have worsened to the most difficult ones.' (02.009)
b. ... आउर दन भी अपने लोग से बात करे म ।
ɑur din b̤ i ʌpne loɡ se bɑt kʌrem
ɑur din b̤ i ʌpne loɡ se bɑt kʌr-em
coming day also 2SG.H PL with matter do-FUT.H
'I will talk to you on the coming days, too.' (02.135)
c. ओ लोग के यास खाितर हम ध यवाद देवेके चाहेम ।
o loɡ ke prʌyɑs kʰɑtir ɦʌm d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd
u loɡ ke prʌyɑs kʰɑtir ɦʌm d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd
3SG PL GEN effort for 1SG.NOM thank
deweke cɑɦem
de-e-ke cɑɦ-em
give-PUR-SEQ want-FUT.H
'I want to thank for their efforts.' (03.137)
In (51a-c), the first person plural हमनी /ɦʌmni/ is followed by के /ke/ for

genitive in (51a), second person plural अपने लोग /ʌpne loɡ/ by से /se/ for dative in

(51b) and third person plural ओ लोग /o loɡ/ by के /ke/ for genitive in (51c).
f) Double postpositions
Nouns and plural pronouns are followed by double postpositions to mark cases
in Bhojpuri, as shown in (52-55).
(i) म के /mẽ ke/

(52) खस भाषा म के नेपाली

kʰʌs b̤ ɑsɑ mẽ ke nepɑli
Khas race of Nepalese rulers language LOC GEN Nepali
'Nepali within the Khas languages' (02.074)
(ii) म से mẽ se

(53) थर म से भसी िनकाल ।

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tʰʌr mẽ se b̤ ʌĩsi nikɑl
tʰʌr mẽ se b̤ ʌĩsi nikɑl
shed LOC source buffalo extract.IMP
'Take out the buffalo from the shed.' (09.071)
(iii) पर के pʌr ke

(54) गाछी पर के आम
ɡɑcʰi pʌr ke ɑm
ɡɑcʰi pʌr ke ɑm
tree LOC GEN mango
'A mango of the tree'
(iv) पर से pʌr se

(55) ... एगो आदमी के देह पर से उतरवाके िमलल ह ई कु िछयो कु िछयो ।

eɡo ɑdmi ke deɦ pʌr se utʌrwɑke
ek-ɡo ɑdmi ke deɦ pʌr se utɑr-wɑ-ke
one-CLF man GEN body LOC ABL take off-CAUS-SEQ
milʌl ɦʌ i kucʰio kucʰio
mil-ʌl ɦʌ i kucʰ-io kucʰ-io
find-PP be.3SG.PRES this something-EMPH something-EMPH
'… this something I got making a man put off his body.' (10.103)
The double use of postpositions also exhibits function of the succeeding postposition in
general, as presented in (53-56), though the preceding ones are also meaningful in Bhojpuri.
8.2.2 Case determination
On the basis of the exemplifications presented in section 8.2, characteristics of
case marker affixes and postpositions can be formulated and the cases available in
Bhojpuri can be determined as follows:
a) Case marker affixes and postpositions
Case-marker affixes and postpositions in Bhojpuri can be categorized as follows:
(a) Nouns are generally unmarked by case-markers except clitic -ए /-e/ in
instrumental and locative.
(b) Pronouns are unmarked in nominative.
(c) Singular pronouns are marked with suffixes in dative, accusative/anti-dative and genitive.
(d) Nouns and plural pronouns are followed by postpositions in accusative, dative,
anti-dative, instrumental, benefactive, ablative, genitive and locative.

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(e) Singular pronouns marked with suffixes in different cases can further be
followed by postpositions for identification of cases and the postpositions
identify the case.
(f) Nouns and plural pronouns can be followed by double postpositions for
identification of cases and the final postposition comes to be decisive for case.
b) Layers of case marking
On the basis of formulation of the affixes and postpositions in preceding sub-
section, the cases in Bhojpuri can be identified on the basis of layers of the affixes and
postpositions as presented in Table 8.1.
Table 8.1: Case marking in Bhojpuri
Case Layer I Layer II Layer III
Nom/Agent Ø
Acc/Dat -ए /-e/ के /ke/ or से /se/

-रा /-rɑ/+ के /ke/ or से /se/

Instrumental -ए /-e/ से /se/
Genitive -अर /-ʌr/ or के /ke/

-आर /-ɑr/

म /mẽ/ or पर /pʌr/+ के /ke/

Locative -ए /-e/ म /mẽ/ or पर /pʌr/
Ablative से /se/

-रा /-rɑ/+ से se
Benefactive ला /lɑ/

-रा /-rɑ/+ ला /lɑ/

का /kɑ/ or के /ke/+ लािग /lɑɡi/ or खाितर /kʰɑtir/ or वा ते

/wɑste/ or मारे /mɑre/ or कत /kʌrte/

Sociative -रा /-rɑ/+ or का /kɑ/+ सङे /sʌŋe/ or साथे /sɑtʰe/ or जौरे

or के /ke/+ /jɔre/

8.3 Summary
The grammatical relations and case marking system in Bhojpuri was discussed
in the chapter. The grammatical relations are significant play a vital role not only in
the grammar of simple clauses but also in major syntactic processes. Here, the main

265
focus was centred on the way the grammatical relations are encoded as well as on the
pattern of syntactic control in major rule governed syntactic processes in Bhojpuri.
We discussed the overt coding properties of grammatical relations, i.e., nominal
morphology and verb agreement. The nominal morphology presents a consistent
nominative pattern of control as coding property in Bhojpuri. The pronominal verb
agreement as well as the number, gender and honorificity agreement also follows the
nominative pattern. The unmarked word order in Bhojpuri clause is SOV but not
rigid. Besides, the changed word order remains following the nominative pattern.
Under behaviour and control properties, promotion to or demotion from direct object
does not affect the regular nominative pattern but passivization does so.
Reflexivization and causativization are applicable to subject GR in Bhojpuri. The
Equi-NP deletion (or the co-referent deletion) displays the nominative control in
complement clauses. The use of zero anaphora in chained clauses is a pronominal
device to mark co-reference in clause-chaining, confined to the subject GR in
Bhojpuri. However, in Bhojpuri, relativization does not play any role for controlling
the grammatical relations. Bhojpuri also displays pronominal verb agreement in first,
second and third person pronouns with two numbers and dual genders. Bhojpuri
employs nominative-accusative case-marking strategy, i.e., pragmatically oriented.
Different postpositions are used in Bhojpuri for case marking with nouns but
pronouns are generally suffixed as well as followed by post positions for the same
purpose. The cases nominative, accusative, dative, instrumental, genitive, locative,
ablative and comitative are marked to code syntactic relations of the NP to the finite
verb in a clause. The inanimate patient is zero marked whereas the animate and
pronominal patients are marked morphologically. Bhojpuri has the dative subject
construction as one of the characteristics of the New Indo-Aryan languages.

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CHAPTER 9
NOUN PHRASES AND WORD ORDER
9.0 Outline
This chapter deals with noun phrases and word order in Bhojpuri. It consists of
three sections. In section 9.1 we describe noun phrases and word order is described in
section 9.2. Lastly, in section 9.3 we summarize the findings.
9.1 Noun phrases
Noun phrase may be characterized as the syntactic constituent that serve as
arguments of verbs.1 In accordance with the typological make up of South Asian
languages, Bhojpuri has head-final phrasal structures (Verma 2003:527). A noun
phrase may take up a syntactic position where a noun or a pronoun can occupy. In this
sub-section, we deal with the types of noun phrases, elements of noun phrases, linear
order of constituents in noun phrase and dispersed/scattered NPs in Bhojpuri.
In this section we deal with the structure and major functions of the noun phrase in
Bhojpuri.
9.1.1 Simplex noun phrases
As displayed in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:285-90), Maithili (Yadav 1996:96-
102), Hindi (Koul 2008:165-71) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:314-5), the noun phrases in
Bhojpuri range from a single word (referential noun or personal pronoun) to syntactically
complex noun phrases (conjoined nouns and relative clauses and nominalized clauses). A
noun phrase can consist of a single pronoun in Bhojpuri, as in (1a-b).
(1) a. हमनी काय म के लगभग अंत म बानी ।
ɦʌmni kɑryʌkrʌm ke lʌɡb̤ ʌɡ ʌnt mẽ bɑni
ɦʌm-ni kɑryʌkrʌm ke lʌɡb̤ ʌɡ ʌnt mẽ bɑni
1SG-PL programme GEN approximately end LOC be.PRES.H
'We have now been at almost end of the programme.' (03.384)
b. हम तोहे सलाम कइनी ।
ɦʌm toɦe sʌlɑm kʌini
ɦʌm tu-e sʌlɑm kʌr-ini
1SG.NOM 2SG-DAT salute do-PST.H
'I saluted you.' (13.034)

1. Givón (1993a: 247) notes that the noun phrases of different types occupy the characteristic syntactic positions - and case roles
- of nouns. These syntactic positions are most typically those of subject, direct object, indirect object and nominal predicate.

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In the examples (1a-b), the first person plural pronoun हमनी /ɦʌmni/ 'we' in

(1a) and the first person singular pronoun हम /ɦʌm/ 'I' have occupied the position of a
noun phrase as a subject or agent of the predicate, respectively. Likewise, the second
person singular pronoun तोहे /toɦe/ 'you' has occupied the position of a noun phrase as
an object in the predicate. As its neighbours Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:286) and
Maithili (Yadav 1996:96) exhibit, the pronouns in Bhojpuri, being finite and referential,
do not take any modifier.
A noun phrase, in Bhojpuri, may consist of a noun head with or without
preceding modifiers. A bare noun head is illustrated in (2a) and a head noun with an
attributive modifier is illustrated in (2b).
(2) a. राजा ओके बड़ी सजाय कइलन ।
rɑjɑ oke bʌɽi sʌjɑe kʌilʌn
rɑjɑ oke bʌɽ-i sʌjɑe kʌr-il-ʌn
king 3SG.ACC big-EMPH punishment do-PP-3.PST.MH
'The king punished hem/her to the maximum.' (13.035)
b. के रा के थम म िनमन गोभा लउकता ।
kerɑ ke tʰʌm mẽ nimʌn ɡob̤ ɑ lʌukʌtɑ
kerɑ ke tʰʌm mẽ nimʌn ɡob̤ ɑ lʌuk-ʌt bɑ
banana GEN plant LOC good blossom look-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'There are attractive blossoms in the banana plants.' (09.070)
In example (2a), the bare noun head राजा /rɑjɑ/ 'king' has occupied the

position of the noun phrase whereas in (2b) the head noun गोभा /ɡob̤ ɑ/ 'blossom' is

modified by a modifier िनमन /nimʌn/ 'good' to form a noun phrase.

a) Elements of the noun phrase
The noun phrases in Bhojpuri may contain a number of different elements.
They are presented in Table 9.1.
Table 9.1: Lexical elements of the noun phrase
Element Example Gloss Reference
Demonstrative ई गीत /i ɡit/ 'this song' 03.010

Genitive हमर चाहना /ɦʌm-ʌr cɑɦnɑ/ 'my will' 03.042

Number दूगो देश/du-ɡo prʌdes/ 'two provinces' 01.095

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Relative औरत जौन हम देखनी /ɔrʌt jɔn ɦʌm 'a woman that I 06.034
clause dekʰ-ni/ saw'

Adjective बड़का गाँव /bʌɽ-kɑ ɡɑ̃o/ 'big village' 09.543

Noun संिवधान /sʌmbid̤ ɑn/ 'constitution' 01.008

Compound िव ाथ समाज /bidyɑrtʰi sʌmɑj/ 'Students' Society' 01.006

noun
Pronoun हम /ɦʌm/ 'I' 13.034

All the NP elements, except the head noun, shown in Table 9.1 are optional in
Bhojpuri. Givón (2001b:3) observes that the noun-headed NPs are relatively rare in
natural communication, where the most common nominal referent is anaphoric, so are
coded as a pronoun or zero.
Apart from the lexical elements of the noun phrases presented in Table 9.1,
Bhojpuri noun phrases may also contain grammatical morphemes. They are presented
in Table 9.2.
Table 9.2 Grammatical morphemes modifying a noun phrase
Element Morpheme Example Gloss Reference
Number -अन /-ʌn/, लइकन /lʌikʌn/ [lʌikɑ-ʌn] 'children' 03.255
marker लोग /loɡ/ ोता लोग /srotɑ loɡ/ 'listeners' 03.386

सब /sʌb/ इकाई सब /ikɑi sʌb/ 'units' 02.132

Case -ए /-e/ ओके /oke/ [u-e] 'him/her' 13.029

markers हाँथे /ɦɑ̃tʰ-e/ 'with hand' Thakur
(2013:80)
खेते /kʰet-e/ 'in the farm' 13.005

-आर /-ɑr/ हमार /ɦʌm-ɑr/ 'my/mine' 02.038

के /ke/ लइका के /lʌikɑ ke/ 'to the boy' 05.010

नेपाल के /nepɑl ke/ 'of Nepal' 01.008

से /se/ नीित से /niti se/ 'through policy' 01.046

अपने से /ʌpne se/ 'to you' 01.087

खेती से /kʰeti se/ 'from farming' 02.011

खाितर भाषा खाितर /b̤ ɑsɑ 'for language' 03.036

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/kʰɑtir/ kʰɑtir/
म /mẽ/ काय म म 'in the 01.001

/kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ/ programme'

The grammatical morphemes presented in Table 9.2 follow the lexical

elements they are attached to. In case of the order of the grammatical morphemes, the
case marker always follows the number marker in Bhojpuri.
b) Linear order of constituents in the noun phrase
More than two modifiers may come in the same noun phrase, though it is not
very common to occur naturally in Bhojpuri. Except for the number and case markers
(grammatical modifiers), all the lexical modifiers presented in Table 9.1 normally
precede the head noun in the noun phrase.
The most common order of the noun phrase elements in Bhojpuri is presented in (3):
(3) NP→(Dem)-(Gen)-(Num)-(appositional phrase (AP))-Head
Examples of noun phrases demonstrating the elements in (3) are presented in
examples (4a-j).
(4) a. Demonstrative + noun
अभी खाितर सुनल जाओ ई गीत ।
ʌb̤ i kʰɑtir sunʌl jɑo i ɡit
ʌb̤ i kʰɑtir sun-ʌl jɑ-o i ɡit
now for listen-PP go-IMP.H PROX song
'Enjoy this song for a while.' (03.010)
b. Demonstrative +adjective +noun
कम से कम भोजपुरी के ऊ अमू य धरोहर के बँचावे के काम कर रहल बा ।
kʌm se kʌm b̤ ojpuri ke u ʌmulyʌ d̤ ʌroɦʌr
kʌm se kʌm b̤ ojpuri ke u ʌmulyʌ d̤ ʌroɦʌr
less than less Bhojpuri GEN DIST priceless heritage
ke bʌ̃cɑwe ke kɑm kʌr rʌɦʌl bɑ
ke bʌ̃c-ɑ-e ke kɑm kʌr rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
ACC save-CAUS-PUR GEN work do live-PP be.3SG.PRES
'At least they are working for protection of the priceless heritage of
Bhojpuri.' (03.201)
c. Demonstrative+quantifier+noun
खेती करे वाला जार, िविध-तकनीक , ई सब बात भी ठीक नइखे ।

270
kʰeti kʌrewɑlɑ ɔj̃ ɑr prʌbid̤ i tʌkniki i
kʰeti kʌr-e-wɑlɑ ɔj̃ ɑr prʌbid̤ i tʌkniki i
farming do-PUR-owner tool technique technique this
sʌb bɑt b̤ i ʈʰik nʌikʰe
sʌb bɑt b̤ i ʈʰik nʌikʰe
all matter also right not to be
'Agricultural tools, techniques, these all matters are also not correct.' (02.007)
d. Genitive+noun
हमार बैल ना िबकाई ।
ɦʌmɑr bɛl nɑ bikɑi
ɦʌmɑr bɛl nɑ bik-ɑ-i
1SG.GEN ox NEG sell-PASS-FUT
'My oxen won't be sold.' (10.017)
e. Numeral+noun
बीस बरीस ।
bis bʌris
twenty year
'Twenty years.' (03.416)
f. Numeral+adjective+noun
उहो एगो नया मोड़ ले लेलक ।
uɦo eɡo nʌyɑ moɽ le lelʌk
u-o ek-ɡo nʌyɑ moɽ le le-ʌl-ʌkʰ
DIST-EMPH one-CLF new turn take take-PP-3SG.PST
'That also took a new turn.' (02.058)
g. Adjectival phrase+noun
कभी एतना कड़ा घाम होला ।
kʌb̤ i etnɑ kʌɽɑ ɡ̈ɑm ɦolɑ
kʌb̤ i etnɑ kʌɽɑ ɡ̈ɑm ɦo-lɑ
sometimes this much scorching sun be3SG.PRES
'Sometimes it is so scorching sun.' (09.111)
h. Relative clause+noun
ख टआ पर बइठल आदमी ।

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kʰʌʈiɑ pʌr bʌiʈʰʌl ɑdmi
kʰʌʈiɑ pʌr bʌiʈʰ-ʌl ɑdmi
cot LOC sit-PP man
'The man who is sitting on the cot.' (Lohar, 2010:84)
i. Demonstrative+relative clause+noun
ऊ बाली उ जल खेत
u bɑli ubjʌl kʰet
u bɑli ubʌj-ʌl kʰet
dist crops grow-PP farm
'That farm which the crops are growing in'
j. Demonstrative+genitive+modifier+noun
ऊ हमार खुबसुरत बेटी !
u ɦʌmɑr kʰubsurʌt beʈi
u ɦʌm-ɑr kʰubsurʌt beʈi
DIST 1SG-GEN beautiful daughter
'That one, my beautiful daughter!'
Pronouns generally occur alone in noun phrases without modifiers in most of
the languages (Dryer 2007c:151). But in Bhojpuri, constructions in which pronouns
occur with modifiers preceding the head noun as in हमनी भोजपु रया /ɦʌmni b̤ ojpuriɑ/

'we Bhojpuri natives', तोहनी लइका लोग /toɦni lʌikɑ loɡ/ 'you boys', ओकनी पहिड़या
/okni pʌɦʌɽiɑ/ 'they, the hill people' are possible. It shows that the constituents within
the noun phrase violate their linear order for pragmatic purposes. This phenomenon is
discussed as follows:
c) Scattered NPs
"The most universal means of binding all NP constituents together is
adjacency, a transparently iconic device that keeps together structurally what belongs
together functionally, however, in languages with more flexible word-order, scattered
NPs are reported to be common" (Givόn 2001b: 13). Bhojpuri holds true in this
regard. Basically, the elements of Bhojpuri NPs tend to occur together, generally, only
after the clause final verb but also scattered, as shown in (5a-d).
(5) a. उहाँका का एगो भाषण देनी जे के ना बुझे सकल ।
uɦɑ̃kɑ kɑl̥ eɡo b̤ ɑsʌn deni je

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uɦɑ̃-kɑ kɑl̥ ek-ɡo b̤ ɑsʌn de-ni je
3SG.H-SPEC yesterday one-CLF lecture give-PST.H COMP

keɦu nɑ buȷ̈ e sʌkʌl

keɦu nɑ buȷ̈ -e sʌk-ʌl
anyone NEG understand-PUR can-3SG.PST
'He gave a lecture yesterday that no one could understand.'
b. बेटा के का एगो कताब कन देनी जे आशा करतानी ऊ पढ़ी ।
beʈɑ ke kɑl̥ eɡo kitɑb kin deni je
beʈɑ ke kɑl̥ ek-ɡo kitɑb kin de-ni je
son DAT yesterday one-CLF book buy give-PST.H COMP

ɑsɑ kʌrtɑni u pʌɽ̊i

ɑsɑ kʌr-ʌt bɑni u pʌɽ̊-i
hope do-IMPF be.PRES.H 3SG.NOM read-3SG.FUT
'I bought a book to my son that I hope he'll read.'
c. ई छोटकु राम चले लागल घरे ओरी िबना कु छ खइले ।
i cʰoʈku rɑm cʌle lɑɡʌl ɡ̈ʌre
i cʰoʈ-ku rɑm cʌl-e lɑɡ-ʌl ɡ̈ʌr-e
PROX small-DEF Ram walk-PUR continue-3SG.PST house-LOC
ori binɑ kucʰ kʰʌile
ori binɑ kucʰ kʰɑ-il-e
towards without something eat-PP-SEQ
'The younger started walking homewards, without eating anything.' (10.055)
d. खास कके डाइरे टर साहेब जे एह काय म के हरदम सुनत रहेलन उनका के भी हम

ध यवाद देवेके चाहतानी ।

kʰɑs kʌke ɖɑirekʈʌr sɑɦeb je eɦ kɑryʌkrʌm
kʰɑs kʌr-ke ɖɑirekʈʌr sɑɦeb je eɦ kɑryʌkrʌm
special do-SEQ director sir 3SG.COND PROX programme
ke sunʌt rʌɦelʌn unkɑ ke b̤ i ɦʌm
ke sun-ʌt rʌɦ-ʌl-ʌn u-kɑ ke b̤ i ɦʌm
ACC listen-SIM live-INF-3.PRES.MH 3SG.MH-GEN DAT also 1SG.NOM
d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd deweke cɑɦʌtɑni

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d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd de-we-ke cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni
thank give-PUR-SEQ want-IMPF be.PRES.H
'Especially the Director of Radio Nepal who listens to the programme, I
want to thank him too.' (03.414)
As exemplified in (5a-d), एगो भाषण /eɡo b̤ ɑsʌn/ 'a lecture', जे /je/ 'that' and के ना

/keɦu nɑ/ 'no one' in (5a); बेटा /beʈɑ/, एगो कताब /eɡo kitɑb/ 'a book', जे /je/ 'that' and ऊ

/u/ 'he' in (5b); छोटकु राम /cʰoʈku rɑm/ 'the younger' and िबना कु छ /binɑ kucʰ/ 'nothing'

in (5c); and डाइरे टर साहेब /ɖɑirekʈʌr sɑɦeb/ 'the director sir', जे /je/ 'that', एह काय म

/eɦ kɑryʌkrʌm/ 'this program', उनका के /unkɑ ke/ 'to him' and हम /ɦʌm/ 'I' are all NPs
scattered in the respective clauses.
9.1.2 Complex noun phrases
"Above and beyond the presence of multiple modifiers, the most conspicuous
sources of syntactic complexity in the NP are due to the importation, by whatever
means, of clause-level syntactic organization into the noun phrase" (Givón 2001b:15).
The complex noun phrases are used to further specify the description of referents, i.e.,
of subjects or objects either as first introduction or subsequent reintroduction into the
discourse. There are three structures most commonly responsible for such complexity:
relative clauses, NP conjunctions and nominalizations. As relative clauses in Bhojpuri
are discused in the subsequent chapters (Ch. 12, 13 and 14), we have dealt here with
the other two in order.
(a) Noun phrase conjunction
Givón (2011:209-10) presents noun-phrase conjunction "as one of the
mechanisms that creates larger noun phrases without involving modifiers, thus
without involving the asymmetrical head-modifier relation, obtained by putting two
noun-phrases, often just two nouns, in a conjunction that involves a relatively
symmetrical configuration, presumably answering to the two logical rules: ordering
reversibility and implication of two propositions".
The noun phrases in Bhojpuri are either juxtaposed or conjoined by आ /ɑ/ 'and'

and भा /b̤ ɑ/ or चाहे /chɑɦe/ or क /ki/ 'or'. Generally the conjoined nominal NPs take
the finite verb in third person, as shown in (6a-c).
(6) a. माई आ रहल बाड़ी ।
mɑi ɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽi

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mɑi ɑ rʌɦ -ʌl bɑɽi
mother come live -INF be.3.PRES.FEM.H
'Mother is coming.' (03.154)
b. बाबु आ रहल बाड़न ।
bɑbu ɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽʌn
bɑbu ɑ rʌɦ -ʌl bɑɽʌn
father come live -INF be.3.PRES.H
'Father is coming.' (03.155)
c. माई आ बाबु आ रहल बाड़न ।
mɑi ɑ bɑbu ɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽʌn
mɑi ɑ bɑbu ɑ rʌɦ -ʌl bɑɽʌn
mother come father come live -INF be.3.PRES.H
'Mother and father are coming.'
In examples (6a-c) the NPs माई /mɑi/ 'mother' in (6a) and बाबु /bɑbu/ 'father' in

(6b) are conjoined as माई आ बाबु /mɑi ɑ bɑbu/ 'mother and father' in (6c).
In case of the involvement of first person, the number agreement results in the
first person that is used for honorificity in the second and third person in Bhojpuri, as
shown in (7a-b).
(7) a. तू आम खइबऽ क हम आम खा ?
tu ɑm kʰʌibʌ ki ɦʌm ɑm
tu ɑm kʰɑ-i-bʌ ki ɦʌm ɑm
2SG .NOM mango eat-FUT-be.2.FUT.MH COMP 1SG mango
kʰɑĩ
kʰɑ-ĩ
eat-FUT.H
'Will you eat mango or will I eat mango?'
b. तू क हम आम खा ?
tu ki ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑĩ
tu ki ɦʌm ɑm kʰɑ-ĩ
2.SG.NOM COMP 1SG mango eat-FUT.H
'Will you or I eat mango?'

275
In examples (7a-b), the NPs तू /tu/ 'you' and हम /ɦʌm/ 'I' are conjoined due to
the same predicate with them.
But if the events are separate, the clauses are joined by the conjunction in
separate subject-verb agreements, no matter the subjects NPs are either in first, second
or third person, as shown in (8a-b).
(8) a. सव अदालत अपन िनणय देहलक आ रातारतात काम हो रहल बा ।
sʌrboccʌ ʌdɑlʌt ʌpʌn nirnɛ deɦlʌk ɑ rɑtɑrɑt
sʌrboccʌ ʌdɑlʌt ɑpʌn nirnɛ de-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɑ rɑtɑrɑt
supreme court 3.GEN decision give-PP-3SG.PST and overnight
kɑm ɦo rʌɦʌl bɑ
kɑm ɦo rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
work be live-INF be.3SG.PRES
'The Supreme Court gave its verdict and the work is being done round the
clock.' (01.008)
b. हम ओखरी म मुड़ी लगावतानी आ तू ढक चलाके सज दे ।
ɦʌm okʰʌri mẽ muɽi lʌɡɑwʌtɑni ɑ tu
ɦʌm okʰʌri mẽ muɽ lʌɡ-ɑ-ʌt bɑni ɑ tu
1SG.NOM mortar LOC head set-CAUS-IMPF be.PRES.H and 2SG
ɖ̈ẽki cʌlɑke sʌj de
ɖ̈ẽki cʌl-ɑ-ke sʌj de
pounding appliance walk-CAUS-SEQ trim give.IMP
'I'm placing my head in the mortar, and you, trim it by pounding.' (05.052)
b) Joint participants in a single event
In case of the participants involved in a single event, the conjoined subject-
verb agreement results as shown in (9a-e).
(9) a. 3SG+3SG/PL=3PL
i. माई आ रहल बाड़ी, आ बाबु आ रहल बाड़न ।
mɑi ɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽi ɑ bɑbu ɑ rʌɦʌl
mɑi ɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑɽi ɑ bɑbu ɑ rʌɦ-ʌl
mother come live-INF be.3.PRES.F.MH and father come live-INF
bɑɽʌn

276
bɑɽʌn
be.3.PRES.MH
'Mother is coming, and father is coming.' (03.154-5)

ii. माई आ बाबु आ रहल बाड़न ।

mɑi ɑ bɑbu ɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽʌn
mɑi ɑ bɑbu ɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑɽʌn
mother and father come live-INF be.3.PRES.MH
'Mother and father are coming.'
b. 2SG/PL+3SG/PL=2PL
i. तू दुपहरवा अइलऽ, आ ऊ दुपहरवा आइल ।
tu dupʌɦʌrwɑ ʌilʌ ɑ u
tu dupʌɦʌrwɑ ɑ-il-ʌ ɑ u
2SG.NOM in the afternoon come-PP-2.PST.MH and 3SG.NOM
dupʌɦʌrwɑ ɑil
dupʌɦʌrwɑ ɑ-il
in the afternoon come-3SG.PST
'You came in the afternoon, and he came in the afternoon.' (06.011)
ii. ऊ आ तू दुपहरवा अइलऽ ।
u ɑ tu dupʌɦʌrwɑ ʌilʌ
u ɑ tu dupʌɦʌrwɑ ɑ-il-ʌ
3SG.NOM and 2SG.NOM in the afternoon come-PP-2.PST.MH
'He and you came in the afternoon'
c. 1SG/PL+3SG/PL=1PL
i. अपने के तक से हम सहमत बानी, आ अपने के तक से ऊ सहमत बा ।
ʌpne ke tʌrk se ɦʌm sʌɦmʌt bɑni
2SG.H GEN logic with 1SG.NOM agreed be.PRES.H
ʌpne ke tʌrk se u sʌɦmʌt bɑ
2SG.H GEN logic with 3SG.NOM agreed be.3SG.PRES
'I do agree with your logic, and he does agree with your logic.' (01.057)
ii. अपने के तक से ऊ आ हम सहमत बानी ।
ʌpne ke tʌrk se u ɑ ɦʌm sʌɦmʌt bɑni
2SG.H GEN logic with 3SG.NOM and 1SG.NOM agreed be.PRES.H

277
'He and I do agree with your logic.'
d. 1SG/PL+2SG/PL=1PL
i. हम आएम, आ तू अइह ।
ɦʌm ɑem ɑ tu ʌiɦʌ
ɦʌm ɑ-em ɑ tu ɑ-iɦʌ
1SG.NOM come-FUT.H and 2SG.NOM come-2.FUT.MH
'I will come, and you will come.' (01.081)
ii. तू आ हम आएम ।
tu ɑ ɦʌm ɑem
tu ɑ ɦʌm ɑ-em
2SG.NOM and 1SG.NOM come-FUT.H
'You and I will come.'
e. 1SG/PL+2SG/PL+3SG/PL=1PL
i. हम ब त खुशी बानी, तू ब त खुशी बाड़ऽ, आ ऊ ब त खुशी बा ।
ɦʌm bʌɦut kʰusi bɑni tu bʌɦut kʰusi
1SG.NOM very happy be.PRES.H 2SG.NOM very happy
bɑɽʌ ɑ u bʌɦut kʰusi bɑ
be.2.PRES.MH and 3SG.NOM very happy be.3SG.PRES
'I'm very happy, you are very happy, and he is very happy.' (04.275)
ii. ऊ, तू आ हम ब त खुशी बानी ।
u tu ɑ ɦʌm bʌɦut kʰusi bɑni
3SG.NOM 2SG.NOM and 1SG.NOM very happy be.PRES.H
'He, you and I are very happy.'
c) Relative order of conjoined NPs
Cooper and Ross (1975) and Givόn (2001b:17) mention the hierachy of the
relative order of conjoined NPs be maintained in certain order. In some languages
such order is found rigid and in other languages flexible. Bhojpuri has also such usage
in practice. Besides, Bhojpuri has juxtaposition of the NPs more natural than the use
of conjunction. The natural order found in Bhojpuri is prsented as follows:
(i) Near >far
The spatial deictic words generally follow near>far order. But Bhojpuri has its
reverse usage too, as in (10a-b):
(10) a. एने तराई से लेके ओने चीन के बोडर तक ई तीन सय कलोमीटर जोड़ाए ना सक ?

278
ene tʌrɑi se leke one cin ke borɖʌr tʌk
ene tʌrɑi se le-ke one cin ke borɖʌr tʌk
Hither Terai source take-SEQ thither China GEN border till
i tin sɛ kilomiʈʌr joɽɑe nɑ sʌki
i tin sɛ kilomiʈʌr joɽ-ɑ-e nɑ sʌk-i
PROX three hundred kilometre connect-PASS-PUR NEG can-3.FUT
'Can this side of Terai and that side up to China boarder within three
hundred kilometres not be connected?' (01.064)
b. उहाँ िहमाल से लेके इहाँ मधेश तक जोड़ल जाओ … ।
uɦɑ̃ ɦimɑl se leke iɦɑ̃ mʌd̤ es tʌk
uɦɑ̃ ɦimɑl se le-ke iɦɑ̃ mʌd̤ es tʌk
there mountain source take-SEQ here Madhesh till
joɽʌl jɑo
joɽ-ʌl jɑ-o
connect-INF go-OPT
'Snowy mountains (there) and Madhesh (here) are connected together…' (01.043)
In examples (10a-b), the spatial deictic words एने से ओने /ene se one/ 'hither to

thither' follow near>far order in (10a) whereas उहाँ से इहाँ /uɦɑ̃ se iɦɑ̃/ 'there to here'
follow far>near order in (10b).
(ii) Adult>young
In terms of age the Bhojpuri conjoined NPs generally follow adult>young
order but there is its reverse usage, too, as shown in (11a-b).
(11) a. तम आ सोहराब दूनू बापूत लड़के मर गइलन ।
rustʌm ɑ soɦrɑb dunu bɑput lʌɽke
rustʌm ɑ soɦrɑb du nu bɑput lʌɽ-ke
Rustam and Sohrab two -EMPH father and son fight-SEQ
mʌr ɡʌilʌn
mʌr jɑ-il-ʌn
die go-PP-3.PST.MH
'Rustam and Sohrab, both father and son, died of fighting each other.'
b. पाँचो पांडव आ कुं ती छऊ बेटामातारी बने-बने घुमल ।
pɑ̃co pɑnɖʌb ɑ kunti cʰʌu beʈɑ-mɑtɑri

279
pɑ̃c-o pɑnɖʌb ɑ kunti cʰɔ-u beʈɑ-mɑtɑri
five-EMPH Pandavas and Kunti SIX-emph son and mother
bʌne bʌne ɡ̈umlẽ
bʌn-e bʌn-e ɡ̈um-ʌl-ẽ
forest-LOC forest-LOC wander-PP-3.PST.MH
'The five Pandavas and Kunti, all six sons and mother, wandered through
the forest.'
In (9a-b), बापूत /bɑput/ 'father and son' follows adult>young order in (9a)

whereas बेटामातारी /beʈɑ-mɑtɑri/ 'son and mother' follows young>adult order in (9b).
(iii) Male>female
In terms of gender, the ordering of conjoined NPs is male>female, as in (12)
(12) तोहरा अपनो बेटा-बेटी पर माया ना लागे ?
toɦrɑ ʌpno beʈɑ-beʈi pʌr mɑyɑ nɑ
tu-ʌr-ɑ ɑpʌn-o beʈɑ-beʈi pʌr mɑyɑ nɑ
2SG-GEN-DEF GEN-EMPH son and daughter LOC affection NEG

lɑɡe
lɑɡ-e
feel-3SG.PRES
'Do you have no affection for even your sons and daughters?' (09.161)
(iv) Singular> plural
The singular number generally precedes the plural one, as in (13):
(13) एको-दूगो कताब त पढ़ ।
eko duɡo kitɑb tʌ pʌɽ̊
ek-o du-ɡo kitɑb tʌ pʌɽ̊
one-EMPH two-CLF book COND read
'Read at least one or two books.'
(v) Animate>inanimate
The animate NP precedes the inanimate one, as shown in (14)
(14) रोजीगार जीअन-मरन के िवषय बा ।
rojiɡɑr jiʌn mʌrʌn ke bisɛ bɑ
employment life death GEN issue be.3SG.PRES
'Employment is the issue of life and death.'

280
(vi) Large>small
In terms of size the larger NP precedes the smaller one, but Bhojpuri has its
reverse order, too, as in (15a-b).
(15) a. हाँथी अपना पाँवे भारी आ िचउँ टी अपना पाँवे ।
ɦɑ̃tʰi ʌpnɑ pɑ̃we b̤ ɑri ɑ ciũʈi ʌpnɑ pɑ̃we
ɦɑ̃tʰi ʌpnɑ pɑ̃o-e b̤ ɑri ɑ ciũʈi ʌpnɑ pɑ̃o-e
elephant GEN foot-INS heavy and ant GEN foot-INS
'The elephant is heavy on its feet and the ant is on itself.'
b. चकु दार गाँव के छोटा-बड़ा सब भाई के बोलवलस ।
cʌkudɑr ɡɑ̃o ke cʰoʈɑ-bʌɽɑ sʌb b̤ ɑi ke
cʌkudɑr ɡɑ̃o ke cʰoʈɑ-bʌɽɑ sʌb b̤ ɑi ke
peon village GEN junior and senior all brother DAT

bolɔlʌs
bol-ɑ-wʌl-ʌs
speak-CAUS-PP-3SG.PST
'The peon called on all individuals, whether junior or senior ones.'
(vii) agent>patient
The agent NP generally precedes the patient one. But Bhojpuri has its reverse
usage, too, the dative, as shown in (16a-b).
(16) a. उहाँका का एगो भाषण देनी जे के ना बुझे सकल ।
uɦɑ̃kɑ kɑl̥ eɡo b̤ ɑsʌn deni
uɦɑ̃-kɑ kɑl̥ ek-ɡo b̤ ɑsʌn de-ni
3SG.H-SPEC yesterday one-CLF lecture give-PST.H
'He gave a lecture yesterday.'
b. का एगो कताब कन देनी हम बेटा के ।
kɑl̥ eɡo kitɑb kin deni ɦʌm beʈɑ ke
kɑl̥ ek-ɡo kitɑb kin de-ni ɦʌm beʈɑ ke
yesterday one-CLF book buy give-PST.H 1SG.NOM son DAT

'I bought a book to my son yesterday.'

(viii) Positive>negative
The positive NP precedes the negative one but Bhojpuri has its reverse usage,
too, as shown in (17a-b).
(17) a. बेसी भा कम, लड़ाई म ित दूनू ओर होला ।

281
besi b̤ ɑ kʌm lʌɽɑi mẽ cʰʌti dunu or ɦolɑ
besi b̤ ɑ kʌm lʌɽɑi mẽ cʰʌti du-nu or ɦo-lɑ
more OR less WAR loc casualty two-EMPH side be-3SG.PRES
'More or less, casualties are unavoidable for both sides in war.'
b. कमबेस जे होखे, हमनी दालेभात खानी ।
kʌmbes je ɦokʰe ɦʌmni dɑleb̤ ɑt kʰɑni
kʌmbes je ɦo-e ɦʌm-ni dɑl-e-b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-ni
less or more COND be-3.PRES 1SG-PL rice-EMPH-lentil eat-PRES.H
'Less or more, whatever is, we eat only rice and lentil.'
In (17a-b), बेसी भा कम /besi b̤ ɑ kʌm/ 'more or less' maintains positive>negative

order in (17a) but कमबेस /kʌmbes/ 'less or more' follows reverse order in (17b).
d) Noun phrases derived by nominalization
Givόn (2001b:24) defines nominalization as the process via which a finite
verbal clause is converted into a noun phrase. He further quotes Hopper and
Thompson (1984) to describe the process in terms of the syntactic adjustments from
the finite verbal-clause prototype to the nominal (NP) prototype. Thus nominalized
verbs have virtually all the same properties as prototype nominals.
(i) Verb becoming a head noun
The nominalized verb in Bhojpuri functions as the head noun, as shown in (18).
(18) िबना साधना ान ना होला ।
binɑ sɑd̤ nɑ ɡyɑn nɑ ɦolɑ
binɑ sɑd̤ nɑ ɡyɑn nɑ ɦo-lɑ
without devotion knowledge NEG be-3SG.PRES
'Knowledge is not possible without devotion.' (09.241)
In (18), ान /ɡyɑn/ 'knowledge' is a prototype noun derived from the prototype

verb stem जान /jɑn/ 'know' and has acquired property of subject in the finite clause.
(ii) Verb acquiring nominalizing morphology
A verb once nominalised, as shown in (18), acquires all the properties of
nominalized morphology. So, it is inflected for number and case, as shown in (19).
(19) अधूरा ान बेइ तो करा देला ।
ʌd̤ urɑ ɡyɑn beijjʌto kʌrɑ delɑ

282
ʌd̤ urɑ ɡyɑn beijjʌt-o kʌr-ɑ de-lɑ
incomplete knowledge insult-EMPH do-CAUS give-3SG.PRES
'Incomplete knowledge causes to be insulted, too.'
In (19), ान /ɡyɑn/ 'knowledge' is modified by अधूरा /ʌd̤ urɑ/ 'incomplete' as
well as it has stood as the third person singular agent to cause someone to be insulted,
as a prototype NP does in a finite clause.
(iii) Loss of tense-aspect-modal morphology
Once a verb in Bhojpuri is nominalized, it loses the tense-aspect-modal morphology.
(20) a. Finite clause
हमनी कमात रह ।
ɦʌmni kʌmɑt rʌɦĩ

ɦʌm-ni kʌmɑ-ʌt rʌɦ-ĩ

1SG.NOM-PL work-IMPF live-PST.H
'We were working.' (02.109)
b. Nominalized clause
काम जे हमनी करत रह ...
kɑm je ɦʌmni kʌrʌt rʌɦĩ
kɑm je ɦʌm-ni kʌr-ʌt rʌɦ-ĩ
work SUB 1SG.NOM-PL do-IMPF live-PST.H
'The work we were doing...'
The finite verb कमात रह /kʌmɑt rʌɦĩ/ 'were woking' in (20a) carries the
aspectual (durative and imperfective in sequence) morphemes followed by the past
tense copula whereas the same finite verb nominalized in (20b) loses all the tense-
aspect markers. Thus, the nominalized clause in Bhojpuri replaces the tense-aspect-
modal markers.
(iv) Loss of pronominal agreement morphology
When the finite verb in Bhojpuri is nominalized, it loses the pronominal
agreement morphology as shown in (21a-b).
(21) a. Finite clause
ऊ िबलाई खोजता ।
u bilɑi kʰojʌtɑ

283
u bilɑi kʰoj-ʌt bɑ
3SG.NOM cat search-IMPF be.3SG. PRES
'He is searching for a cat.' (13.043)
b. Nominalized clause
खोजी जे ऊ िबलाई के करता ।
kʰoji je u bilɑi ke kʌrtɑ
kʰoji je u bilɑi ke kʌr-ʌt bɑ
investigation SUB 3SG.NOM cat GEN do-IMPF be.3SG.PRES.M
'Investigation that he is continuing for a cat.'
The finite verb खोजता /kʰojʌtɑ/ 'search-IMPF+be.3SG.PRES' in (21a) is
characterized by the pronominal agreement of the subject. In contrast, the nominalized
verb खोजी /kʰoji/ 'search' in (21b) loses the pronominal agreement morpheme.
(v) Subject and/or object acquiring genitive case-marking
The subject NP and/or object of the finite clause acquire genitive case
marking, as shown in (22a-b).
(22) a. Finite clause
ऊ िबलाई खोजता ।
u bilɑi kʰojʌtɑ
u bilɑi kʰoj-ʌt bɑ
3SG.NOM cat search-IMPF be.3SG. PRES
'He is searching for a cat.' (13.043)
b. Nominalized clause
ओकर खोजी जे ऊ िबलाई के चलता ।
okʌr kʰoji je bilɑi ke cʌltɑ
u-ʌr kʰoji je bilɑi ke cʌl-ʌt bɑ
3SG-GEN search SUB cat GEN walk-IMPF be.3SG. PRES
'His search that is continuing for a cat.'
In example (22a), the subject of the finite clause ऊ /u/ 'he' is in nominative and

the object िबलाई /bilɑi/ 'cat' in the accusative cases respectively, whereas, when
nominalized in (22b) both are marked by the genitive case markers.

284
(vi) Conversion of adverbs into adjectives
The manner adverbs in the finite clause are converted into adjectives in
nominalized clause, as shown in (23a-b).
(23) a. Finite clause
घर िनमन से पोतऽ ।
ɡ̈ʌr nimʌn se potʌ
ɡ̈ʌr nimʌn se pot-ʌ
house good with paint-IMP.MH
'Paint the house well.' (09.395)
b. Nominalized clause
िनमन पोताई जे घर खोजता ।
nimʌn potɑi je ɡ̈ʌr kʰojʌtɑ
nimʌn potɑi je ɡ̈ʌr kʰoj-ʌt bɑ
good paint SUB house search-IMPF 3SG.PRES
'Good paint that the house needs...'
We see that the adverb िनमन से /nimʌn se/ 'well' in (23a) is converted into the

adjective िनमन /nimʌn/ 'good' in (23b).

Thus, it is to be noted that the process of nominalization in Bhojpuri
characterizes the syntactic adjustments from the finite verbal-clause prototype to the
nominal (NP) prototype as described in Givόn (2001b:25).
e) Functional dimensions of nominalization
An extensive use of clausal nominalization is found in Bhojpuri exhibited in
attributive phrases, complementation, relative clauses, and independent utterances, as
well as the use of derivational nominalization. Different functional dimensions of
Bhojpuri nominalization is discussed below:
(i) Attributive phrases
Attributive phrases in Bhojpuri are formed with the process of nominalization,
as in (24).
(24) मूदा लोग से आस मत कर ।
murdɑ loɡ se ɑs mʌt kʌr
dead people ABL hope NEG do.IMP
'Don't hope from the dead people.'

285
In example (24), the attributive adjective मूदा /murdɑ/ 'dead' is formed from

the verb मर /mʌr/ 'die' and used as corpse in Bhojpuri. It has been used here as an

attributive phrase before लोग /loɡ/ 'people'.

(ii) Complementation
Nominalized structures function as the complement of the copular verb हो /ɦo/

'be/become'. Likewise, the verb रह /rʌɦ/ 'live' is frequently used as a copular verb.
Both the usages are shown in (25).
(25) a. हम त भाव के भुिखआ बानी ।
ɦʌm tʌ b̤ ɑw ke b̤ ukʰiɑ bɑni
ɦʌm tʌ b̤ ɑo ke b̤ ukʰ-iɑ bɑni
1SG.NOM COND deference GEN hunger-ADJ be.PRES.H
'I am hungry for deference.' (09.362)
b. छन म राजा बने िभखारी ।
cʰʌn mẽ rɑjɑ bʌne b̤ ikʰɑri
cʰʌn mẽ rɑjɑ bʌn-e b̤ ikʰɑri
moment LOC king make-3.PRES beggar
'The king becomes beggar within a wink.' (04.080)
c. लइका के के स ब त लामा आ मुह ब ते सुथर रहे ।
lʌikɑ ke kes bʌɦut lɑmɑ ɑ muɦ bʌɦute sutʰʌr
lʌikɑ ke kes bʌɦut lɑmɑ ɑ muɦ bʌɦut-e sutʰʌr
boy GEN hair very long and mouth very-EMPH attractive
rʌɦe
rʌɦ-e
live-3.PST
'The boy's hair was extremely long and face highly attractive.' (05.046)
(iii) Relative clauses
Nominalized verbs function as the relative clauses as shown in (26a-b).2
(26) a. भोजपुरी समाज के जौन प रक पना रहे, ऊ ितिनिधमूलक ढङ से करे ।
b̤ ojpuri sʌmɑj ke jɔn pʌrikʌlpʌnɑ rʌɦe u

2. Relative clauses are discussed in detail in Chapter 13.

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b̤ ojpuri sʌmɑj ke jɔn pʌrikʌlpʌnɑ rʌɦ-e u
Bhojpuri society GEN SUB hypothesis live-3.PST DIST

prʌtinid̤ imulʌk ɖ̈ʌŋ se byʌkt kʌre

prʌtinid̤ i-mulʌk ɖ̈ʌŋ se byʌkt kʌr-e
representation-ADJ way means expressed do-3.PST
'It used to express representatively what hypothesis of the Bhojpuri society
was, too.' (03.301)
b. जौन अवरोधक बा ओकरा के छोड़ेके पड़ी, ई हमर कहनाम बा ।
jɔn ʌbrod̤ ʌk bɑ okʌrɑ ke cʰoɽeke
jɔn ʌbrod̤ -ʌk bɑ u-ʌr-ɑ ke cʰoɽ-e-ke
SUB obstruction-ADJ be.3SG.PRES 3SG-GEN-DEF ACC leave-PUR-SEQ
pʌɽi
pʌɽ-i
fall-3.FUT
'Whoever is obstacle has to be abandoned.' (03.356)
9.2 Word order in simple clauses
As already noted, Bhojpuri is syntactically nominative-accusative. The
constituent order in Bhojpuri may be discussed as follows:
9.2.1 Order of constituents in simple clauses
The basic and variant word order of the core constituents in the simple clauses
are dealt with, as follows:
a) Unmarked order
Bhojpuri, a nominative-accusative Indo-Aryan language, holds the usual word
order of SOV. However, flexibility in the basic order is found in pragmatically marked
constructions. The basic/unmarked word order in Bhojpuri is discussed as follows:
(i) Intransitive clause
In an intransitive clause, the subject precedes the finite verb, as in (27).
(27) Subject-verb (SV)
राम आइल ।
[rɑm]SBJ [ɑil]VRB
rɑm ɑ-il
rɑm come-3SG.PST
'Ram came.' (Boodhoo, 2010:28)

287
(ii) Transitive clause
The order of the constituents in a transitive clause is subject-object-verb (SOV)
as in (28).
(28) Subject-object-verb (SOV)
गणेश चौधरीजी एगो कताब िलखले बानी ।
[ɡʌnes cʌud̤ ʌriji]SBJ [eɡo kitɑb]DO [likʰle bɑni]VRB
ɡʌnes cʌud̤ ʌri-ji ek-ɡo kitɑb likʰ-ʌl-e bɑni
Ganesh Chaudhary-H one-CLF book write-PP-SEQ be.PRES.H
'Ganesh Chaudharyji has written a book.' (04.104)
c) Intransitive clause with an indirect object
In an intransitive clause with an indirect object, the order of the clausal
constituents is: subject-indirect object-verb, as in (29).
(29) Subject-indirect object-verb (S-IO-V)
हड़ताली लोग नाका पर बैठल बाटे ।
[ɦʌɽtɑli loɡ]SBJ [nɑkɑ pʌr]IO [bʌiʈʰʌl bɑʈe]VRB
ɦʌɽtɑl-i loɡ nɑkɑ pʌr bʌiʈʰ-ʌl bɑ
strike-NOML PL entry point LOC sit-INF be.3SG.PRES
'The protesters are sitting at the entry point.' (09.028)
(iv) Transitive clause with direct and indirect objects
In a ditransitive clause with direct and indirect objects, the normal order of the
constituents is: subject-indirect object-direct object-verb, as in (30).
(30) Subject- indirect object-direct object-verb (S-IO-DO-V)
हम ओके कताब देनी ।
[ɦʌm]SBJ [oke]IO [kitɑb]DO [deni]VRB
ɦʌm u-e kitɑb de-ni
1SG.NOM 3SG-DAT book give-PST.H
'I gave him/her a book.' (06.008)
e) Adjectival predicate clause
In a clause with an adjectival predicate, the order of the constituent will be
subject-predicate-copula, as in (31).
(31) Subject-predicate-copula (S-PRED-COP)
मधेशी लोग कमजोर बा ।
[mʌd̤ esi loɡ]SBJ [kʌmjor]PRD [bɑ]COP

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mʌd̤ es-i loɡ kʌmjor bɑ
Madhesh-ADJ people weak be.3SG.PRES
'Madheshis are weak.' (02.078)
(vi) Nominal predicate clause
In a clause with a nominal predicate, the order of the constituents will be
subject-predicate-copula, as in (32):
(32) Subject-predicate-copula (S-PRED-COP)
उहाँका इितहास बानी ।
[uɦɑ̃kɑ]SBJ [itiɦɑs]PRD [bɑni]VRB
uɦɑ̃-kɑ itiɦɑs bɑni
there-SPEC history be.PRES.H
'S/he is history.' (04.002)
(vii) Sentential complement clause
In a clause with a sentential complement, the order of constituents will be
subject-complement-verb, as in (33).
(33) Subject-complement-verb (S-COMP-V)
हम तोहिनओ कु छ कर कहतानी ।
[ɦʌm]SBJ [toɦnio kucʰ kʌr]CMP [kʌɦʌtɑni]VRB
ɦʌm tu-ni-o kuch kʌr kʌɦ-ʌt bɑni
1SG.NOM 2SG-PL-EMPH something do say-IMPF be.PRES.H
'I amd tell telling you, do something.'
(viii) Sentence with clausal complement
In a sentence with a clausal complement, the order of the constituents will be
subject-complement-verb, as in (34).
(34) Subject-complement-verb (S-COMP-V)
हमनी उनका से बातचीत कइल ज री समझनी ।
[ɦʌmni]SBJ [unkɑ se bɑtcit kʌil jʌruri]CMP
ɦʌm-ni u-kɑ se bɑtcit kʌr-il jʌruri
1SG-PL 3SG-GEN.H with talk do-INF need
[sʌmʌȷ̈ ni]VRB
sʌmʌȷ̈ -ni
understand-PST.H
'We felt essential to talk to him.' (04.004)

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(ix) Sentence with clausal object complement
In a sentence with a clausal object complement, the order of the constituents
will be subject-indirect object-complement-verb as in (35):
(35) Subject-indirect object-complement-verb (S-IO-COMP-V)
हम राजु के हँसा देनी ।
[ɦʌm]SBJ [rɑju ke]IO [ɦʌ̃sɑ]CMP [deni]VRB
ɦʌm rɑju ke ɦʌ̃s-ɑ de-ni
1SG Raju DAT laugh-CAUS give-PST.H
'I made Raju laugh.'
On the basis of examples (27-35), some properties of word order in Bhojpuri
have come on the surface. In a single argument clause the word order is simply S-V.
Likewise, S is the intial and V is the final constituents of all the simple clauses. In
between the two, O comes to be in the middle in transitive clause. Besides, O also
categorized as DO and IO along with Pred (predicates) and Comp (complements), all
constituents simply fall between S and V, already presented.
b) Word order in complex clauses
Word order in complex ('marked') clauses is a bit flexible or variant in
comparision with the simple ones as follows:
(i) Variant order for verbal complements
The unmarked position of the verbal complement is between the subject and
verb; however, it may be shifted to the clause final position, as in (36).
(36) Subject-verb-complement
हमरो इ छा भइल क हम ँ कु छ िलख -पढ़ ।
[ɦʌmro iccʰɑ]SBJ [b̤ ʌil]VRB [ki ɦʌmɦũ kucʰ
ɦʌm-ʌr-o iccʰɑ b̤ ʌ-il ki ɦʌm-ɦũ kucʰ
1SG-GEN-EMPH desire become-3SG.PST COMP 1SG-EMPH something
likʰĩ pʌɽ̊ĩ]CMP
likʰ-ĩ pʌɽ̊-ĩ
write-OPT read-OPT
'I also wished I should write and recite something.' (04.022)
(ii) (Constrastive) topicalization/L-dislocation
The object of a transitive clause may be topicalized/L-dislocated to create a
contrastive situation, as in (37).

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(37) Object-subject-verb (OSV)
दोहा, अपने सुनतानी ।
[doɦɑ]DO [ʌpne]SBJ [sunʌtɑni]VRB
doɦɑ ʌpne sun-ʌt bɑni
couplet 2 SG.H listen-IMPF be.PRES.H
'Couplets(,) you listen to (them).' (03.222)
In (37), the object is promoted and subject is highlighted and the structure has
become OSV.
(iii) Wh-question
In common with other IA (SOV) languages, the position of wh-question in
Bhojpuri is the place of the questioned constituent, however, it can be fronted in
pragmatically marked clauses, as in (38).
(38) DAT/O-S-ACC/IO-V
के के रउआ कताब देनी ?
[ke ke]IO [rʌuɑ]SBJ [kitɑb]DO [deni]VRB
ke ke rʌuɑ kitɑb de-ni
who DAT 2SG.H book give-PST.H
'Who did you give the book to?' (06.005)
Simply dative is IO and accusative is DO, but they are also interchanged as
dative DO and accusative IO, specially if the question is raised for identification of
dative, and if so, it comes before S as shown in (39).
d) Inverse/passive (DAT/O-ACC/IO-AGT-V)
(39) Inverse passive
इं के र ाबंधन गु ारा बा हल गइल ।
[indrʌ ke]IO [rʌkcʰɑbʌnd̤ ʌn]DO [ɡuru dwɑrɑ]SBJ [bɑn̥ ʌl
indrʌ ke rʌkcʰɑ-bʌnd̤ ʌn ɡuru dwɑrɑ bɑn̥ -ʌl
king DAT protection-bond teacher by bind-INF
ɡʌil]VRB
jɑ-il
go-3SG.PST
'Indra was bonded with Raxabandhan by his teacher.' (09.026)
In the case of stress on S with presence of dative DO and accusative IO in
passive constructions, both the objects stand before S as shown in (39).

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e) Pseudo-cleft/emphatic
To focus a particular constituent, the object may be fronted to the beginning to
yield object-verb-subject-copula order, as in (40).
(40) Pseudo-cleft/emphatic (O-V-S-COP)
अन िजआन करे वाला कु छ लोग रहे ।
[ʌn]DO [jiɑn kʌrewɑlɑ]VRB [kucʰ loɡ]SBJ [rʌɦe]COP
ʌn jiɑn kʌr-e-wɑlɑ kucʰ loɡ rʌɦ-e
food spoil do-PUR-owner some people live-3.PST
'There were some people who spoilt food.' (02.044)
If the verb is infinite and a copula is in the clause final position, O and V both
precede S as, shown in (40).
9.2.2 Order of the constituents in phrases
The order of constituents in different types of phrases is discussed as follows:
a) Constituent order in the noun phrase
Constituents in Bhojpuri noun phrases have already been discussed in the
Section 9.1.
b) Constituent order in the adjectival phrase
In Bhojpuri, the adjectival phrases have some internal complexity, as
mentioned in Hindi (Koul 2008:173) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:317-8). Thus, the
constituents in an adjectival phrase have some sort of orders. We discuss the order of
constituents in the adjectival phrase as follows:
(i) Order of degree word and adjective
The words like ब त /bʌɦut/ 'very', अिधक /ʌd̤ ik/ 'more', and तिनका /tʌnikɑ/ 'a
bit' are the degree words in Bhojpuri, traditionally called adverbs that indicate the
degree of the adjectives. Dryer (2003:43) notes that both orders, i.e., either DEG-ADJ
or ADJ-DEG order is attested among Tibeto-Burman languages where the DEG-ADJ is
dominating. But Bhojpuri, an Indo-Aryan sov language, has the regular order of DEG-
ADJ, as in (41a-b).
(41) a. ई एगो ब त गलत मानिसकता के उपज ह ।
i eɡo [bʌɦut]DW [ɡʌlʌt]ADJ mɑnsiktɑ ke upʌj
i ek-ɡo bʌɦut ɡʌlʌt mɑnsiktɑ ke upʌj
PROX one-CLF very bad mentality GEN product
ɦʌ

292
ɦʌ
be.3SG.PRES
'This is the outcome of the worst mentatlity.' (01.076)
b. ओ लोग के भाषा आउर लोग से तिनका फरक बा ।
o loɡ ke b̤ ɑsɑ ɑur loɡ se [tʌnikɑ]DW
3SG PL GEN language other people ABL little
[pʰʌrʌk]ADJ bɑ
different be.3SG.PRES
'Their language is a bit different from the others.' (03.169)
The examples in (41a-b) exemplify that the degree words ब त /bʌɦut/ 'very'

and तिनका /tʌnikɑ/ 'a bit' precede the adjectives गलत /ɡʌlʌt/ 'bad' and फरक /pʰʌrʌk/
'different' they intensify respectively.
(ii) Comparative construction
In the comparative construction to expression of adjective, the order is
standard marker-adjective in Bhojpuri, as in (42a-b).
(42) a. बािल सु ीव से ब रआर रहे ।
bɑli suɡrib [se]SM [bʌriɑr]ADJ rʌɦe
bɑli suɡrib se bʌriɑr rʌɦ-e
Bali Sugriva comp strong live-3.PST
'Bali was stronger than Sugriva.'
b. एह तरे सब से उ म कृ िषकाय बा कहल जात रहे ।
eɦ tʌre [sʌb se]SM [uttʌm]ADJ krisikɑryʌ bɑ
eɦ tʌre sʌb se uttʌm krisi-kɑryʌ bɑ
PROX such all than preferable agriculture-work be.3SG.PRES
kʌɦʌl jɑt rʌɦe
kʌɦ-ʌl jɑ-ʌt rʌɦ-e
say-INF go-IMPF live-3.PST
'So, the agriculture was said to be the best choice of occupations.' (03.315)
Going through instances (42a-b), से /se/ 'than' is used before the adjective

ब रआर /bʌriɑr/ 'strong' to change it into comparative in (42a) and before the adjective

उ म /uttʌm/ 'preferable' preceded by सब /sʌb/ 'all' to change it into superlative in (42b).

293
c) Word order in the adverbial phrase
As Hindi (Koul 2008:176-9) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:316-7) exhibit, we
discuss the word order in adverbial phrases in Bhojpuri as follows:
(i) Order of the manner adverb and verb
Dryer (2008: 15) asserts that there is a strong crosslinguistic tendency for manner
adverbs in OV languages to precede the verb. In line with the usual order of manner
adverb preceding the verb, Bhojpuri manner adverbs precede the main verb, as in (43a-b).
(43) a. ज रत अनुसार पानी ध-धके िनमन से सानेके ।
jʌrurʌt ʌnusɑr pɑni d̤ ʌ d̤ ʌke [nimʌn se]ADV
jʌrurʌt ʌnusɑr pɑni d̤ ʌr d̤ ʌr-ke nimʌn se
need according to water put put-SEQ good SPEC

[sɑneke]VRB
sɑn-e-ke
knead-PUR-SEQ
'To knead it well, adding water as needed.' (13.159)
b. ङौ से आ ।
[ŋɔ se]ADV [ɑ]VRB
secret with come.IMP
'Come secretly.' (09.125)
In example (43a-b), the manner adverb िनमन से /nimʌn se/ 'well' in (43a) and ङौ

से /ŋɔ se/ 'secretly' in (43b) precede the main verbs सान /sɑn/ 'knead' and आ /ɑ/ 'come'
respectively. However, the manner adverb may follow the verb for some pragmatic
effect, as in (44).
(44) भागल लोग लुती लेखा !
[b̤ ɑɡʌl]VRB loɡ [luti lekʰɑ]ADV
b̤ ɑɡ-ʌl loɡ luti lekʰɑ
flee-3.PST people spark as
'They fled quickly as sparkling.' (11.028)
In (44), we see that the manner adverb लुती लेखा /luti lekʰɑ/ 'as sparkling' is
post-posed from its usual preverbal position to code the intensity of horror.

294
(ii) Expression of ability
In Bhojpuri, ability is expressed by the verb verb सक /sʌk/ 'can or be able'. It
always follows the infinitive form of the main verb as the principal character of most
of the OV languages, as in (45).
(45) पूव सभासद भी हमनी कह सकतानी ।
purb sʌb̤ ɑsʌd b̤ i ɦʌmni [kʌɦ]VRB [sʌkʌtɑni]ABV
purb sʌb̤ ɑsʌd b̤ i ɦʌm-ni kʌɦ sʌk-ʌt bɑni
former CA Member also 1SG-PL say can-IMP be.PRES.H
'We can also call him a former CA Member.' (03.016)
In example (45), we see that in line with the characteristics of the OV languages,
the ability word सक /sʌk/ 'can' in Bhojpuri follows the main verb कह /kʌɦ/ 'say'.
9.2.3 Order of clauses in complex sentences
In this sub-section, the preferred/unmarked order of clauses in the complex
sentences in Bhojpuri is taken into consideration as displayed in Chitoniya Tharu
(Paudyal 2013:344), Maithili (Yadav 2014:82-106), Hindi (Koul 2008:179-82) and
Nepali (Adhikari 2016:420). Specifically, the order of relative clause in relation to
noun, the order of adverbial clauses and the order of complement clause in relation to
the main clause are discussed here.
a) Relative clause and the head noun
Just as the adjective precedes the noun it modifies in Bhojpuri, the relative
clause also precedes the relativized head noun it modifies. Besides, it may occur as
post-nominal as well as internally headed or as headless.3
b) Adverbial clause and main clause
The adverbial clauses generally precede the main clause in Bhojpuri. They are
temporal, conditional, counter-factual, concessive, purpose and participial (sequential
and simultaneous) adverbial clauses.4
c) Complement clause and verb
In Bhojpuri, complement clauses acquires the respective position of the noun
slot, i.e., they stand as a subject, direct or indirect object. Consequently, the subject

3. Chapter 13.4.2 examines the phenomenon in detail.

4. All these types of adverbial clauses are treated in Chapter 13.2.

295
complement clause occurs in the usual subject position and the object complement
clause occurs in the object position.5
9.2.4 Order of bound morphemes
This sub-section deals with the order of bound morphemes in Bhojpuri. First,
we examine the bound morphemes related to nominal morphology. Then, the order of
tense, aspect and modal morphemes is taken into consideration. Lastly, we discuss the
place of negative morphemes in Bhojpuri.
a) Order of nominal morphemes
Bhojpuri nouns generally employ the feminine, plural and case marking
morphemes, all of them following their head. But the case markers are generally not
bound in Bhojpuri. Among the former two, feminine marker precedes the plural one.
When the case marker is bound, it is the final. But if faminized and/or pluralized, the
case marker is only peripheral. They are exemplified in as in (46).
(46) a. Masculine>plural>accusative
लइकन के मनोरं जन करावत रहनी ।
lʌikʌn ke mʌnorʌnjʌn kʌrɑwʌt rʌɦni
lʌik-ɑ-ʌn ke mʌnorʌnjʌn kʌr-ɑ-wʌt rʌɦ-ni
child-M-PL DAT entertainment do-CAUS-IMPF live-PST.H
'They used to entertain the boys.' (03.255)
b. Feminine>plural>nominative
लइ कअन खइली स ?
lʌikiʌn kʰʌili sʌ
lʌik-i-ʌn kʰɑ-il-i sʌ
child-F-PL eat-PP-3.PST.F.MH PL

'Did the girls have their meal?'

c. Feminine>plural>genitive
िचउँ टअन के ल कर कहाँ जा रहल बा?
ciũʈiʌn ke lʌskʌr kʌɦɑ̃ jɑ rʌɦʌl bɑ
ciũʈ-i-ʌn ke lʌskʌr kʌɦɑ̃ jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
ant-F-PL GEN colony where go live-INF be.3SG.PRES
'Where is the colony of ants going?'

5. Complement clauses are examined in detail in Chapter 13.1.

296
b) Tense-aspect-modal morphology
In general, the inherent characteristics of the Bhojpuri verb stems are presented
in non-honorific imperative mood. They are suffixed by -इल /-il/ or -अल /-ʌl/ or

sometimes by -वल /-wʌl/ that present them in infinitive or perfective aspects. Generally

the infinitive/perfective suffix -अल /-ʌl/ turns into -वल /-wʌl/ with the long back vowel -

आ /-a/ final verb stem. Hence, the order of tense, aspect and modal morphemes in
Bhojpuri may be observed either suffixed with the verb stem or following the
infinitive/perfective paradigms.6
c) Negation morpheme
There are some negative morphemes in Bhojpuri either as prefix to the nouns,
adjectives and infinitives/perfectives or separate prepositions to the adverbs or finite
verbs, as presented in (47a-e).
(47) a. Prefix to a noun
ब त अबेर हो गइल, तिनका र तार बढ़ावऽ ।
bʌɦut ʌber ɦo ɡʌil tʌnikɑ rʌpʰtɑr
bʌɦut ʌ-ber ɦo jɑ-il tʌnikɑ rʌpʰtɑr
very NEG-time be go-3SG.PST little speed
bʌɽ̊ɑwʌ
bʌɽ̊-ɑ-wʌ
increase-CAUS-IMP.MH
'It's too late, please increase your speed.' (09.206)
b. Prefix to an adjective
हरदम चूप रहल बेठीक बा ।
ɦʌrdʌm cup rʌɦʌl beʈʰik bɑ
ɦʌrdʌm cup rʌɦ-ʌl be-ʈʰik bɑ
always silent live-INF NEG-right be.3SG.PRES
'To be silent all the time is wrong.'
c. Prefix to an infinitive/perfective
बेकहल काम मत कर ।
bekʌɦʌl kɑm mʌt kʌr

6. Tense-aspect-modality has been discussed in Chapter 10 in detail.

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be-kʌɦ-ʌl kɑm mʌt kʌr
NEG-say-PP work NEG do.IMP
'Don't word disobediently'
d. Preposition before finite verb
भोजपुरी हम चाहेम तइयो ना छु टी ।
b̤ ojpuri ɦʌm cɑɦem tʌio nɑ cʰuʈi
b̤ ojpuri ɦʌm cɑɦ-em tʌ-io nɑ cʰuʈ-i
Bhojpuri 1SG want-FUT.H COND-EMPH NEG leave-3SG.FUT
'Bhojpuri won't be apart from me even I whish' (03.049)
e. Negative copula नइख /nʌikʰ/

ऊ हमर चाहना भी नइखे ।

u ɦʌmʌr cɑɦnɑ b̤ i nʌikʰe
u ɦʌm-ʌr cɑɦnɑ b̤ i nʌikʰ-e
DIST 1SG-GEN will also not to be-3.PRES
'It is not my choice, too.' (03.049)
Going through examples in (47a-e), we observe that the negative marker
prefix attatched with nouns, adjectives and infinitive/perfective nonfinite verbs derive
only adjectives. Likewise, ना /nɑ/ and मत /mʌt/ are the negative prepositions before

verbs. Moreover, नइख /nʌikʰ/ 'be.NEG.PRES' is the present negative copula primarily
found in Bhojpuri.
9.3 Summary
In this chapter, we looked at noun phrases and the syntactic use of word order
in Bhojpuri. Noun phrases in Bhojpuri are categorized as simplex and complex. A
noun phrase can consist of a single noun or pronoun with other elements such as
demonstrative, genitive, number, adjective and relative clause, noun, compound noun
and pronoun in Bhojpuri. Likewise, the number and case marker morphemes are also
the elements of a noun phrase. NP→(Dem)-(Gen)-(Num)-(appositional phrase (AP))-
Head is the common linear order of a noun phrase. Besides, there is also availability
of scattered NPs in Bhojpuri. The complex noun phrases are found in Bhojpuri to
have been juxtaposed or conjoined by conjunction, joint participants in a single event,
in relative order of near>far, adult>young, male>female, singular>plural,
animate>inanimate, large>small, agent>patient and positive>negative but most of
them are also found in reverse order in Bhojpuri.

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Bhojpuri is an SOV order language. Most of the implications of the SOV word
order hold true in Bhojpuri. Adjectives, demonstratives, genitives and numerals in
Bhojpuri precede the head nouns they modify. However, Bhojpuri allows enough
flexibility of the constituents in the pragmatically marked constructions. The degree
word modifying an adjective precedes it. Manner adverbs in Bhojpuri precede the main
verb in unmarked clauses. The ability word follows the main verb. In complex
sentences, the relative clause precedes the head noun it modifies. Bit it may succeed the
head noun or be internally headed or headless. Most of the adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri
precede the main clause; however, the cause and reason adverbial clauses follow the
main clause. Complement clauses in Bhojpuri occupy the slot between the subject and
the main verb. All the affixal elements, except the negative morpheme, follow their
heads. In a finite verbal complex, aspect markers precede the tense marker. The
negative prefix in Bhojpuri may be repeated to create absolutive negative sense.

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CHAPTER 10
TENSE, ASPECT AND MODALITY
10.0 Outline
This chapter deals with the functional organization of one of the most complex
grammatical subsystems; tense, aspect and modality (henceforth TAM) in Bhojpuri. It
consists of five sections. Section 10.1 deals with tense. In section 10.2 we analyze
aspects in Bhojpuri. Section 10.3 presents modality and section 10.4 analyzes mood
and we summarize the findings in the chapter in section 10.5.
10.1 Tense
Comrie (1985:9) describes tense as grammaticalized expression of location in
time. Likewise, Payne (1997:233) expresses that tense is associated with sequence of
events in real time. Masica (1991:279) notes that the real tenses are present and past,
to which future may be added.
Tense involves the systematic coding of the relation between two points along
the ordered linear dimension of time: reference time and event time (Givón, 2001:285),
describing the time of speech as the unmarked ('default') temporal reference point vis-a-
a-vis which event/state calauses are anchored with. Temporal anchoring to this default
reference point is called absolute tense that can be presented as:
Diagram 10.1: Tense and temporal anchoring
Event-time:
past present future

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

speech-time
reference time
Source: Givón (2001a:286)
Diagram 10.1 distinguishes three major tense divisions Bhojpuri does have
(Grierson 1884a:35, Ojha 1915[1982]:27-28, Tiwari 1954:262 and 1960:166, Nirbhik
1975:91, Tripathy 1987:223, Shrivastava 1999:80, Sharma and Ashk 2007:34, Singh
2009:108 and 2013:95 and Thakur 2011:102). It is so because verbs in Bhojpuri are
morphologically marked for all the three tenses. Givón (2001a:286) suggests the
fourth one, habitual, too. But this can apprear with tenses as an aspect as far as
Bhojpuri is concerned.

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As we have already declared tense depends on verbal inflectional system, it is
essential to discuss on the verb stems and suffixes that change it into infinitive and
participles. Bhojpuri has some typical characters with formation of infinitives and
participles as both are the same in the language. There are two morphemes suffixal to
Bhojpuri verbs for infinitive or participle marking, i.e., -इल /-il/ and -अल /-ʌl/ or -वल /-wʌl/.
Some of the verbal roots and their infinitives and participles are presented in Table 10.1.
Table 10.1 Verb-stems and their infinitive and participle paradigms
Verbal stems suffixes Infinitives/participles
खा- /kʰɑ-/ 'eat' -इल /-il/ खाइल /kʰɑil/ 'to eat/eaten'

िप- /pi-/ 'drink' -अल /-ʌl/ िपअल /piʌl/ 'to drink/ drunk'

जा- /jɑ-/ 'go' -इल /-il/ गइल /ɡʌil/ 'to go/gone'

बो- /bo-/ 'sow' -अल /-ʌl/ बोअल /boʌl/ 'to sow/sown'

खे- /kʰe-/ 'row' -अल /-ʌl/ or -वल /- खेअल /kʰeʌl/ or खेवल /kʰewʌl/ 'to
wʌl/ row/rown'
मु- /mu-/ or मर्- /mʌr/ -अल /-ʌl मुअल /muʌl/ or मरल /mʌrʌl 'to die/died
'die'
मुआ- /muɑ-/ 'kill' -वल /-wʌl/ मुआवल /muɑwʌl/ 'to kill/killed'

मार्- /mɑr-/ 'beat/kill' -अल -ʌl मारल /mɑrʌl/ 'to beat/beaten or to

kill/killed'
दे- /de-/ 'give' -अल -ʌl देल /del/ or देहल /deɦʌl/ 'to give/given'

As shown in Table 10.1, we note labial glidation of the half open mid vowel अ /ʌ/

with half closed front vowel ए /e/ changing into व /w/ as in खेअल /kʰeʌl/→खेवल /kʰewʌl/

'to row/rown' and मुआवल /muɑwʌl/ 'to kill/killed', change of intial unaspirated voiced

affricate alveolar ज /j/ into unaspirated voiced velar stop ग /ɡ/ as well as shortening of

open back vowel आ /ɑ/ into half open mid vowel अ /ʌ/ as in in जाइल /jɑil/→गइल /ɡʌil/ 'to

go/gone'. Moreover, we note dropping of -अ /-ʌ/ or its retention with insertion of

unaspirated glottal fricative ह /ɦ/ between half close front vowel ए /e/ and half open mid

vowel अ /ʌ/ as in देल /del/→देहल /deɦʌl/ 'to give/given'. Such morphophonemic changes
in verb morphology will be meaningful while discussing TAM.

301
As displayed in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:194), Maithili (Yadav
1996:217), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:238), Hindi (Koul 2008:105) and Nepali
(Upadhyay 2010:93 and Adhikari 2016:199), Bhojpuri has three tense system: past,
future and present.
10.1.1 Past tense
An event (or state) whose event-time proceeds the time of speech is regarded
as past tense. The past tense in Bhojpuri is marked differently according to the person,
number, gender and honorificity. For past tense, participle forms of verbs are used but
followed by -इस /-is/, -ए /-e/, -एँ /-ẽ/, -अ /-ʌ/, -ऊ /-u/, -अस /-ʌs/, -अक /-ʌk/, -अख /-ʌkʰ/,

-अन /-ʌn/, -इनी /-ini/, -अनी /-ʌni/ or -नी /-ni/ for second and third perosn in accordance

with gender, number and honorificity. Among them, the suffix -ए /-e/ is the outcome

of grammaticalization of the multifunctional clitic -ए /-e/, already discussed in

Chapter 6.2. Moreover, -इनी /-ini/ or -अनी /-ʌni/ or -नी /-ni/ is full honorific marker in

all environments replacing the infinitive/participle markers -इल /-il/ or -अल /-ʌl/. All
are exemplified in (1a-i).
(1) a. तेँ अइिलस/ले ।
tẽ ʌilis/e
tẽ ɑ-il-is/e
2SG.NOM come-PP-2.PST
'You came.' (non-honorific)
b. तू समझलऽ ।
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ lʌ
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ -ʌl-ʌ
2SG.NOM understand-PP-2.PST.MH
'You understood.' (mid-honorific-masculine) (06.044)
c. तू समझलू ।
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ lu
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ -ʌl-u
2SG.NOM understand-PP-2.PST.F.MH
'You understood.' (mid-honorific-feminine)
d. राम आइल ।
rɑm ɑil

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rɑm ɑ-il
rɑm come-3SG.PST
'Ram came.' (Boodhoo, 2010:28)
e. छोटकु पंजाब प च
ँ लक/ख ।
cʰoʈku pʌnjɑb pʌɦũclʌk/kʰ
cʰoʈ-ku pʌnjɑb pʌɦũc-ʌl-ʌk/kʰ
small-SPEC Punjab reach-PP-3SG.PST
'The younger reached Punjab.' (10.039)
f. ऊ भात खइलस
u b̤ ɑt kʰʌilʌs
u b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-il-ʌs
3SG.NOM rice eat-PP-3SG.PST
'He ate rice.'
g. हमर भइआ कहलन/ल ।
ɦʌmʌr b̤ ʌiɑ kʌɦlʌn/ẽ
ɦʌm-ʌr b̤ ʌiɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌn/ẽ
1SG-GEN elder brother say-PP-3.PST.MH
'My brother said.' (10.099)
h. बाबुजी अइनी ।
bɑbuji ʌini
bɑbu-ji ɑ-ini
father-H come-PST.H
'Father came.' (010.505)
i. हम दाई के देखनी ।
ɦʌm dɑi ke dekʰni
ɦʌm dɑi ke dekʰ-ni
1SG.NOM grandmother ACC see-PST.H
'I saw grandmother.' (010.096)
On the basis of instances presented (1a-i) paradigms of verb खा- /kʰɑ-/ 'eat' and

देख- /dekʰ-/ 'see' are presented in table 10.2 and 10.3 respectively.

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Table 10.2 Paradigms of the verb खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in past tense
Number
Person Gender Honorificity Singular Plural
1/2/3 M/F H खइनी /kʰʌini/
2 M/F NH खइिलस /kʰʌilis/ खइले /kʰʌile/
2 M MH खइलऽ /kʰʌilʌ/
2 F MH खइलू /kʰʌilu/
3 M NH खइलक /kʰʌilʌk/ खइलन /kʰʌilʌn/,

खइलख /kʰʌilʌkʰ/ खइलेन /kʰʌilen/,

खइलस /kʰʌilʌs/ खइल /kʰʌilẽ/

3 M MH खइल /kʌilẽ/, खइलन /kʰʌilʌn/, खइलेन /kʰʌilen/
3 F MH खइली /kʰʌili/

Table 10.3 Paradigms of the verb देख /dekʰ/ in past tense

Number
Person Gender Honorificity Singular Plural
1/2/3 M/F H देखनी /dekʰni/
2 M/F NH देखिलस /dekʰlis/ देखले /dekʰle/
2 M MH देखलऽ /dekʰlʌ/
2 F MH देखलू /dekʰlu/
3 M NH देखलक /dekʰlʌk/ देखलन /dekʰlʌn/,

देखलख /dekʰlʌkʰ/ देखलेन /dekʰlen/,

देखलस /dekʰlʌs/ देखलेँ /dekʰlẽ/

3 M MH देखलेँ /dekʰlẽ/, देखलेन /dekʰlen/, देखलन /dekʰlʌn/
3 F MH देखली /dekʰli/
As presented in illustrations (1a-i) and in table 10.2 and 10.3, some
morphophonemic changes should also be noted when verbal infinitives/participles are
marked for past tense in Bhojpuri. We note deletion of अ /ʌ/ from infinitive/participle

marker suffix -अल /-ʌl/ with समझ- /sʌmʌȷ̈-/ 'understand' as in समझलऽ /sʌmʌȷ̈lʌ/ in (1b)

and समझलू /sʌmʌȷ̈ lu/ in (1c), with प च

ँ - /pʌɦũc-/ 'reach' as in प च
ँ लक/ख /pʌɦũclʌk/kʰ/

304
in (1e) and in all forms of देख- /dekʰ-/ in Table 10.3. Infinitives/participles of आ- /ɑ-/

is आइल /ɑil/ and खा- /kʰɑ-/ is खाइल /kʰɑil/. We observe retention of आ /ɑ/ in आइल

/ɑil/ in (1d) but shortened to अ /ʌ/ elsewhere. In case of खाइल /kʰɑil/, आ /ɑ/ has been

shortened to अ /ʌ/ in all environments in past tense.

Regarding person, number and gender, Bhojpuri infinitives/participles are
marked by -इस /-is/ or -ए /-e/ for non-honorific second person singular in both

genders, by -उ /-u/ for mid-honorific second person feminine in both numbers, by -अ

/-ʌ/ for mid-honorific second person masculine in both numbers. /-ø/, -अक /-ʌk/, -अख

/-ʌkʰ/, and -अस /-ʌs/ are the past tense marker suffixes for non-honorific third person

singular for both genders. Likewise -एँ /-ẽ/ and -अन /-ʌn/ mark infinitive/participles
for pulurality and mid-honorific third person masculine in both numbers whereas
feminine in this environment is marked by -इ /-i/ in past tense.
10.1.2 Future tense
An event (or state) whose event-time follows the time of speech is regarded as
future tense (Givón, 2001:286). So, it refers to the event or situation after the present
time/now. Bhojpuri future tense markers also vary as in other tenses. The first
identification of future tense is that the tense markers either directly mark the verb
stems or at least delete -ल /-l/ from infinitive/participle marker. -एब /-eb/ or -एम /-em/
is the general future tense marker for full honorificity in all persons, genders and
numbers. Besides, -इबे /-ibe/, -इहे /-iɦe/, -इबऽ /-ibʌ/, -इह /-iɦʌ/, -इबू /-ibu/, -ई /-i/, -इह

/-iɦẽ/, -इहन /-iɦʌn/ and -इहेन /-iɦen/ mark variably with regards to person, number,
gender and honorificity. Let us observe exemplifications in (2a-l).
(2) a. त आम खइबे/हे ।
tẽ ɑm kʰʌibe/ɦe
tẽ ɑm kʰɑ-i-be/ɦe
2.SG. NOM mango eat-FUT-be.2.FUT
'You shall eat mangoes.' (010.221)
b. तू आम खइबऽ/हऽ ।
tu ɑm kʰʌibʌ/ɦʌ
tu ɑm kʰɑ-i-bʌ/ɦʌ
2.SG. NOM mango eat-FUT-be.2.FUT. MH

305
'You shall eat mangoes.' (010.221)
c. बोिलहऽ ।
boliɦʌ
bol-i-ɦʌ
speak-FUT-2.FUT.MH
'You will call me.' (010.450)
d. बोलबऽ ।
bolbʌ
bol-ʌ-bʌ
speak-FUT-2.FUT.MH
'You will tell me.'
e. तू िबहने आम खइबू ।
tu biɦʌne ɑm kʰʌibu
tu bihʌne ɑm kʰɑ-i-bu
2SG.NOM tomorrow mango eat-FUT-2.FUT.F.MH
'You will eat a mango tomorrow.'
f. ऊ तीनगो खाई ।
u tin-ɡo kʰɑi
u tin-ɡo kʰɑ-i
3SG.NOM three-CLF eat-3SG.FUT
'S/he will eat the three.' (11.011)
g. मलाह डेङी खेई ।
mʌlɑɦ ɖeŋi kʰei
mʌlɑɦ ɖeŋi kʰe-i
fisherman boat row-3SG.FUT
'The fisherman will row the boat.' (010.527)
h. कु टु म लोग अइह/हन/हेन ।
kuʈum loɡ ʌiɦẽ/ɦʌn/ɦen
kʌʈum loɡ ɑ-i-ɦẽ/ɦʌn/ɦen
guest PL come-FUT-3.FUT.MH
'Guests will come.'
i. हम आएम ।

306
ɦʌm ɑem
ɦʌm ɑ-em
1SG.NOM come-FUT.H
'I will come.' (01.081)
j. रउआ जाएम ।
rʌuɑ jɑem
rʌuɑ jɑ-em
2SG.H go-FUT.H
'You will go.' (03.145)
k. पंडीजी अमार खोलेम ।
pʌnɖiji ʌmɑr kʰolem
pʌnɖit-ji ʌmɑr kʰol-em
priest-H holy granary open-FUT.H
'The priest will open the holy granary.' (010.220)
l. हम दाई के देखब
े ।
ɦʌm dɑi ke dekʰeb
ɦʌm dɑi ke dekʰ-eb
1SG.NOM grandmother ACC see-FUT.H
'I will see Grandmother.'
On the basis of instances presented in (2a-l), paradigms of verb खा- /kʰɑ-/ 'eat'

and देख- /dekʰ/ 'see' are presented in table 10.4 and 10.5 respectively.

Table 10.4 Paradigms of the verb खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in future tense

Number
Person Gender Honorificity Singular Plural
1/2/3 M/F H खाएम /kʰɑem/ or खाएब /kʰɑeb/
2 M MH खइबऽ /kʰʌibʌ/ or खइहऽ /kʰʌɦʌ/
2 F MH खइबू /kʰʌibu/
2 M/F NH खइबे /kʰʌibe/ or खइहे /kʰʌiɦe/
3 M/F MH खइह /kʰʌiɦẽ/ or खइहन /kʰʌiɦʌn/

or खइहेन /kʰʌiɦen/
3 M/F NH खाई /kʰɑi/

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Table 10.5 Paradigms of the verb देख /dekʰ/ 'see' in future tense
Number
Person Gender Honorificity Singular Plural
1/2/3 M/F H देखेम /dekʰem/ or देखेब /dekʰeb/
2 M MH दिखहऽ /dekʰiɦʌ/ or देखबऽ /dekʰbʌ/
2 F MH देखबू /dekʰbu/
2 M/F NH देिखहे /dekʰiɦe/ or देखबे /dekʰbe/
3 M/F MH देिखह /dekʰiɦẽ/ or देिखहेन /dekʰiɦen/ or देिखहन
/dekʰiɦʌn/
3 M/F NH देखी /dekʰi/

We observe -इबे /-ibe/ and -इहे /-iɦe/ as in (2a) mark second person non-

honorific in both the numbers and genders. Likewise, -इबऽ /-ibʌ/ and -इह /-iɦʌ/ mark

second person masculine in both numbers as shown in (2b-d) and -इबू /-ibu/ marks

second person feminine in both numbers in mid-honorificity as in (2e). Besides, -इ /-i/

marks third person in both the numbers and genders for non-honorificity as in (2f-g)
and -इह /-iɦẽ/, -इहन /-iɦʌn/ and -इहेन /-iɦen/ mark third person singular and plural in

both genders for mid-honorificity as in (2h). Moreover, -एम /-em/ or -एब /-eb/ mark
full honorificity in all persons, numbers and genders as in (2i-l). The exemplifications
in (2a-l) as well as in Table 10.4 and 10.5 show that the verb paradigms have no
difference on the ground of numbers but they only differ according to person, gender
and honorificity.
10.1.3 Present tense
An event (or state) whose event-time is right at the time of speech is regarded as
present tense (Givón, 2001a:286). So, it refers to the event or situation at the present
time. While dealing with present tense in Bhojpuri, the full form appears to be verb-
stem suffixed by imperfective marker -अत /-ʌt/ followed by copula बानी /bɑni/, बाड़ऽ

/bɑɽʌ/, बाड़ू /bɑɽu/, बाड़ /bɑɽẽ/, बाड़ेन /bɑɽen/, बाड़न /bɑɽʌn/, बाटे /bɑʈe/, बाट /bɑʈẽ/, बा
/bɑ/ according to person, gender, honorificity and number. But deletion and contraction
have occurred to delete ब /b/ from the copula and the rest morphemes to be contracted

with -अत /-ʌt/. In this way the current present marker suffixes are -तानी /-tɑni/, -ताड़ऽ /-

308
tɑɽʌ/, -ताड़ू /-tɑɽu/, -ताड़े /-tɑɽe/, -ताड़ /-tɑɽẽ/, -ताड़ेन /-tɑɽen/, -ताड़न /-tɑɽʌn/, -ताटे /-tɑʈe/,

-ताट /-tɑʈẽ/ and -ता /-tɑ/ as shown in (3a-i). Moreover, bilabial glidation happens

between -आ /-ɑ/ final verb stem and present tense markers, but not universally.

(3) a. हमनीका खेती करतानी ।

ɦʌmnikɑ kʰeti kʌrtɑni
ɦʌm-ni-kɑ kʰeti kʌr-ʌt bɑni
1SG.NOM-PL-DEF farming do-IMPF be.PRES.H
'We are farming.' (02.005)
b. रउआ कवनो कताब िलखतानी ।
rʌuɑ kɔno kitɑb likʰʌtɑni
rʌuɑ kɔno kitɑb likʰ-ʌt bɑni
2SG.H any book write-IMPF be.PRES.H
'You are writing a book.' (03.104)
c. बाबुजी आवतानी ।
bɑbuji ɑwʌtɑni
bɑbu-ji ɑ-wʌt bɑni
father-H come-IMPF be.3.PRES.H
'Father is coming.'
d. पदान के नाती, िचउँ टी काटताड़ऽ ।’
pʌdɑn ke nɑti ciũʈi kɑʈʌtɑɽʌ
pʌdne ke nɑti ciũʈi kɑʈ-ʌt bɑɽʌ
wind-excretor GEN grand son pinch cut-IMPF be.2.PRES.MH
'Damn fool, you are pinching me with nails.' (05.027)
e. तू रोटी खाताड़ू ।
tu roʈi kʰɑtɑɽu
tu roʈi kʰɑ-ʌt bɑɽu
2.SG. NOM chapati eat-IMPF be.2.PRES.F.MH
'You are eating chapatis.'
f. त दूध िपअताड़े ।
tẽ dud̤ piʌtɑɽe
tẽ dud̤ pi-ʌt bɑɽe
2.SG. NOM milk drink-IMPF be.2.PRES

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'You are drinking milk.'
g. हा कम आवताड़/ड़ेन/ड़न ।
ɦɑkim ɑwʌtɑɽẽ/ɽen/ɽʌn
ɦɑkim ɑ-wʌt bɑɽẽ/ɽen/ɽʌn
officer come-IMPF be.3.PRES.MH
'The officer is coming.'
h. वा य वयंसेिवका आवताड़ी ।
swɑstʰyʌ swʌyʌmsewikɑ ɑwʌtɑɽi
swɑstʰyʌ swʌyʌmsewi-kɑ ɑ-wʌt bɑɽi
health volunteer-F come-IMPF be.3.PRES.F.MH
'The woman health voluneer is coming.'
i. राम आवता/ताटे ।
rɑm ɑwʌtɑ/tɑʈe
rɑm ɑ-wʌt bɑ/bɑʈe
rɑm come-IMPF be. 3SG.PRES
'Ram is coming.'
Bhojpuri verb paradigms of खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' and देख /dekʰ/ 'see' in present tense
are presented in Table 10.6 and 10.7 respectively.
Table 10.6 Paradigms of the verb खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in present tense
Number
Person Gender Honorificity Singular Plural
1/2/3 M/F H खातानी /kʰɑtɑni/
2 M MH खाताड़ऽ /kʰɑtɑɽʌ/
2 F MH खाताड़ू /kʰatɑɽu/
2 M/F NH खाताड़े /kʰɑtɑɽe/
3 M MH खाताड़ /kʰɑtɑɽẽ/ or खाताड़ेन /kʰɑtɑɽen/

खाताड़न /kʰɑtɑɽʌn/
3 F MH खाताड़ी /kʰɑtɑɽi/
3 M NH खाता /kʰɑtɑ/ or खाताटे /kʰɑtɑʈe/
3 F NH खाितआ /kʰɑtiɑ/ खाताड़ी /kʰɑtɑɽi/

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Table 10.7 Paradigms of the verb देख /dekʰ/ 'see' in present tense
Number
Person Gender Honorificity Singular Plural
1/2/3 M/F H देखतानी /dekʰʌtɑni/
2 M MH देखताड़ऽ /dekʰʌtɑɽʌ/
2 F MH देखताड़ू /dekʰʌtɑɽu/
2 M/F NH देखताड़े /dekʰʌtɑɽe/
3 M MH देखताड़ /dekʰʌtɑɽẽ/ or देखताड़ेन /dekʰʌtɑɽen/ or

देखताड़न /dekʰʌtɑɽʌn/
3 F MH देखताड़ी /dekʰʌtɑɽi/
3 M NH देखता /dekʰʌtɑ/ or देखताटे /dekʰʌtɑʈe/
3 F NH देखितआ /dekʰʌtiɑ/

On the basis of instances (3a-i) and the tables of paradigms of verb खा /kʰɑ/

'eat' and देख /dekʰ/ 'see' we observe that -तानी /-tɑni/ is the general present tense

marker in all persons, genders and numbers for full honorificity, -ताड़ऽ /-tɑɽʌ/ marks

the verb stem for second person masculine in both numbers for mid-honorificity, -ताड़ू

/-tɑɽu/ for second person feminine in both numbers for mid-honorificity and -ताड़े /-

tɑɽe/ for second person in both genders and numbers for non-honorificity. Likewise, -

ताड़ /-tɑɽẽ/, ताट /tɑʈẽ/, -ताड़ेन /-tɑɽen/ and -ताड़न /-tɑɽʌn/ mark verb stem for third

person masculine in both the numbers for mid-honorificity, -ताड़ी /tɑɽi/ for third

person feminine in both numbers for mid-honorificity and -ताटे /-tɑʈe/ and -ता /-tɑ/

mark for third person in both the numbers masculine and -ितआ /-tiɑ/ in feminine for

non-honorificity. Moreover, bilabial glidation happens between -आ /-ɑ/ final verb

stem and present tense markers, but not universally. In the data presented, it is
inserted with आ /ɑ/ 'come' in (3c) but not with खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in (3e).
10.2 Aspect
Aspects are different ways of viewing the internal temporal constitueny of a
situation (Comrie 1976). Katamba (1993:221) notes that aspect indicates whether an
event, state, process or action that is denoted by a verb is completed or in progress.

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It is a category used in the grammatical description of verb (along with tense
and mood), referring primarily to the way the grammar marks the duration of types of
temporal activity denoted by the verb (Crystal, 2003:36). Though its close neighbours
Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:199-208), Maithili (Yadav 1996:154), Awadhi
(Saksena 1937/1971:238), Hindi (Koul 2008:105) and Nepali (Upadhyay 2010:98-
103 and Adhikari 2016:205-10) exhibit aspectual contrasts in similar ways, Bhojpuri
records three aspectual contrasts: perfective, imperfective and perfect.
10.2.1 Perfective
While dealing with perfectivity, we should go through inherent and
grammatical perfectivity of the verbs in Bhojpuri.
a) Inherent perfectivity
In Bhojpuri the inherent perfectivity of the verbs can be divided as follows:
(i) Compact short-duration verbs
थुक /tʰuk/ 'spit', झपक /ȷ̈ ʌpʌk/ 'blink', ख ख /kʰõkʰ/ 'cough', लितआ /lʌtiɑ/ 'kick', कु द

/kud/ 'jump', ठोक /ʈʰok/ 'hit', थपिड़आ /tʰʌpɽiɑ/ 'slap'

(ii) Accomplishment-completion verbs
आ /ɑ/ 'come', जा /jɑ/ 'go' ओरा /orɑ/ 'finish' पा /pɑ/ 'obtain/get', िगर /ɡir/ 'fall',

मु/मर /mu/mʌr/ 'die', जनम /jʌnʌm/ 'be born', बैठ /bʌiʈʰ/ 'sit down', उठ /uʈʰ/ 'stand up'
(iii)Activity-process verbs
Shorter: तोड़ /toɽ/ 'break', बुक /buk/ 'smash', मोड़ /moɽ/ 'bend', अइँ ठ /ʌĩʈʰ/ 'twist',

डेङ धर /ɖeŋ d̤ ʌr/ 'step'

Longer: घुम/चल /ɡ̈um/cʌl/ 'walk', कर /kʌr/ 'do/work', पढ़ /pʌɽ̊/ 'read', नाच /nɑc/ 'dance'
(iv) Stative verbs
Temporary: दुिखआ /dukʰiɑ/ 'be sad', खुिशआ /kʰusiɑ/ 'be happy', िखिसआ /kʰisiɑ/

'be angry', तात /tɑt/ 'be hot', सेरा /serɑ/ 'be cold' जान /jɑn/ 'know', चाह /cɑɦ/ 'want'

पितआ /pɑtiɑ/ 'believe', ओतह क /otʌɦẽ ruk/ 'be there', बैठल रह /bʌiʈʰʌl rʌɦ/ 'be sitting'

पड़ल रह /pʌɽʌl rʌɦ/ 'be lying down', खिड़आ /kʰʌɽiɑ/ 'be standing'

Long-lasting: लमहर हो /lʌmʌɦʌr ɦo/ 'be tall', बड़ हो /bʌɽ ɦo/ 'be big', लाल हो

/lɑl ɦo/ 'be red', जनाना हो /jʌnanɑ ɦo/ 'be female', रिसआ /risiɑ/ 'be furry'

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b) Grammatical perfectivity
Grammatically, perfective aspect looks the situation from outside, not
necessarily at any internal structure of the situation. According to Comrie (1976:18),
the perfectivity denotes a complete situation with beginning, middle and end. It is
concerned with temporal boundedness and duration of a situation.
Perspective of perfective aspect focuses on termination and boundedness, so, it
is strongly associated with the past tense. Using the perfective aspect is akin to
observing an event from far away, thus through a narrow-angle zoom lens the event is
so far that it appear small, compact and well-bounded (Givón, 2001:288-9).1
Figure 10.1: Perfective lens focus
-----

point of view
Source: Givón (2001a:289)

10.2.2 Imperfective
Perspective of the imperfective aspect focuses away from termination and
boundaries. Imperfective aspect is akin to observing the event from nearby, through a
wide angle ('fish-eye') lens. The event is so near that its boundaries are outside the lens's
field of vision. All one can see is a continuous unbounded stretch (Givón, 2001a:289).
Figure 10.2: Imperfective lens focus
--------------------------

point of view
Source: from Givón (2001a:289)

The imperfective category is further sub-divided into two main divisions:

ongoing process and repeated events. Imperfective category in Bhojpuri also abides

1. As perfective aspect is strongly associated with past tense, it is very clearly described in sub-section
10.2.3 of this chapter.

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by such divisions as ongoing process: progressive-durative-continuous and repeated
events: habitual-repetitive.
a) Progressive
The general progressive marker in Bhojpuri is -अत /-ʌt/ which is suffixed to
the verb stem and followed by the past forms of copula that also show agreement with
person, gender, number and honorificity. It can be combined with any tense
categories: past, future and present. We discuss it as follows:
(i) Past Progressive
In past progressive aspect, the progressive marker -अत /-ʌt/ is followed by

stative verb रह /rʌɦ/ 'live' which is mostly used as copula in Bhojpuri, and it is this
copula that agrees with person, number, gender and honorificity of the subject/agent.
Moreover, the accomplishment-completion verbs already discussed (but not all) such
as सुत /sut/ 'sleep', उठ /uʈʰ/ 'stand up', बैठ /bʌiʈʰ/ 'sit down' retains its
infinitive/participle form in past progressive. Let us observe the instances (4a-j).
(4) a. पिहले हमनी अन िनकासी करत रहनी ।
pʌɦile ɦʌmni ʌn nikɑsi kʌrʌt rʌɦni
pʌɦil-e ɦʌm-ni ʌn nikɑsi kʌr-ʌt rʌɦ-ni
first-DEF 1SG-PL food export do-IMPF live-PST.H
'We were exporting food grains in the past.' (010.391)
b. अपने खेत जोतत रहनी ।
ʌpne kʰet jotʌt rʌɦnĩ
ʌpne kʰet jot-ʌt rʌɦ-nĩ
2SG.NOM.H farm plough-IMPF live-PST.H
'You were ploughing the farm.'
c. बाबुजी ख खत रहनी ।
bɑbuji kʰõkʰʌt rʌɦnĩ
bɑbu-ji kʰõkʰ-ʌt rʌɦ-nĩ
father-H plough-IMPF live-PST.H
'Father was coughing.'
d. तोहनी सुतल रहलऽ ।
toɦni sutʌl rʌɦlʌ

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tu-ni sut-ʌl rʌɦ-ʌl-ʌ
2SG-PL sleep-PP live-PP-2.PST.MH
'You were sleeping.'
e. तू सुतल रहलू ।
tu sutʌl rʌɦlu
tu sut-ʌl rʌɦ-ʌl-u
2.SG.F.MH sleep-PP live-PP-2.PST.F.MH
'You were sleeping.'
f. त हँसत रहले/िलस ।
tẽ ɦʌ̃sʌt rʌɦe
tẽ ɦʌ̃s-ʌt rʌɦ-ʌl-e
2.SG laugh-IMPF live-PP-2.PST
'You were laughing.'
g. ... लोग एह से पिहले भी कहत रहलन ... ।
loɡ eɦ se pʌɦile b̤ i kʌɦʌt rʌɦlʌn
loɡ eɦ se pʌɦil-e b̤ i kʌɦ-ʌt rʌɦ-ʌl-ʌn
people prox source first-DEF also say-IMPF live-PP -3.PST.MH
'... people were saying earlier too ....' (02.082)
h. पिहले लोग टोइँ आँ म पानी िपअत रहे ।
pʌɦile loɡ ʈoĩɑ̃ mẽ pɑni piʌt
pʌɦil-e loɡ ʈoĩɑ̃ mẽ pɑni pi-ʌt
first-DEF people small earthen pot LOC water drink-IMPF
rʌɦe
rʌɦ-e
live-3SG.PST
'The people were drinking water in a small earthen pot earlier.' (010.544)
i. दूनू सुतल रहे ।
dunu sutʌl rʌɦe
du-nu sut-ʌl rʌɦ-e
two-EMPH sleep-PP live-3.PST
'Both were sleeping.' (11.018)
j. ... ऊ सब सुनत रहली ।

315
u sʌb sunʌt rʌɦli
u sʌb sun-ʌt rʌɦ-ʌl-i
3SG.NOM all listen-IMPF live-PP-3.PST-F.MH
'... she was hearing all.' (07.025)
Hence, we observe that there are two forms of verbs, either marked with -अत /-ʌt/

as imperfective or with -अल /-ʌl/ as perfective, followed by copula रह rʌɦ that agrees with
the subject/agent according to its person, gender, number and honorificity. Table 10.8
presents past progressive paradigms of copula रह /rʌɦ/ 'be' that literarily means 'live'.

Table 10.8 Paradigms of the copula रह /rʌɦ/ 'be' in past progressive

Number
Person Gender Honorificity Singular Plural
1/2/3 M/F H रहनी /rʌɦnĩ/
2 M MH रहलऽ /rʌɦlʌ/
2 F MH रहलू /rʌɦlu/
2 M/F NH रहिलस /rʌɦlis/ or रहले /rʌɦle/
3 M MH रहस /rʌɦʌs/ or रहल /rʌɦlẽ/

रहलेन /rʌɦlen/ or रहलन /rʌɦlʌn/

3 F MH रहली /rʌɦli/
3 M/F NH रहे /rʌɦe/
Going through the exemplificaions and the Table 10.8, the paradigms of copula
रह /rʌɦ/ seem to be coincided with verb देख /dekʰ/ 'see' as presented in Table 10.3.

Moreover, a new morpheme -अस /-ʌs/ is added in third person masculine mid-honorific

in both the numbers as well as -ए /-e/ has come to suffix the stem रह /rʌɦ/ instead of -

लस /-lʌs/, -लक /-lʌk/, -लख /-lʌkʰ/ what we observe with देख /dekʰ/ 'see' in Table 10.2.
Typologically it seems close with Maithili but not with Nepali or Hindi or Awadhi.
(ii) Future Progressive
It seems to be very close to past progressive but dissociating also as the copula
रह /rʌɦ/ as well as हो /ɦo/ and होख /ɦokʰ/ marks future progressive. Let us observe the
instances (5a-k).
(5) a. हम पढ़त रहेम ।

316
ɦʌm pʌɽ̊ʌt rʌɦem
ɦʌm pʌɽ̊-ʌt rʌɦ-em
1SG.NOM fall-IMPF live-FUT.H
'I will be reading.' (13.011)
b. रउआ िबआ उखाड़त होएम ।
rʌuɑ biɑ ukʰɑɽʌt ɦoem
rʌuɑ biɑ ukʰɑɽ-ʌt ɦo-em
2SG.H seedlings uproot-IMPF be-FUT.H
'You will be uprooting seedlings.' (13.012)
c. बाबुजी गीता पढ़त होखेम ।
bɑbuji ɡitɑ pʌɽ̊ʌt ɦokʰem
bɑbu-ji ɡitɑ pʌɽ̊-ʌt ɦokʰ-em
father-H Geeta read-IMPF be-FUT.H
'Father will be reading Gita.' (13.013)
d. तू कताब पढ़त होइबऽ ।
tu kitɑb pʌɽ̊ʌt ɦoibʌ
tu kitɑb pʌɽ̊-ʌt ɦo-i-bʌ
2SG.NOM book fall-IMPF be-FUT-.2.MH
'You will be reading a book.' (13.014)
e. तू भात िनहत रहबू ।
tu b̤ ɑt nir̥ -ʌt ɦokʰbu
tu b̤ ɑt nir̥ -ʌt ɦokʰ-bu
2SG.NOM boiled rice cook-IMPF be-2.FUT.F.MH
'You will be cooking rice.' (13.015)
f. तोहनी कब ी खेलत होखबऽ ।
toɦni kʌbʌɖɖi kʰelʌt ɦokʰbʌ
tu-ni kʌbʌɖɖi kʰel-ʌt ɦokʰ-bʌ
2SG-PL kabaddi play-IMPF be-2.FUT.MH
'You will be playing Kabaddi.' (13.016)
g. त गीत गावत होखबे ।
tẽ ɡit ɡɑwʌt ɦokʰbe

317
tẽ ɡit ɡɑ-wʌt ɦokʰ-be
2SG.NOM song sing-IMPF be-2.FUT
'You will be singing a song.' (13.017)
h. ऊ लोग धान काटत होइह ।
u loɡ d̤ ɑn kɑʈʌt ɦoiɦẽ
u loɡ d̤ ɑn kɑʈ-ʌt ɦo-i-ɦẽ
3SG PL paddy cut-IMPF be-FUT-3.MH
'They will be reaping paddy.' (13.018)
i. मोहन तबला बजावत होई ।
moɦʌn tʌblɑ bʌjɑwʌt ɦoi
moɦʌn tʌblɑ bʌj-ɑ-ʌt ɦo-i
Mohan Tabla ring-CAUS-IMPF be-3SG.FUT
'Mohan will be playing Tabla.' (13.019)
j. लइक सुतल होई ।
lʌiki sutʌl ɦoi
lʌiki sut-ʌl ɦo-i
girl sleep-PP be-3SG.FUT
'The girl will be sleeping.' (13.020)
k. माई जागल होई ।
mɑi jɑɡʌl ɦoi
mɑi jɑɡ-ʌl ɦo-i
mother awaken-PP be-3SG.FUT
'Mother will be awaking.' (13.021)
Going through the examples, we observe that the paradigms of रह /rʌɦ/, हो /ɦo/ or

होख /ɦokʰ/ 'be' are identical with the future tense markers as we observe with देख
/dekʰ/ 'see' in Table 10.5 in the subsection (10.1.2) in this chapter.
(iii) Present Progressive
The identification of present tense is itself in progressive aspect as described
in section 10.1.3. Formally it is close to Maithili (Yadav, 2014:42), Awadhi (Saxena,
1937:247) and Hindi (Koul 2008: 105) but not with Nepali (Adhikari 2014:199)
though it is functionally similar with those all. Moreover, the form identical with
those of Nepali as well as in other neighbours, too, is also available in Bhojpuri. In

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this form the main verb is used in its stem form, the infinitive/participle form of रह

/rʌɦ/ 'live', i.e., रहल /rʌɦʌl/ follows it and further followed by copula बा /bɑ/ 'be'
agreeing with the person, number, gender and honorificity of the subject/agent as
shown in (6a-i).
(6) a. ... हम गीत राख रहल बानी ।
ɦʌm ɡit rɑkʰ rʌɦʌl bɑni
ɦʌm ɡit rɑkʰ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑni
1SG.NOM song put live-INF be.PRES.H
'... here you are with a song. Lit: I'm putting a song.' (03.007)
b. अभीन अपने सुन रहल बानी ...।
ʌb̤ in ʌpne sun rʌɦʌl bɑni
ʌb̤ in ʌpne sun rʌɦ-ʌl bɑni
now 2SG hear live-INF be.PRES.H
'Now you are hearing ...' (01.084)
c. त भात खा रहल बाड़े ।
tẽ b̤ ɑt kʰɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽe
tẽ b̤ ɑt kʰɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ-ɽe
2SG.NOM boiled rice eat live-INF be.2.PRES
'You are eating rice.' (13.22)
d. तू घर बहार रहल बाड़ू ।
tu ɡ̈ʌr bʌɦɑr rʌɦʌl bɑɽu
tu ɡ̈ʌr bʌɦɑr rʌɦ-ʌl bɑɽu
2SG.NOM house sweep live-INF 2.PRES.F.MH
'You are sweeping house.' (13.23)
e. तोहनी घरे जा रहल बाड़ऽ ।
toɦni ɡ̈ʌre jɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽʌ
tu-ni ɡ̈ʌr-e jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑɽʌ
2SG-PL house-LOC go live-INF be.2.PRES.MH
'You are going home.' (13.24)
f. हमनी के ोता लोग सुन रहल बानी ।
ɦʌmni ke srotɑ loɡ sun rʌɦʌl bɑni

319
ɦʌm-ni ke srotɑ loɡ sun rʌɦ-ʌl bɑni
1SG-PL GEN listener PL listen live-INF be.PRES.H
'Listeners are hearing us.' (03.386)
g. बाबुजी आ रहल बाड़न ।
bɑbuji ɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽʌn
bɑbu-ji ɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑɽʌn
father-H come live-INF be.3.PRES.MH
'Father is coming.' (03.155)
h. माई आ रहल बाड़ी ।
mɑi ɑ rʌɦʌl bɑɽi
mɑi ɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑɽi
mother come live-INF be.3.PRES.F.MH
'Mother is coming.' (03.154)
i. ... युवा शि अभी खेती से मुँह मोड़ रहल बा ।
yubɑ sʌkti ʌb̤ i kʰeti se mũɦ moɽ rʌɦʌl bɑ
yubɑ sʌkti ʌb̤ i kʰeti se mũɦ moɽ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
youth force now farming ABL mouth turn live-INF be.3SG.PRES
'... the youth forces are fleeing from farming now.' (02.011)
Going through the exemplificaitons (6a-i) the paradigms of बा /bɑ/ 'be' seems to

be identical with that of suffix -ता /-ta/ in the verb stem as presented in section 10.1.3.
Moreover, there are some accomplishment-completion verbs whose infinitive/participle
form is functionally used in present progressive, as shown in (7a-c).
(7) a. हड़ताली लोग नाका पर बैठल बाटे ।
ɦʌɽtɑli loɡ nɑkɑ pʌr bʌiʈʰʌl bɑʈe
ɦʌɽtɑl-i loɡ nɑkɑ pʌr bʌiʈʰ-ʌl bɑ
strike-NML PL entry point LOC sit-INF be.3SG.PRES
'The protesters are sitting at the entry point.' (010.028)
b. दरबार म खजाना भरल पड़ल बा ।
dʌrbɑr mẽ kʰʌjɑnɑ b̤ ʌrʌl pʌɽʌl bɑ
dʌrbɑr mẽ kʰʌjɑnɑ b̤ ʌr-ʌl pʌɽ-ʌl bɑ
palace LOC treasury fill-PP lie-PP be.3SG.PRES
'The treasury in the palace is lying full.' (010.138)

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c. बाबुजी घरे सुतल बानी ।
bɑbuji ɡ̈ʌre sutʌl bɑni
bɑbu-ji ɡ̈ʌr-e sut-ʌl bɑni
father-H house-LOC sleep-PP be.PRES.H
'Father is sleeping at home.' (13.25)
Hence, we have observed there are three forms of verbal morphology in
present prograssive in Bhojpuri: main verb in imperfective form with -अत /-ʌt/ marker

that is further marked by -आनी /-ani/, -आड़ऽ /-ɑɽʌ/, -आ /-ɑ/, -इआ /-iɑ/ and so on; use of

रह /rʌɦ/ 'live' in indefinite/participle form followed by different forms of बा /bɑ/; and

ommition of रह /rʌɦ/ 'live' with indefinite/participle form of some of the main verb

(accomplishment-completion and stative) followed by बा /bɑ/ 'be' in different endings

to agree with subjects/agents.
Traditional grammar used to deal with the first form as imperfect and the later
as progressive. But if they all have the same function, we need not deal with them as
separate entities as progressive, durative and continuous states of verbs are all
ongoing process.
b) Habitual
Habitual aspect asserts a certain type of event taking place regularly. In this
aspect the verb shows repetition of an action, so, it is also repetitive. Therefore, it
does not imply that an instance of event taking place either now or in the reference
time of orator. Givón (2001a:290) describes it in two sorts: past-habitual and habitual.
But habitual aspect is expressed only in present tense initially. So, in Bhojpuri the
verb inflections are described as: past habitual and present habitual.
(i) Past habitual
As we explained present progressive in this chapter, we came to get two forms
of the verb: imperfective or simultaneous converbal marker -अत /-ʌt/ suffixed with the
verbal stem and further inflected by agreement markers and the other with verbal stem
unmarked and followed by infinive/participle form of रह /rʌɦ/ as well as copula बा
/bɑ/ 'be' that is inflected for agreements with subject.
But there is a single form that stands for past progressive and past habitual,
what we have already described.
(8) a. लइकन के मनोरं जन करावत रहनी ।

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lʌikʌn ke mʌnorʌnjʌn kʌrɑwʌt rʌɦni
lʌikʌn ke mʌnorʌnjʌn kʌr-ɑ-wʌt rʌɦ-ni
children GEN entertainment do-CAUS-IMPF live-PST.H
'They used to entertain the children.' (03.255)
b. पिहले हमनी अन िनकासी करत रहनी ।
pʌɦile ɦʌmni ʌn nikɑsi kʌrʌt rʌɦni
pʌɦil-e ɦʌm-ni ʌn nikɑsi kʌr-ʌt rʌɦ-ni
first-DEF 1SG-PL food export do-IMPF live-PST.H
'We used to export food grains previously.' (010.391)
c. माई-दाई लोग ब ा के कथा सुनावत रहली ।
mɑi dɑi loɡ bʌccɑ ke kʌtʰɑ sunɑwʌt
mɑi dɑi loɡ bʌccɑ ke kʌtʰɑ sun-ɑ-wʌt
mother grandmother PL child ACC story listen-CAUS-IMPF
rʌɦli
rʌɦ-ʌl-i
live-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'Mothers and grandmothers used tell the children such stories.' (03.254)
(ii) Present habitual
The present habitual aspect indicated habit, axioms and public postulates in
Bhojpuri, which take place repeatedly. The main verb stem is suffixed by some
habitual marker morphemes, as shown in (9a-n).
(9) a. हमनीका हदी िसनेमा म म नी सुनेनी ।
ɦʌmnikɑ ɦindi sinemɑ mẽ mʌŋni suneni
ɦʌm-ni-kɑ ɦindi sinemɑ mẽ mʌŋni sun-eni
1SG-PL-SPEC Hindi cinema LOC Mangni listen-PRES.H
'We hear 'mangni' in the Hindi cinema.' (03.370)
b. माझ घर म हम रहेनी ।
mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ ɦʌm rʌɦeni
mɑȷ̈ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ ɦʌm rʌɦ-eni
middle house LOC 1SG.NOM live-PRES.H
'I live in the middle room.' (010.112)
c. हम खानी ।

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ɦʌm kʰɑni
ɦʌm kʰɑ-eni
1SG.NOM eat-PRES.H
'I eat.' (Khatri, 2012:23)
d. रउआ आम खानी ।
rʌuɑ ɑm kʰɑni
rʌuɑ ɑm kʰɑ-eni
2SG.NOM.H mango eat-PRES.H
'You eat a mango.'
e. बाबुजी च कु पर सान चढ़ावेनी ।
bɑbuji cʌkku pʌr sɑn cʌɽ̊ɑweni
bɑbu-ji cʌkku pʌr sɑn cʌɽ̊-ɑ-eni
father-H knife LOC whetstone climb-CAUS-PRES.H
'My father sharpens knives on whetstone.' (010.364)
f. प वाहा गाछ पाङे ला ।
pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋelɑ
pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-elɑ
shortener tree trim-3SG.PRES
'A trimmer trims a tree.' (010.363)
g. लुगा म उटनी समाके ब त तबाह करे ली ।
luɡɑ mẽ uʈʌni sʌmɑke bʌɦut tʌbɑɦ kʌreli
luɡɑ mẽ uʈʌni sʌmɑ-ke bʌɦut tʌbɑɦ kʌr-eli
cloth LOC lizard enter-SEQ very painful do-3SG.PRES.F.MH
'The lizard irritates a lot if it enters into clothes.' (010.496)
h. तू मानेलऽ ।
tu mɑnelʌ
tu mɑn-elʌ
2SG.NOM realize-2.PRES.MH
'You believe.' (06.045)
i. आदमी सुतेला ।
ɑdmi sutelɑ

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ɑdmi sut-elɑ
man sleep-3SG.PRES
'The man sleeps.' (03.036)
j. सपना ऊ आपन मातृभषे म देखेला ।
sʌpnɑ u ɑpʌn mɑtrib̤ ʌse mẽ dekʰelɑ
sʌpnɑ u ɑpʌn mɑtrib̤ ɑsɑ-e mẽ dekʰ-elɑ
dream 3SG.NOM 3.GEN mother tongue-EMPH LOC see-3SG.PRES
'The dream he looks only in his mother tongue.' (03.038)
k. अपना माइए के भाषा म देखेला ।
ʌpnɑ mɑie ke b̤ ɑsɑ mẽ dekʰelɑ
ʌpnɑ mɑi-e ke b̤ ɑsɑ mẽ dekʰ-elɑ
GEN mother-EMPH GEN language LOC see-3SG.PRES
'He observes it only in the language of his mother.' (03.039)
l. ओ म दोसर भाषाभाषी ेिनङ लेला ।
o mẽ dosʌr b̤ ɑsɑb̤ ɑsi ʈreniŋ lelɑ
o mẽ dosʌr b̤ ɑsɑb̤ ɑsi ʈreniŋ le-elɑ
DIST LOC another language speaker training take-3SG.PRES
'The other native language speakers get training there.' (04.155)
m. ओकरा के लोग दि खनी भोजपुरी कहेला ।
okʌrɑ ke loɡ dʌkkʰini b̤ ojpuri kʌɦelɑ
u-ʌr-ɑ ke loɡ dʌkkʰin-i b̤ ojpuri kʌɦ-elɑ
3SG-GEN-DEF ACC people south-ADJ Bhojpuri say-3SG.PRES
'People call it Southern Bhojpuri.' (04.185)
n. भोजपुरी म हमर जान बसेला ।
b̤ ojpuri mẽ ɦʌmʌr jɑn bʌselɑ
b̤ ojpuri mẽ ɦʌm-ʌr jɑn bʌs-elɑ
Bhojpuri LOC 1SG-GEN life live-3SG.PRES
'My life breathes in Bhojpuri.' (010.192)
As we go through the intances presented (9a-n), the -आ /-ɑ/ final verb stems

are suffixed by -नी /-ni/ and -ल /-l/ with different inflections to mark present habitual

as well as insertion of -ए- /-e-/ between the consonant final verb stems and present

markers -नी /-ni/ and -ल /-l/ with different inflections. Table 10.9 and Table 10.10

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present paradigms of खा /kʰɑ/ and देख /dekʰ/ respectively:

Table 10.9 Paradigms of the verb खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' in present habitual

Number
Person Gender Honorificity Singular Plural
1/2/3 M/F H खानी /kʰɑni/
2 M MH खालऽ /kʰɑlʌ/
2 F MH खालू /kʰɑlu/
2 M/F NH खािलस /kʰɑlis/ or खालस /kʰɑlʌs/
3 M MH खाल /kʰɑlẽ/ or खालेन /kʰɑlen/

खालन /kʰʌlʌn/
3 F MH खाली /kʰɑli/
3 M NH खाला /kʰɑlɑ/
3 F NH खाले /kʰɑle/

Table 10.10 Paradigms of the verb देख /dekʰ/ 'see' in present habitual
Number
Person Gender Honorificity Singular Plural
1/2/3 M/F H देखेनी /dekʰeni/
2 M MH देखेलऽ /dekʰelʌ/
2 F MH देखेलू /dekʰelu/
2 M/F NH देखेिलस /dekʰelis/ or देखेलस
/dekʰelʌs/
3 M MH देखेल /dekʰelẽ/ or देखेलेन

/dekʰelen/ देखेलन /dekʰelʌn/

3 F MH देखेली /dekʰekli/
3 M NH देखेला /dekʰelɑ/
3 F NH देखेले /dekʰele/

Hence, we observe that the final -आ /-ɑ/ of the verb stem retains and the

present habitual marker -नी /-ni/ marks it for all persons, numbers and genders in full

honorificity of the subject/agent. Likewise, -लऽ /-lʌ/ for masculine and -लू /-lu/ for

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feminine in the second person, both the numbers in mid-honorificity as well as -िलस

/-lis/ or -लस /-lʌs/ in second person both the numbers and genders in non-honorificity

mark the verb stem. In the third person mid-honorificity, verb stem is marked by -ल

/-lẽ/, लेन /-len/ or -लन /-lʌn/ in masculine and -ली /-li/ for feminine in both the
numbers. Likewise, in the third person non-honorificity, the verb stem is marked by
-ला /-lɑ/ in masculine and -ले /-le/ in feminine in both the numbers. As for consonant

final verb stems, the markers are the same but insertion of -ए- /-e-/ occurs between
verb stem and present habutual marker suffixes.
Diachronically, the present habitual suffix -एला /-ela/ has been obtained under

grammaticalization of -इला /-ilɑ/ in the early period of Bhojpuri for past tense, as
presented in (10).
(10) ऐसा गुसा बोलीला ।
ɛsɑ ɡusɑnĩ bolilɑ
ɛsɑ ɡusɑĩ bol-ilɑ
such teacher speak-3SG.PST
'The teacher said this.' (Chaurangi Nath, Early 8th Century, Singh 1958:8)
10.2.3 Perfect
The perfect is functionally the most complex and the most subtle grammatical
aspect. It involves four features whose clustering in the same form is natural and
fairly common but by no means universal: anteriority, perfectivity, counter-
sequentiality and lingering relevance. It bears a strong but not absolute similarity to
the past tense. In both, the event's or state's initiation point precedes the temporal
reference point. The association is not absolute, however. While the past has only one
('absolute') reference point, the time of speech, the perfect can assume all three main
temporal reference points: time of speech ('present perfect'), prior to time of speect
('past perfect') and following time of speech ('future perfect') (Givón, 2001a:293).
a) Past perfect
Past perfect aspect describes the refence point prior to the time of speech. In
Bhojpuri, the participle form of the verb is suffixed by -ए /-e/ and it is further

followed by copula रह /rʌɦ/ with finite morphology that concords with number,
person, gender and honorificity already paradigmed in past progressive.
(11) a. िश बु से हम अंतरवाता लेले रहनी ।

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sibbu se ɦʌm ʌntʌrbɑrtɑ lele rʌɦni
sibbu se ɦʌm ʌntʌrbɑrtɑ le-ʌl-e rʌɦ-ni
Shibbu ACC 1SG.NOM interview take-PP-SEQ live-PST.H
'I had interviewed Shibbu.' (03.205)
b. ओकरा म ऊ कहले रहनी ।
okʌrɑ mẽ u kʌɦle rʌɦni
okʌrɑ mẽ u kʌɦ-le rʌɦ-ni
3.SG.GEN LOC 3SG.NOM say-SEQ live-PST.H
'He had said in it.' (03.206)
c. ओकर नामकरण रउए कइले रहनी ।
okʌr nɑmkʌrʌn rʌue kʌile rʌɦni
okʌr nɑmkʌrʌn rʌuɑ-e kʌr-il-e rʌɦ-ni
3SG.GEN.NH baptism 2SG.H-EMPH do-PP-SEQ live-PST.H
'You yourself had named the programme.' (03.404)
d. संगम हमनीका नाम रखले रहनी ।
sʌŋɡʌm ɦʌmnikɑ nɑm rʌkʰle rʌɦni
sʌŋɡʌm ɦʌm-ni-kɑ nɑm rɑkʰ-ʌl-e rʌɦ-ni
juncture 1SG-PL-DEF name keep-PP-SEQ live-PST.H
'We had named it Sangam.' (03.405)
e. डाइरे टर साहेब सीधा बात कइले रहनी ।
ɖɑirekʈʌr sɑɦeb sid̤ ɑ bɑt kʌile rʌɦni
ɖɑirekʈʌr sɑɦeb sid̤ ɑ bɑt kʌr-il-e rʌɦ-ni
director sir straight talk do-PP-SEQ live-PST.H
'The director had talked directly to me.' (03.419)
f. हमर भइआ कहले रहलन ।
ɦʌmʌr b̤ ʌiɑ kʌɦle rʌɦlʌn
ɦʌmʌr b̤ ʌiɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-e rʌɦ-ʌl-ʌn
1SG.GEN elder brother say-PP-SEQ live-PP-3.PST.MH
'My brother had said.' (10.095)
g. ऊ कहानी लोग गढ़ले रहे ।
u kʌɦɑni loɡ ɡʌɽ̊le rʌɦe

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u kʌɦɑni loɡ ɡʌɽ̊-ʌl-e rʌɦ-e
3SG story people create-PP-SEQ live-3.PST
'The people had created such story.' (03.261)
Going through the exempliifations (11a-g), we observe that past perfect aspect
in Bhojpuri differs from what we observe in English but similar to Maithili (Grierson
1909:149), Hindi (Koul:2008:115), Awadhi (Saxena, 1937:239) and Nepali (Adhikari
2014: 207).
b) Future perfect
The participle form of the verb suffixed by -ए /-e/ retains in future perfect but

followed by copula हो /ɦo/ or होख /ɦokʰ/ with finite morphology already described in
future progressive.
(12) a. तू बुझले होखबऽ ... ।
tu buȷ̈ le ɦokʰbʌ
tu buȷ̈ -ʌl-e ɦokʰ-bʌ
2SG.NOM understand-PP-SEQ be-2.FUT.MH
'You will have thought ...' (06.020)
b. के मदत करे के कहले होखी ...
keɦu mʌdʌt kʌre ke kʌɦle ɦokʰi
keɦu mʌdʌt kʌr-e ke kʌɦ-ʌl-e ɦokʰ-i
someone help do-PUR SEQ say-PP-SEQ be-3SG.FUT
'Someone will have offerred to help ...' (06.020)
c. हम िच ी िलखले होखेम ।
ɦʌm ciʈʈʰi likʰle ɦokʰem
ɦʌm ciʈʈʰi likʰ-ʌl-e ɦokʰ-em
1SG.NOM letter write-PP-SEQ be-FUT.H
'I will have written a letter.' (13.037)
d. तू कताब पढ़ले होइबू ।
tu kitɑb pʌɽ̊le ɦoibu
tu kitɑb pʌɽ̊-ʌl-e ɦo-i-bu
2SG.NOM book read-PP-SEQ be-FUT-2.F.MH
'You will have read a book.' (13.038)
e. हम बात कइले होएम ।

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ɦʌm bɑt kʌile ɦoem
ɦʌm bɑt kʌr-il-e ɦo-em
1SG.NOM talk do-PP-SEQ be-FUT.H
'I will have talked.' (13.039)
f. तेँ अलुआ कोड़ले होइबे ।
tẽ ʌluɑ koɽle ɦoibe
tẽ ʌluɑ koɽ-ʌl-e ɦo-i-be
2SG.NOM sweet- potato dig-PP-SEQ be-FUT-2
'You will have dug sweet-potatoes.' (13.040)
g. ऊ पानी िपअले होई ।
u pɑni piʌle ɦoi
u pɑni pi-ʌl-e ɦo-i
3SG.NOM water drink-PP-SEQ be-3SG.FUT
'S/he will have drunk water.' (13.041)
c) Present perfect.
The participle form of the verb suffixed by -ए /-e/ retains in present perfect

followed by the copula बा /bɑ/ with finite morphology already discussed in present
progressive.
(13) a. हमनी िड शनरी पर काम कइले बानी ।
ɦʌmni ɖiksnʌri pʌr kʌm kʌile bɑni
ɦʌm-ni ɖiksnʌri pʌr kʌm kʌr-il-e bɑni
1SG.NOM-PL dictionary LOC less do-PP-SEQ be.PRES.H
'We have worked on dictionary.' (03.079)
b. भोजपुरी- हदी-अं ेजी म लोक श दकोश ऊ लोग िनकलले बा ।
b̤ ojpuri ɦindi ʌŋreji mẽ lok sʌbdʌkos u loɡ
b̤ ojpuri ɦindi ʌŋreji mẽ lok sʌbdʌkos u loɡ
Bhojpuri Hindi English LOC folk dictionary 3SG.NOM PL

nikʌlle bɑ
nikɑl-ʌl-e bɑ
bring out-PP-SEQ be.3SG.PRES
'In Bhojpuri-Hindi-English, they have published a Folk-dictionary.' (03.083)
c. हम भोजपुरी के छौ गो प नेपाल म देखले बानी ।

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ɦʌm b̤ ojpuri ke cʰɔ ɡo rup nepɑl mẽ
ɦʌm b̤ ojpuri ke cʰɔ ɡo rup nepɑl mẽ
1SG.NOM Bhojpuri GEN six CLF form Nepal LOC

dekʰle bɑni
dekʰ-ʌl-e bɑni
see-PP-SEQ be.PRES.H
'I have seen six varieties of Bhojpuri in Nepal.' (03.163)
d. भोजपु रया समाज ओइसन भी कहले बा ।
b̤ ojpuriɑ sʌmɑj oisʌn b̤ i kʌɦle bɑ
b̤ ojpuri-ɑ sʌmɑj oisʌn b̤ i kʌɦ-ʌl-e bɑ
Bhojpuri-DEF society like that also say-PP-SEQ be.3SG.PRES
'Bhojpuri society has said this too.' (03.197)
e. उहाँके एगो कताब िलखले बानी ।
uɦɑ̃ke eɡo kitɑb likʰle bɑni
uɦɑ̃-ke ek-ɡo kitɑb likʰ-ʌl-e bɑni
there-SPEC one-CLF book write-PP-SEQ be.PRES.H
'He has written a book.' (04.104)
10.3 Modality
The modality codes the speaker's attitute toward proposition, primarily two
types of judgement made by the speaker concerning the propositional information
carried in the clause: epistemic and evaluative (Givón, 2001a:300).
It is indicated by special grammatical marking system in the verb, which
interacts with any tenses. As discussed in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:219), the
two modalities can further be subcategorized. Epistemic modality covers truth,
probability, certainty, belief and evidence; whereas, evaluative modality covers
desirability, preference, intent, ability, obligation and manipulation. But they are not
mutually exclusive, so, they intersect in highly specific ways.
10.3.1 Epistemic modality
Epistemic modality has its scope over the whole proposition and deals with the
truth-value of that proposition (Butler, 2003:969). It codes the semantic levels such as
truth, degree of probability, certainty, evidence, belief, etc. Traditionally, there are
four epistemic modalities: presupposition, realis assertion, irrealis assertion and
negative assertion. When a proposition is taken for granted to be true and left

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unchallenged by the hearer, it is said to be presupposition. Realis refers to something
which has happened or is happening, so, it may be extended to refer something which
is certain to happen (Dixon 2012:22). In a realis assertion the speaker asserts a
proposition to be true and has evidence for its truth-value if questioned. Irrealis refers
to something which has not (yet) happened and it often also is used for something
which did not happen in the past, but might have (Dixon 2012:22). So, within irrealis,
there are generally a number of modality choices, covering necessity, possibility,
potential, etc The proposition in irrealis assertion is the one that the speaker asserts
weakly to be either possible, likely or uncertain, or necessary, desired or undesired.
Hence, the speaker is not ready to back up the assertion if challenged. In negative
assertion, the proposition is strongly asserted to be false, most commonly in
contradticiton to the hearer's explicit or assumed beliefs.
Further more, the four traditional modalities are grouped into two super
modalities in which the first two come to be factual and the rest two non-factual
epistemic modalities. In Bhojpuri, distribution of epistemic modality can be described
as follows:
a) Inherent modality of lexical verbs
Much like inherent aspects, lexical verbs (or adjectives) in Bhojpuri also carry
some inherent modality – either presupposition or realis or irrealis or negations. This
can easily be revealed by applying the reference test, since verbs spread their modal
scope over their oject NPs. Let us consider the indefinite object in the following:
(14) a. ऊ िबलाई पोसेला । (Fact)
u bilɑi poselɑ
u bilɑi pos-elɑ
3SG.NOM cat keep-3SG.PRES.NH
'He keeps a cat.' (13.042)
b. ऊ िबलाई खोजता । (Irrealis)
u bilɑi kʰojʌtɑ
u bilɑi kʰoj-ʌt bɑ
3SG.NOM cat search-IMPF be.3SG. PRES
'He is searching for a cat.' (13.043)
c. ऊ िबलाई ना राखे । (Negation)
u bilɑi nɑ rɑkʰe

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u bilɑi nɑ rɑkʰ-e
3SG.NOM cat NEG keep-3.PRES
'He doesn't keep a cat.' (13.044)
The vast majority of verbs, no matter, carry an inherently realis modality, it is
more economical to list the relatively few lexical verbs with irrealis, negation, or
presupposition scope, such as:
(i) Inherent irrealis verbs
चाह /cɑɦ/ 'want', खोज /kʰoj/ 'search', सपना /sʌpnɑ/ 'dream of', मान /mɑn/ 'suppose',

पितया /pʌtiɑ/ 'believẽ in', सोच /soc/ 'think of'

(ii) Inherent negative verbs
छु ट /cʰuʈ/ 'lack', गवाँ /ɡʌwã/ 'miss,' इनकार /inkɑr/ 'refuse', िगर /ɡir/ 'decline'
(iii)Inherent presupposition verbs
जान /jɑn/ 'know', िबसर /bisʌr/ 'forget', दुःख /dukʰ/ 'regret'
b) Modality and tense-aspect
The reference test, when applied to tense-aspect, establishes the following
correlations between modality and tense-aspect in Bhojpuri as in Table 10.11.
Table 10.11 Distribution of modality in tense-aspect
modality tense aspect
fact past perfective
present perfect
progressive
non-fact future habitual
progressive
In more concreate way epistemic modality in Bhojpuri can be subcategorized
as follows: probability, evidentiality, certainty and negation.
(i) Probability
The main function of this modality is to indicate that the situation described in
the proposition is probably true. It may occur with any of the tenses.
(15) a. आज त दनभर अपने लोग राखी के गीत सुनले होखेम ।
ɑj tʌ dinb̤ ʌr ʌpne loɡ rɑkʰi ke ɡit
ɑj tʌ din-b̤ ʌr ʌpne loɡ rɑkʰi ke ɡit
today COND day-fill 2SG.H PL Raxabandhan GEN song

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sunle ɦokʰem
sun-ʌl-e ɦokʰ-em
listen-PP-SEQ be-FUT.H
'Today you might have enjoyed Rakhi songs throughout the day.' (07.003)
b. तोहरे भाई मरल होई ।
toɦʌre b̤ ɑi mʌrʌl ɦoi
toɦ-ʌr-e b̤ ɑi mʌr-ʌl ɦo-i
2SG-GEN-EMPH brother die-PP be-3.FUT
'Your own brother might have died. (10.089)
b. माई जागल होई ।
mɑi jɑɡʌl ɦoi
mɑi jɑɡ-ʌl ɦo-i
mother awaken-PP be-3.FUT
'Mother will be awaking.' (13.021)
c. तोहनी कब ी खेलत होखबऽ ।
toɦni kʌbʌɖɖi kʰelʌt ɦokʰbʌ
tu-ni kʌbʌɖɖi kʰel-ʌt ɦokʰ-bʌ
2SG.NOM-PL kabaddi play-IMPF be-2.FUT.MH
'You will be playing Kabaddi.' (13.016)
(ii) Evidentiality
Evidentiality has a binary contrast in grammaticalization: direct evidentiality
(directly experienced) and indirect evidentiality (indirect evidence) in Bhojpuri. In both the
contexts, the intransitive verb जा /jɑ/ 'go' is used grammaticalized to exhibit direct or
indirect evidences. The context can only differentiate direct and indirect evidentiality in
Bhojpuri as shown in (16a-b).
(16) a. मधुशाला तक अनुवाद होके आ गइल बा ।
mʌd̤ usɑlɑ tʌk ʌnuwɑd ɦoke ɑ ɡʌil bɑ
mʌd̤ usɑlɑ tʌk ʌnuwɑd ɦo-ke ɑ jɑ-il bɑ
Madhushala till translation be-SEQ come go-PP be.3SG.PRES
'Even Madhushala (bar) has come to have been translated (a copy I do
have).' (03.358)
b. रात म लइकन सुत गइलन ।

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rɑt mẽ lʌikʌn sut ɡʌilʌn
rɑt mẽ lʌikʌn sut jɑ-il-ʌn
night LOC children sleep go-PP.3PL.PST
'The children slept at night (the parents assumed).' (010.009)
As exemplified in (16a-b), the speaker has expressed direct experience of the
translation of मधुशाला /mad̤ usɑlɑ/ 'bar' in (16a) but such evidence is not found in
(16b) of sleeping of the children at night.
(iii) Certainty
Certainty denotes that the speaker is emphasizing that the proposition is true.
In Bhojpuri, the certainty is marked by -बे -be with the verb stem as shown in (17a-b).

(17) a. सपना त हम भोजपुरी म देखबे करे नी ।

sʌpnɑ tʌ ɦʌm b̤ ojpuri mẽ dekʰʌbe kʌreni
sʌpnɑ tʌ ɦʌm b̤ ojpuri mẽ dekʰ-ʌb-e kʌr-eni
dream COND 1SG.NOM Bhojpuri LOC see-INF-EMPH do-PRES.H
'The dream I certainly entertain in Bhojpuri.' (03.041)
b. जब प रवार म सभे बिहरे बा त कु छ गड़बड़ त होखबे करी ।
jʌb pʌriwɑr mẽ sʌb̤ e bʌɦire bɑ tʌ
jʌb pʌriwɑr mẽ sʌb̤ -e bʌɦir-e bɑ tʌ
when family LOC all-EMPH deaf-EMPH be.3.PRES COND

kucʰ ɡʌɽbʌɽ tʌ ɦokʰʌbe kʌri

kucʰ ɡʌɽbʌɽ tʌ ɦokʰ-ʌb-e kʌr-i
something wrong COND be-INF-EMPH do-3SG.FUT
'If all of the family members are deaf and dumb, certainly some disorders
are expected to happen.' (10.028)
In examples (17a-b) the verb कर /kʌr/ is placed to perform its grammaticalized
function of certainty following emphasized form of the main verb.
(iv) Negation
Negation is a process or construction in grammatical and semantic analysis
which typically expresses the contradiction of some or all of a sentence's meaning
(Crystal, 2003:310). In Bhojpuri, मत /mʌt/ and ना /nɑ/ are the negation particles that

precede the verb to negativize the clause or sentences. Moreover, मत /mʌt/ precedes

the verb in imperative sentence, while ना /nɑ/ with all other cases, also used by Great

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Poet Vidyapati (14th-15th Century A. D.). in his verse. Hence, मत /mʌt/ 'opinion' with
its root in Sanskrit that continues in a group of NIA languages, it is grammaticalized
to function as a negative particle in Bhojpuri, Hindi and Awadhi, too.
(18) a. अभी मत कु छ कहऽ ।
ʌb̤ i mʌt kucʰ kʌɦʌ
ʌb̤ i mʌt kucʰ kʌr-ʌ
now NEG something do-IMP.MH
'Don't tell me anything now.' (010.132)
b. अब के करो के गारी मत दे ।
ʌb kekro ke ɡɑri mʌt de
ʌb ke-ʌr-o ke ɡɑri mʌt de
now who-GEN-EMPH ACC abuse NEG give.IMP
'Don't abuse anyone now onwards.' (010.142)
c. ओछ कपड़ा मत पेऩ ।
ocʰ kʌpɽɑ mʌt pen̥
short cloth NEG wear.IMP
'Don't wear short clothes.' (010.171)
d. बेसी लोग के खाए के ना पुगत रहे ।
besi loɡ ke kʰɑe ke nɑ puɡʌt rʌɦe
besi loɡ ke kʰɑ-e ke nɑ puɡ-ʌt rʌɦ-e
more people GEN eat-PUR caus NEG suffice-IMPF live-3.PST
'Majority of the people did not have sufficient food.' (02.043)
e. तोहरा के िजआन करे खाितर ना िमली ।
toɦrɑ ke jiɑn kʌre kʰɑtir nɑ mili
tu-ʌr-ɑ ke jiɑn kʌr-e kʰɑtir nɑ mil-i
2SG-GEN-DEF DAT spoil do-PUR for NEG get-3SG.FUT
'You will be availed nothing for spoiling.' (02.045)
f. ऊ लगानी अपने के फता ना होई ।
u lʌɡɑni ʌpne ke pʰirtɑ nɑ ɦoi
u lʌɡɑni ʌpne ke pʰirtɑ nɑ ɦo-i
3SG investment 2SG.H GEN return NEG be-3SG.FUT
'That investment of yours won't be turned back.' (02.101)

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g. जइसे सिस काँप रा डर ना । (Vidyapati Verse 147)
jʌise sʌsi kɑ̃p rɑɦu ɖʌr nɑ
jʌise sʌsi kɑ̃p rɑɦu ɖʌr nɑ
rel moon tremble Rahu fear NEG

'Such as the moon trembles, but not Rahu, before eclipse.' (Gupt 1910:76)
10.3.2 Evaluative (deontic) modality
The evaluative (deontic) modality describes the internal or external ability of
the willful agent with respect to the completion or the predicate system. It may be
combined with any of the tenses.
There are two kinds of evaluative (deontic) modalities in Bhojpuri: ability and
obligation. They are coded by the verbal affixes.
a) Ability
The ability indicates that the agent of the verb has the mental or physical
ability to complete the action of the main verb. It is indicated in the complex of the
verb by the ability copula सक /sʌk/ 'can' with agreement morphology.

(19) a. बेसी आग पर सेदल जर सके ला ।

besi ɑɡ pʌr sedʌl jʌr sʌkelɑ
besi ɑɡ pʌr sed-ʌl jʌr sʌk-elɑ
more fire LOC bake-INF root can-3SG.PRES
'To bake something on high fire can burn.' (010.185)
b. अपराध फाँसी के फं दा तक प च
ँ ा सके ला ।
ʌprɑd̤ pʰɑ̃si ke pʰʌndɑ tʌk pʌɦũcɑ sʌkelɑ
ʌprɑd̤ pʰɑ̃si ke pʰʌndɑ tʌk pʌɦũc-ɑ sʌk-elɑ
crime execution GEN noose till reach-CAUS can-3SG.PRES
'The crime can push upto noose of execution.' (010.247)
c. हम दउर सके नी ।
ɦʌm dʌur sʌkeni
ɦʌm dʌur sʌk-eni
1SG.NOM run can-PRES.H
'I can run.' (Khatri, 2012:40)
d. तू एह लकड़ी के बेध सके लऽ ।
tu eɦ lʌkʌɽi ke bed̤ sʌkelʌ

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tu eɦ lʌkʌɽi ke bed̤ sʌk-elʌ
2SG.NOM PROX twig ACC pierce can-2.PRES.MH
'You can pierce this twig.' (010.102)
e. रउआ लोग एक बेर उ जा सकतानी ।
rʌuɑ loɡ ek ber ubjɑ sʌkʌtɑni
rʌuɑ loɡ ek ber ubjɑ sʌk-ʌt bɑni
2SG.H PL one time grow can-IMPF be.PRES.H
'You can grow for once.' (02.091)
b) Obligation
The obligation indicates that the agent is obliged to perform the action of the
verb. It is indicated by obligation morpheme -एके /-eke/ suffixed to the main verb.
Moreover, the subject turns into either DO or IO.
(20) a. हमरा नदी पार होएके बा ।
ɦʌmrɑ nʌdi pɑr ɦoeke bɑ
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ nʌdi pɑr ɦo-eke bɑ
1SG-GEN-SPEC river cross become-OBL be.3SG.PRES
'I have to go across the river.' (010.099)
b. तोरा भीखमङे रहेके बा ।
torɑ b̤ ikʰmʌŋe rʌɦeke bɑ
tu-ʌr-ɑ b̤ ikʰmɑŋɑ-e rʌɦ-eke bɑ
2SG-GEN-SPEC beggar-EMPH live-OBL be.3SG.PRES
'You have to remain a beggar.' (07.042)
c. नया ब रआ के ब त गासी सुनेके पड़ेला ।
nʌyɑ bʌɦuriɑ ke bʌɦut ɡɑsi suneke pʌɽelɑ
nʌyɑ bʌɦuriɑ ke bʌɦut ɡɑsi sun-eke pʌɽ-elɑ
new bride DAT more complaint listen-OBL lie-3SG.PRES
'The new bride has to accept a lot of complaints.' (010.034)
As we have already observed the subject/agent has been demoted to DO/IO in the
examples to express obligation. But it is omitted also.
(21) a. डाढ़ खेले चलेके बा ।
ɖɑɽ̊ kʰele cʌleke bɑ

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ɖɑɽ̊ kʰel-e cʌl-eke bɑ
pig-cry play-PUR walk-OBL be.3SG.PRES
'We have to go for pig-cry game.' (03.233)
b. अपने से बात करे के बा ।
ʌpne se bɑt kʌreke bɑ
ʌpne se bɑt kʌr-eke bɑ
2SG.H with talk do-OBL be.3SG.PRES
'I have to talk to you.' (010.011)
c. िजनगी म ब तो कं टक से बँचेके पड़ेला ।
jinɡi mẽ bʌɦuto kʌnʈʌk se bʌ̃ceke pʌɽelɑ
jinɡi mẽ bʌɦut-o kʌnʈʌk se bʌ̃c-eke pʌɽ-elɑ
life LOC more-EMPH foe ABL save-OBL lie-3SG.PRES
'We have to protect from several foes in life.' (010.261)
d. जौन अवरोधक बा ओकरा के छोड़ेके पड़ी, ई हमर कहनाम बा ।
jɔn ʌbrod̤ ʌk bɑ okʌrɑ ke cʰoɽeke
jɔn ʌbrod̤ -ʌk bɑ u-ʌr-ɑ ke cʰoɽ-eke
COND obstruction-ADJ be.3SG.PRES 3SG-GEN-DEF ACC leave-OBL
pʌɽi
pʌɽ-i
fall-3SG.FUT
'The obstacle, whatever is, has to be abandoned.' (03.356)
10.4 Mood
Mood functions as the speaker's attitude toward a situation, including the
speaker's belief in its reality, or likelihood. As its close neighbours Chitoniya Tharu
(Paudyal 2013:209), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:238), Maithili (Yadav 1996:162),
Hinid (Koul 2008:116) and Nepali (Upadhyay 2010:103 and Adhikari 2016:211) display
different moods, moods in Bhojpuri has been displplayed variably in Grierson
(1884a:35), Tiwari (1954:256-8 and 1960:161-2), Nirbhik (1975:128-9), Triphathy
(1987:260-1), Shrivastava (1999:90), Sharma and Ashk (2007:73), Thakur (2011:105-6)
and Singh (2013:161-2). In my observation, Bhojpuri has the following distinctive
moods: declarative (indicative), interrogative, imperative, optative and conditional.
Agreement morphology is retained between subject and verb (main verb or copula) for
persons, numbers, genders, honorificity and tenses in declarative and interrogative moods.

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10.4.1 Declarative (indicative) mood
Declarative (indicative) mood is expressed by the regular forms of verbs used
in statement or in assertive sentences. It asserts the truth value of propositions. It is
considered as the basic mood in Bhojpuri in basic word order SOV (Subject-Object-
Verb). It is liable to be changed into interrogative with question intonation or addition
of some question words.2
10.4.2 Interrogative mood
The declarative sentences can be changed into interrogative, by means of
question words or with rising intonation. There are four types of interrogative
sentences found in Bhojpuri: content question (using question word), yes/no question
(using rising tone), tag question and alternative question.3
10.4.3 Imperative mood
Crystal (2003:227) exhibits the imperative mood referring to verb forms or
sentence/clause types, typically used in the expression of commands, e.g., Go away! In
imperative mood, the form of verb is used for direct order or command in the second
person. So, this mood is restricted to the second person.4
10.4.4 Optative mood
A wish or a desire, blessing and curse are expressed in optative mood in
Bhojpuri as we experience in other languages, too.
(22) a. भोजपुरी के उ ित, भोजपुरी के िवकास होखो, ई हमर चाहना ह ।
b̤ ojpuri ke unnʌti b̤ ojpuri ke bikɑs ɦokʰo
b̤ ojpuri ke unnʌti b̤ ojpuri ke bikɑs ɦokʰ-o
Bhojpuri GEN promotion Bhojpuri GEN development be-OPT
i ɦʌmʌr cɑɦnɑ ɦʌ
i ɦʌm-ʌr cɑɦnɑ ɦʌ
PROX 1SG-GEN will be.3SG.PRES
'May Bhojpuri promote and prosper! It is my motto.' (03.042)
b. जइसे आइल ओइसही जाओ ।
jʌise ɑil oisʌɦi jɑo

2. Agreement morphology in declarative mood has already been described and exemplified in section
10.1 in this chapter.
3. Interrogative mood is discussed in detail in Chapter 11.
4. The imperative mood is discussed in detail in Chapter 11.

339
jʌise ɑ-il oise-ɦi jɑ-o
as come-3SG.PST similarly-EMPH go-OPT
'As s/he came, may s/he go.' (010.509)
c. जइसे जी ओइसे िजओ ।
jʌise ji oise jio
jʌise ji-i oise ji-o
as live-3.FUT similarly live-OPT
'May s/he live as s/he can.' (010.515)
d. तू फे ल हो जा !
tu pʰel ɦo jɑ
tu pʰel ɦo jɑ
2SG.NOM fail be go.OPT.MH
'May you fail!' (Khatri, 2012:33)
10.4.5 Conditional (subjunctive) mood
Conditional or subjunctive mood is in contrast to declarative or imprerative
mood. It refers to the verb form or sentence/clause types, used in the expression in
subordinate clause. The conditional is occurred in 'hypothetical' construction. In
another word, in conditional or subjunctive mood, a sentence, consists of an
antecedent (or a condition) and a consequent.
(23) a. य द सम मधेश एक देश होता त सम मधेश ब भाषी देश रही ।
yʌdi sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes ɦotɑ
yʌdi sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes ɦo-ʌt bɑ
if whole Madhesh one province be-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
tʌ sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es bʌɦub̤ ɑsi rʌɦi
tʌ sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es bʌɦub̤ ɑsi rʌɦ-i
COND whole Madhesh multilingual live-3SG.FUT
'If the whole Madhesh is formed as a single province, it will be a
multilingual province.' (01.028)
b. ... एक टुकड़ा जमीन अगर रिहत त हम ओ म काम करके कु छ उबजाके खइती ... ।
ek ʈukɽɑ jʌmin ʌɡʌr rʌɦit tʌ ɦʌm o mẽ
ek ʈukɽɑ jʌmin ʌɡʌr rʌɦ-it tʌ ɦʌm o mẽ
one piece land if live-3.PST.IRR COND 1SG.NOM that LOC

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kɑm kʌrke kucʰ ubjɑke kʰʌiti
kɑm kʌr-ke kucʰ ubjɑ-ke kʰɑ-iti
work do-SEQ something grow-SEQ eat-3.PST.IRR.H
'… if I had a piece of land would work on it and live on growing something ...' (02.032)
c. जदगी सलामत रही त बार बार मुलाकात होई ।
jindʌɡi sʌlɑmʌt rʌɦi tʌ bɑr bɑr
jinɡi sʌlɑmʌt rʌɦ-i tʌ bɑr bɑr
life healthy live-3SG.FUT COND time time
mulɑkɑt ɦoi
mulɑkɑt ɦo-i
face to face be-3SG.FUT
'If life is normal our meeting will continue.' (03.023)
d. अगर एकर उ टा के करता त ओकरा के िपटे म कवनो हरज नइखे ।
ʌɡʌr ekʌr ulʈɑ keɦu kʌrʌtɑ tʌ
ʌɡʌr i-ʌr ulʈɑ keɦu kʌr-ʌt bɑ tʌ
if PROX-GEN reverse anyone do-.IMPF be.3SG.PRES COND
s

okʌrɑ ke piʈe mẽ kɔno ɦʌrʌj nʌikʰe

okʌrɑ ke piʈ-e mẽ kɔno ɦʌrʌj nʌikʰe
3SG.GEN ACC beat-PUR LOC any objection not to be
'If someone is doing reverse of it, there is no objection to beat him/her.' (03.196)
10.4.6 Allocutive agreement
As dialectal variation in Bhojpuri we presented in Chapter 3, the mid-eastern
and eastern dialects of Bhojpuri exhibit allocution in verb agreement. This is the
characteristics of Magadhi which Bhojpuri has been originated from, diachronically.
Such allocative agreements have already been exhibited in Magahi (Rakesh and
Kumar 2013:185-9), Maithili (Bickel, Bisang and Yadava 1999:508-11) and Bajjika
(Zahid 2017:106 and Kashyap 2019:51-2). Bhojpuri displays such characteristics of
allocutive agreement, as shown in (24).
(24) a. हम भात खइली ।
ɦʌm b̤ ɑt kʰʌili
ɦʌm b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-il-i
1SG.NOM rice eat-INF-PST.H
'I ate rice.' (Addressee neutral)

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b. हम भात खइिलअइन ।
ɦʌm b̤ ɑt kʰʌili
ɦʌm b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-il-i-ʌin
1SG.NOM rice eat-INF-PST.H-2.H
'I ate rice.' (For full honorific addressee)
c. हम भात खइिलऔ ।
ɦʌm b̤ ɑt kʰʌili
ɦʌm b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-il-i-ɔ
1SG.NOM rice eat-INF-PST.H-2MH
'I ate rice.' (For mid-honorific addressee)
d. हम भात खइिलअऊ ।
ɦʌm b̤ ɑt kʰʌili
ɦʌm b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-il-i
1SG.NOM rice eat-INF-PST.H-2NH
'I ate rice.' (For non-honorific addressee)
e. मोहन साँझे सुतऽले ।
moɦʌn sɑ̃ȷ̈e sutʌle
mohʌn sɑ̃ȷ̈-e sut-ʌl-e
Mohan evening-EMPH sleep-INF-3PRES
'Mohan sleeps early in the evening.' (Addressee neutral)
f. मोहन साँझे सुतऽलइन ।
moɦʌn sɑ̃ȷ̈e sutʌlʌin
mohʌn sɑ̃ȷ̈-e sut-ʌl-ʌin
Mohan evening-EMPH sleep-INF-3PRES.2H
'Mohan sleeps early in the evening.' (For full honorific addressee)
g. मोहन साँझे सुतऽलौ ।
moɦʌn sɑ̃ȷ̈e sutʌlɔ
mohʌn sɑ̃ȷ̈-e sut-ʌl-ɔ
Mohan evening-EMPH sleep-INF-3PRES.2MH
'Mohan sleeps early in the evening.' (For mid-honorific addressee)
h. मोहन साँझे सुतऽलऊ ।
moɦʌn sɑ̃ȷ̈e sutʌlʌu

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mohʌn sɑ̃ȷ̈-e sut-ʌl-ʌu
Mohan evening-EMPH sleep-INF-3PRES.2NH
'Mohan sleeps early in the evening.' (For non-honorific addressee)
i. मङ िबहान आई ।
mʌŋʌru biɦɑn ɑi
mʌŋʌru biɦɑn ɑ-i
Mangaru tomoroww come-3SG.FUT
'Mangaru comes tomorrow.' (Addressee neutral)
j. मङ िबहान अतइन ।
mʌŋʌru biɦɑn ʌtʌin
mʌŋʌru biɦɑn ɑ-wʌt-ʌin
Mangaru tomoroww come-INF-3.FUT.2H
'Mangaru comes tomorrow.' (For full honorific addressee)
k. मङ िबहान अतौ ।
mʌŋʌru biɦɑn ʌtɔ
mʌŋʌru biɦɑn ɑ-wʌt-ɔ
Mangaru tomoroww come-INF-3FUT.2MH
'Mangaru comes tomorrow.' (For mid-honorific addressee)
l. मङ िबहान अतऊ ।
mʌŋʌru biɦɑn ʌtʌu
mʌŋʌru biɦɑn ɑ-wʌt-ʌu
Mangaru tomoroww come-INF-3.FUT.2NH
'Mangaru come tomorrow.' (For non-honorific addressee)
In the examples shown in (23a-l), the first four sentences (23a-d) express
present tense, the next four sentences (23e-h) exhibit past tense and the last four
sentences (24i-l) show future tense. Among them sentences in (24a, e, i) are neutral
with respect to addressee. Then the other sentences, irrespective of tense, have the
infinite verbs are suffixed with -अइन /-ʌin/ for full honorific, -औ /-ɔ/ for mid-

honorific and -अऊ /-ʌu/ for non-honorific addressee, no matter, whether the
addressees are seen in the sentences or not. No addressee reports presence in the
examples but the allocutive suffixes signal their presence.

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10.5 Summary
In this chapter, we discussed the tense, aspect and modality in Bhojpuri. The
Bhojpuri verbs are inflected with suffixes -इल /-il/ and -अल /-ʌl/ or -वल /-wʌl/ for
infinitive or participle that plays significant roles in TAM. This language exhibits
morphologically marked past, present and future tenses with verbs. The past tense in
Bhojpuri is marked by the suffixes -इस /-is/, -ए /-e/, -एँ /-ẽ/, -अ /-ʌ/, -ऊ /-u/, -अस /-ʌs/, -

अक /-ʌk/, -अख /-ʌkʰ/, -अन /-ʌn/, -इनी /-ini/, -अनी /-ʌni/ or -नी /-ni/ for second and third

persons in accordance with gender, number and honorificity. Moreover, -इनी /-ini/ or -

अनी /-ʌni/ or -नी /-ni/ is full honorific marker in all environments replacing the

infinitive/participle markers -इल /-il/ and -अल /-ʌl/ or -वल /-wʌl/. The suffix -एब /-eb/

or -एम /-em/ generally marks future tense with verb roots in Bhojpuri. Besides, -इबे /-

ibe/, -इहे /-iɦe/, -इबऽ /-ibʌ/, -इह /-iɦʌ/, -इबू /-ibu/, -ई /-i/, -इह /-iɦẽ/, -इहन /-iɦʌn/ and -

इहेन /-iɦen/ mark variably with regards to person, number, gender and honorificity.
Similarly, present tense in Bhojpuri appears in the form of verb-stem suffixed by
imperfective marker -अत /-ʌt/ followed by copula बानी /bɑni/, बाड़ऽ /bɑɽʌ/, बाड़ू /bɑɽu/,

बाड़ /bɑɽẽ/, बाड़ेन /bɑɽen/, बाड़न /bɑɽʌn/, बाटे /bɑʈe/, बाट /bɑʈẽ/, बा /bɑ/ according to
person, gender, honorificity and number. But deletion and contraction have occurred to
delete ब /b/ from the copula and the rest morphemes to be contracted with -अत /-ʌt/.
Aspectual contrasts in Bhojpuri may be broadly categorized into perfective,
imperfective and perfect. Perfective aspects in Bhojpuri are inherent and grammatical.
In terms of their inherent perfectivity Bhojpuri verbs may be classified into compact
short-duration verbs, accomplishment-completion verbs, activity-process verbs and
stative verbs. In terms of grammatical perfectivity they focus on termination and
boundedness. Similarly, the imperfective aspect includes past progressive, future
progressive, present progressive, past habitual and present habitual. Besides, perfect
aspects are categorized as past perfect, future perfect and present perfect. Modality in
Bhojpuri may be divided into epistemic and evaluative (deontic) types. The truth,
probability, certainty, belief and evidence expressed in terms of presupposition, realis
assertion, irrealis assertion and negative assertion are epistemic modalities. Similarly,
ability and obligation fall under deontic modality. Bhojpuri also expresses some
distinctive moods in terms of declarative (indicative), interrogative, imperative, optative
and conditional (subjunctive) along with the allocutive agreement eastwards.

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CHAPTER 11
NON-DECLARATIVE SPEECH ACTS
11.0 Outline
Up to this point, we have dealt almost exclusively with declarative speech-
acts, i.e., with clauses where the speaker’s main communicative goal was informative
(Givón 2001b:287). This chapter deals with the non-declarative speech acts in
Bhojpuri. It consists of five sections. In section 11.1, we deal with interrogative
speech acts and section 11.2 deals with manipulative speech acts. Section 11.3
examines de-transitive voices and in section 11.4, we discuss passivization. Section
11.5 presents the summary of this chapter.
11.1 Interrogative speech acts
Within the class of interrogative clauses, languages typically distinguish two
subtypes: those for which the information requested is a simple affirmation or
disaffirmation (yes or no), and those for which the requested information is a more
elaborate locution – a phrase, a proposition, or an entire discourse (Payne 1997:295). They
are also known as polar and constituent questions respectively, both available in Bhojpuri
and also partially displayed in Nirbhik (1975:135), Tripathy (1987:261), Shrivastava
(1999:111), Sharma and Ashk (2007:73) and Singh (2013:162) but Thakur (2011:145) has
made efforts to exhibit them properly. Thus, in my observation, as its close neighbours
Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:315), Maithili (Yadav 1996:290), Hindi (Koul 2008:222)
and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:436) Bhojpuri exhibit them in similar ways as follows:
11.1.1 Polar questions
The conventional wisdom about polar (yes/no) questions, based on a long
logical tradition, has been that the speaker asking the question is neutral with respect
to the expected answer – positive or negative (Givόn 2011:312). It provides a logical
condition for polar question, as in (1):
(1) Logical tradition about yes/no questions:
Given proposition P, tell me, is it true or false?
However, it is also the fact about languages that the speakers do not only ask
yes/no-questions with neutral expectations, but with some bias towards either the
affirmative or negative response.
Payne (1997:295-6) exhibits a change in word worder in VO languages, use of
interrogative particles mainly in OV languages, and employment of intonation
patterns in languages universally to form yes/no questions. Cross-linguistically, as
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Givόn (2001b: 294-5) notes "languages may use intonation, morphology and word
order to code yes/no-questions."1 Intonation alone can distinguish a yes/no question
from its declarative counterpart in Bhojpuri. as in (2a-b):
(2) a. ई कवनो बात बा ?
i kɔno bɑt bɑ
PROX any matter be.3SG.PRES
'IS this any matter of concern?' (01.065)
b. ओकरा बाद म नेपाल म अइनी ?
okʌrɑ bɑd mẽ nepɑl mẽ ʌini
u-ʌr-ɑ bɑd mẽ nepɑl mẽ ɑ-ini
3.SG-GEN-DEF later LOC Nepal LOC come-PST.H
'After that, did you COME to Nepal?' (04.036)
In examples (2a-b), yes/no questions are equivalent to their declarative
counterparts except the slightly raised intonation assigned to the finite verbs
(italicised in Devanagari and IPA as well as capitalized in its free English translation).
Thus, the basic pattern of marking the neutral yes/no question in Bhojpuri is the
assignment of rising intonation to the questioned constituent of a sentence.
Moreover, a single word as well as a phrase can also be yes/no questions in
Bhojpuri, as shown in (3a-b).
(3) a. छोटा ?
cʰoʈɑ
cʰoʈ-ɑ
small-SPEC
'A small one?' (04.128)
b. आ बारा िजला के कलेया तक ले ?
ɑ bɑrɑ jilɑ ke kʌleyɑ tʌk le
and Bara district GEN Kalaiya till till
'And upto Kalaiya of the Bara district?' (04.192)
However, in terms of the speaker’s epistemic bias toward either the
affirmative or negative response, yes/no questions in Bhojpuri may be further divided
as follows:

1. Yes–No questions are sometimes referred to as “closed questions,” because the set of possible
answers is closed, containing just two members (yes and no) Kroeger (2005: 203).

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a) Focused polar question
When a state/event is assumed to have occurred, but a particular component
element of it – subject, object, verb, adverb – is not fully known to the speaker, this element
is thus the crux of a focused yes/no-question (Givón 2001b:293). Often the question
intonation pattern involves a sentence-final rising pitch, in contrast to a final falling pitch in
declarative sentences, but this is by no means universal, and in some languages this is the
only available strategy (Kroeger 2005:203-4). Bhojpuri uses only intonation to mark the
constituent of focused yes/no question. Following are the examples:
(i) Polar question neutral (or verb focus)
(4) ओकरा बाद म नेपाल म अइनी ?
okʌrɑ bɑd mẽ nepɑl mẽ ʌini
okʌrɑ bɑd mẽ nepɑl mẽ ɑ-ini
3.SG.GEN later LOC Nepal LOC come-PST.H
'After that, did you COME to Nepal?' (04.036)
(ii) Polar question (subject focus)
(5) तू एह लकड़ी के बेध सके लऽ ?
tu eɦ lʌkʌɽi ke bed̤ sʌkelʌ
tu eɦ lʌkʌɽi ke bed̤ sʌk-elʌ
2SG.NOM prox twig ACC pierce can-2.PRES.MH
'Can YOU pierce this twig?' (011.102)
(iii) Polar question (dative focus)
(6) आजका रउरा भाई के नइख देखत ?
ɑj kɑl̥ rʌurɑ b̤ ɑi ke nʌikʰĩ dekʰʌt
ɑj kɑl̥ rʌur-ɑ b̤ ɑi ke nʌikʰ-ĩ dekʰ-ʌt
today yesterday 2SG.DET.H-DEF brother gen be.NEG.PRES-H see-IMPF
'YOUR BROTHER is not seen anywhere nowadays?' (12.011)
(iv) Polar question (patient focus)
(7) बड़ा बड़बड़ाताड़ऽ, कु मा िपले बाड़ऽ ?
bʌɽɑ bʌɽbʌɽɑtɑɽʌ kusmɑ pile
bʌɽ-ɑ bʌɽbʌɽɑ-ʌt bɑɽʌ pi-ʌl-e kusmɑ
great-SPEC jabber-IMPF be.2.PRES drink-PP-SEQ intoxicated squash
bɑɽʌ

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bɑɽʌ
be.2.PRES
'You are jabbering a lot, have you drunk INTOXICATED SQUASH?' (11.223)
(v) Polar question (adjunct focus)
(8) िप ठआ भुइआँ म िगरा दी ँ ?
piʈʈʰiɑ b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ ɡirɑ dĩ
piʈʈʰi-ɑ b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ ɡir-ɑ de-ĩ
cake-DEF ground LOC fall-CAUS give-FUT.H
'Can I let the cake fall on the GROUND?' (05.011)
In example (4), the questioned part of the proposition is the verb. Similarly, in
(5-8) different constituents (italicised in Devanagari and IPA as well as capitalized in its
free English translation) of the sentence are questioned with slightly raised intonation.
b) Alternative polar question
In alternative polar question, "both the affirmative and negative, or even a longer
list of alternatives, are overtly expressed" (Givόn 2001b:292). In Bhojpuri, the questioned
alternatives are juxtaposed to each other with a coordinator क /ki/ 'or', as in (9a-d):

(9) a. लोग के जबान पर ऊ चीज बा क ना ?

loɡ ke jʌbɑn pʌr u cij bɑ ki nɑ
people GEN tongue LOC DIST matter be.3SG.PRES or NEG

'IS there the thing present on the public tongue OR NOT?' (03.108)
b. स से याज चाह क याज के बकलोइया चाह ?
sɔ̃se pyɑj cɑɦĩ ki pyɑj ke bʌkloiɑ cɑɦĩ
sɔs̃ e pyɑj cɑɦ-ĩ ki pyɑj ke bʌkloiɑ cɑɦ-ĩ
whole onion want-3.OPT or onion GEN scale want-3.OPT
'Is the whole onion required or its barks only? (03.133)
c. तू आम खइबऽ क पेँड़ गनबऽ ?
tu ɑm kʰʌibʌ ki pẽɽ ɡʌnbʌ
tu ɑm kʰɑ-ibʌ ki pẽɽ ɡʌn-bʌ
2.SG. NOM mango eat-2.OPT.MH or tree count-2.OPT.MH
'Will you have RESULT or DETAILS OF PROCESS?' (011.221)
d. एह खेत के घास ग बऽ क क बऽ ?
eɦ kʰet ke ɡ̈ɑs ɡʌr̥ bʌ ki kʌʈbʌ

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eɦ kʰet ke ɡ̈ɑs ɡʌr̥ -bʌ ki kɑʈ-bʌ
prox farm GEN grass uproot-2.OPT.MH or cut-2.OPT.MH
'Will you UPROOT or CUT the grass in this farm?' (011.350)
In example (9a), the alternative question between affirmative and negative is
presented whereas in (9b-d) the alternative questions of choices between two different
works as well as different ways of doing the same work are presented (italicised in
Devanagari and IPA as well as capitalized in its free English translation) are simply
juxtaposed to each other with क /ki/ 'or' between the choices.
c) Tag question
Tag question form in Bhojpuri is difficult to be found equivalent to that in
English. But functionally, such fragrant of sentences can be found.
(10) a. एह तरे हमरा ेरणा िमलल रामदेवजी से, ज ी ?
eɦ tʌre ɦʌmrɑ prerʌnɑ milʌl rɑmdeoji se
eɦ tʌre ɦʌm-rɑ prerʌnɑ mil-ʌl rɑmdeo-ji se
prox such 1SG-DAT inspiration get-3SG.PST Ramdeo-H ABL

jʌnni
jɑn-ni
know-PST.H
'In this way I got inspiration from Ramdevji, did you know?' (04.102)
b. हमरा लगे गोरखाप त आवेला ना, ज ी ?
ɦʌmrɑ lʌɡe ɡorkʰɑpʌtrʌ tʌ ɑwelɑ nɑ
ɦʌm-rɑ lʌɡe ɡorkʰɑpʌtrʌ tʌ ɑ-welɑ nɑ
1SG-POSS with Gorkhapatra COND come-3SG.PRES NEG

jʌnni
jɑn-ni
know-PST.H
'First of all Gorkhapatra doesn't come to me, did you understand?' (04.171)
Moreover, Khatri (2012:30) describes tag question in Bhojpuri to be marked
with antecedent clause क ना /ki nɑ/ 'or not'. In my opinion, it is a yes/no question but
not a tag one.
11.1.2 Constituent questions
"In content (or information) questions, a questionword replaces one of the
constituents of the corresponding declarative sentence, to be always the focused

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element of the question, representing the crucial piece of new information that is being
requested" (Kroeger 2005:205). "Wh-questions (also called ‘constituent questions’)
may be then the focus of being either of the subject, object, verb, predicate, adverb,
indirect object, time, place, manner, reason etc" (Givón 2001b:300).
a) Single constituent questions
Bhojpuri employs the interrogative question words to encode different types of
constituent questions normally for a single inquiry: के /ke/ or कौन /kɔn/ 'who', के के /ke

ke/ or के करा के /kekrɑ ke/ 'whom', का /kɑ/ or कथी /kʌtʰi/ 'what or which', के कर /kekʌr/

or कनकर /kinkʌr/ 'whose', कतेक /kʌtek/ or के तना /ketnɑ/ 'how much/many', कै /kɛ/ 'how

many', कब /kʌb/ or किहआ /kʌɦiɑ/ 'when', कहाँ /kʌɦɑ̃/ or के ने /kene/ 'where', कइसन

/kʌisʌn/ or कइसे /kʌise/ 'how' and काहे /kɑɦe/ 'why'.

Most languages use one of two basic strategies: either the questionword
appears at the beginning of the sentence, as in English, to be called "Wh-fronting" or
the question word appears in the place where the constituent which it replaces would
normally occur in a declarative sentence, to be called in situ 'in place' (Kroeger
2005:205). Bhojpuri falls in the second category. Some of the single constituent
questions in Bhojpuri are presented in (11a-q):
(11) a. कु ा के के मुअइलख ?
kuttɑ ke ke muʌilʌkʰ
kuttɑ ke ke mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
dog ACC who die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
'WHO killed the dog?' (06.056)
b. इहाँका के हँ ?
iɦɑ̃kɑ ke ɦʌ̃ĩ
iɦɑ̃-kɑ ke ɦʌ̃ĩ
here-SPEC who be.3.PRES.H
'WHO is s/he?' (11.538)
c. के के रउआ कताब देनी ?
ke ke rʌuɑ kitɑb deni
ke ke rʌuɑ kitɑb de-ni
who DAT 2SG.H book give-PST.H
'WHO did you give the book TO?' or 'WHOM did you give the book?' (06.005)

350
d. राउर िस ांत का ह ?
rɑur sidd̤ ɑnt kɑ ɦʌ
rɑur sidd̤ ɑnt kɑ ɦʌ
2SG.GEN.H principle what be.3SG.PRES
'WHAT is your principle?' (01.034)
e. हमनीका का करे म ?
ɦʌmnikɑ kɑ kʌrem
ɦʌm-ni-kɑ kɑ kʌr-em
1SG-PL-SPEC what do-FUT.H
'WHAT can we do?' (02.103)
f. ह र ह र कञोन कएल हमे पाप ? (Vidyapati's verse 71)
ɦʌri ɦʌri kɔn kɛl ɦʌme pɑp
ɦʌri ɦʌri kɔn kʌr-il ɦʌm-e pɑp
God God what do-PP 1SG.NOM-EMPH sin
'O My God! WHAT sin I committed?' (Gupt 1910:38)
g. नजदीक के भाषा सब कौन-कौन ह ?
nʌjdik ke b̤ ɑsɑ sʌb kɔn kɔn ɦʌ
close GEN language PL which which be.3SG.PRES
'WHAT are the languages nearer to it?' (03.113)
h. कौना राहे जइबऽ ?
kɔnɑ rɑɦe jʌibʌ
kɔn-ɑ rɑɦ-e jɑ-ibʌ
which-SPEC way-LOC go-2.FUT.MH
'WHICH way will you go on?' (011.435)
i. ई किवता के कर रचल बा ?
i kʌbitɑ kekʌr rʌcʌl bɑ
i kʌbitɑ ke-ʌr rʌc-ʌl bɑ
PROX poem who-GEN create-PP be.3SG.PRES
'WHOSE creation is this poem?' (011.286)
j. के तना त रका से भोजपुरी बोलल जाला ?
ketnɑ tʌrikɑ se b̤ ojpuri bolʌl jɑlɑ

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ketnɑ tʌrikɑ se b̤ ojpuri bol-ʌl jɑ-lɑ
how many method with Bhojpuri speak-INF go-3SG.PRES
'HOW MANY ways is Bhojpuri spoken in?' (03.120)
k. दोसरा भाषा से ऊ के तना नजदीक बा ?
dosʌrɑ b̤ ɑsɑ se u ketnɑ nʌjdik bɑ
du-ʌr-ɑ b̤ ɑsɑ se u ketnɑ nʌjdik bɑ
two-ORD-DEF language with DIST how much close be.3SG.PRES
'HOW MUCH is it nearer to other language?' (03.112)
l. कै बरीस भइल ई भोजपुरी समाचार के ?
kɛ bʌris b̤ ʌil i b̤ ojpuri sʌmɑcɑr ke
kɛ bʌrʌs b̤ ʌ-il i b̤ ojpuri sʌmɑcɑr ke
how many year become-3SG.PST PROX Bhojpuri news ACC

'HOW MANY years has the Bhojpuri news passed?' (03.415)

m. धनपत कब आइल ?
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌb ɑil
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌb ɑ-il
Dhanpat when come-3SG.PST
'WHEN did Dhanpat come?' (06.009)
n. किहआ के बात ह ?
kʌɦiɑ ke bɑt ɦʌ
kʌɦiɑ ke bɑt ɦʌ
when GEN matter be.3SG.PRES
'WHEN did it happen?' (11.073)
o. ऊ कहाँ बाड़ी अभी ?
u kʌɦɑ̃ bɑɽi ʌb̤ i
u kʌɦɑ̃ bɑɽi ʌb̤ i
3SG.NOM where be.3.PRES.F.MH now
'WHERE is she now?' (03.146)
p. पुनु कइसे नु क गेिल ? (Vidyapati verse 58)
punu kʌise nuki ɡeli
punu kʌise nuk-i jɑ-il-i
again how hide-SEQ go-PP-2.PST.H
'HOW did you hide again?' (Gupt 1910:32)
352
q. तू काहे बागी भइल बाड़ऽ ?
tu kɑɦe bɑɡi b̤ ʌil bɑɽʌ
tu kɑɦe bɑɡi b̤ ʌ-il bɑɽʌ
2SG.NOM why rebel become-PP be.2.PRES.MH
'WHY have you become a rebel?' (011.115)
Bhojpuri question for reason काहे /kɑɦe/ 'why' is the outcome of

grammaticalization of Sanskrit question for procedure के न /kenʌ/ 'how' for the same
function during Apabhransh period (Dāmodara 1953:27, 12th Century) and then
regrammaticalized into the recent form as presented here in (11q). Besides, its
procedural function contemporarily has taken the form कइसे /kʌise/ 'how' presented in
(11p) under grammaticalization.
b) Multiple constituent questions
Givόn (2001b: 305) states the most common strategy in a constituent question
is to presuppose the entire clause except for one element and then question that
focused element, however, it is possible to formulate multiple constituent questions in
some languages. Such multiple question strategy in Bhojpur may be achieved in
abundance, as shown in (12a-c):
(12) a. तोहे के कथी कहलख ?
toɦe ke kʌtʰi kʌɦlʌkʰ
tu-e ke kʌtʰi kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
2SG-DAT who what say-PP-3.PST
'WHO told you WHAT?' (13.181)
b. ऊ कहाँ कौना लगे का करी ?
u kʌɦɑ̃ kɔnɑ lʌɡe kɑ kʌri
u kʌɦɑ̃ kɔn-ɑ lʌɡe kɑ kʌr-i
3SG.NOM where who-SPEC with what do-3SG.FUT
'With WHOM WHAT will he do and WHERE?' (13.182)
c. किहआ कौन कथी लेके कथी करे इहाँ आइल रहे ?
kʌɦiɑ kɔn kʌtʰi leke kʌtʰi kʌre iɦɑ̃ ɑil
kʌɦiɑ kɔn kʌtʰi le-ke kʌtʰi kʌr-e iɦɑ̃ ɑ-il
when who what take-SEQ what do-PUR here come-PP
rʌɦe

353
rʌɦ-e
live-3.PST
'WHO came here, WHAT to do with WHICH means and WHEN?' (13.183)
In example (10a), के /ke/ 'who' and कथी /kʌtʰi/ 'what' are employed to form

multiple constituent questions. Similarly, in (10b), कहाँ /kʌɦɑ̃/ 'where', कौना /kɔnɑ/

'whom' and का /kɑ/ 'what' are employed and in (10c) किहआ /kʌɦiɑ/ 'when', कौन /kɔn/

'who' and कथी /kʌtʰi/ 'what/which' are employed to form multiple constituent questions.
c) Plurality in constituent questions
Generally, the constituent question words are not pluralized, i.e., they do not
take the Bhojpuri plural marking morpheme -अन /-ʌn/. But they take the peripheral

plural words लोग /loɡ/ 'people' and सब /sʌb/ 'all'. Besides, to encode the plurality of the
questioned element, the question word is also repeated in the language, as in (13a-d):
(13) a. कौन-कौन चीज के तरे लागी खेती करे म ?
kɔn kɔn cij ke tʌre lɑɡi kʰeti kʌre mẽ
kɔn kɔn cij ke tʌre lɑɡ-i kʰeti kʌr-e mẽ
what what matter what such use-3FUT farming do-PUR LOC

'What are the essential components and how they should be used in
farming?' (02.014)
b. कइसन-कइसन जार के योग कइल जाई ?
kʌisʌn kʌisʌn ɔj̃ ɑr ke prʌyoɡ kʌil jɑi
kʌisʌn kʌisʌn ɔj̃ ɑr ke prʌyoɡ kʌr-il jɑ-i
how how tool GEN use do-INF go-3.FUT
'What types of tools will be used?' (02.015)
c. का दुआर पर के लोग आइल रहलन ?
kɑl̥ duɑr pʌr ke loɡ ɑil rʌɦlʌn
kɑl̥ duɑr pʌr ke loɡ ɑ-il rʌɦ-ʌl-ʌn
yesterday door LOC who PL come-INF live-PP-3.PST.H
'Who had come on the door yesterday?' (13.184)
d. बाजार म का सब कनलऽ ?
bɑjɑr mẽ kɑ sʌb kinlʌ
bɑjɑr mẽ kɑ sʌb kin-ʌl-ʌ
market LOC what PL buy-PP-2.PST.MH

354
'What did you buy in the market?' (13.185)
In the instances (11a-d), examples (11a-b) present repetition of the question
words कौन /kɔn/ 'who' and कइसन /kʌisʌn/ 'how' and examples (11c-d) present

peripheral plural marker लोग /loɡ/ and सब /sʌb/ following the question words के /ke/

'who' and का /kɑ/ 'what' respectivesly.

11.1.3 Negative polarity indefinities
Mazaudon (2003:310) states that "the most common way to say 'no one',
'nothing', 'never' etc is to use an interrogative word followed by the intensifier
'also/even' in all the languages of the area, including Nepali, and that the negative
polarity identities can also be used in questions". In line with this areal feature,
Bhojpuri employs clitic -ओ /-o/ or - /-ɦu/ 'also', the emphatic marker and the
negative polarity indefinites may also be used in question, as shown in (14a-c):
(14) a. तोहरा बात के कौनो इतवार नइखे ?
toɦrɑ bɑt ke kɔno itwɑr nʌikʰe
tu-ʌr-ɑ bɑt ke kɔn-o itwɑr nʌikʰ-e
2SG-GEN-SPEC saying GEN who-EMPH trust be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'Is there no trust in your utterance?' (011.373)
b. ग ारी म के साथ दी ?
ɡʌddɑri mẽ keɦu sɑtʰ di
ɡʌddɑri mẽ ke-ɦu sɑtʰ de-i
betrayal LOC who-EMPH company give.3.FUT
'Will anybody accompany with betrayal?' (011.048)
c. तोहर बल कहाँ गइल ?
toɦʌr bʌl kʌɦɑ̃ ɡʌil
toɦʌr bʌl kʌɦɑ̃ jɑ -il
2SG.GEN strength where go -3SG.PST
'You exhibited no strength. Lit: Where did you lose your strength?' (11.002)
In example (14a-b) the clitic -ओ /-o/ and - /-ɦu/, the inclusive emphatic markers
are employed to intensify the non-occurrence of the event. Similarly in (14c) the question
word कहाँ /kʌɦɑ̃/ 'where' is employed to express negative polarity indefinites.

355
11.2 Manipulative speech acts
Givόn (2001b:311) considers manipulative speech acts as the verbal acts by
which the speaker attempts to get the hearer to act. Givón (2011:305) further states
divergence of the manipulative speech acts in terms of the relative power, authority or
social position claimed by the speaker vis-a-vis hearer, and that the higher the
speaker's position is vis-a-vis the hearer, the more direct or less polite the
manipulative speech-act is. The imperative, hortative and optative are the
manipulative speech acts found in Bhojpuri, being discussed as follows:
11.2.1 Imperative
As Givón (2001b:305) mentions, the bare-stem form of the verb serves as the
most direct, least polite, mperative speech-act, often with the last stem-vowel silenced.
As attested in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:209), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:268),
Maithili (Yadav 1996:285), Hindi (Koul 2008:255) and Nepali (Upadhyay 2010:105
and Adhikari 2016:211) to a greater extent, Bhojpuri meets the criteria in similar way
(Nirbhik 1975:128, Tripathy 1987:261, Shrivastava 1999:111, Sharma and Ashk
2007:73, Thakur 2011:148 and Singh 2013:162). Regarding the subject-manipulee,
always a second person singular or plural (i.e. the hearer), is generally expressed by a
pronoun but not essential.
(15) a. ए बबुआ, एगो िप ी तोड़ ।
e bʌbuɑ eɡo piʈʈʰi toɽ
e bʌbuɑ ek-ɡo piʈʈʰi toɽ
ADD boy one-CLF cake pluck.IMP
'O my child, pluck a cake.' (05.010)
b. उठऽ हे मुहझ सी !
uʈʰʌ ɦe muɦȷ̈ ʌũsi
uʈʰ-ʌ ɦe muɦȷ̈ ʌũs-i
wake-IMP.MH VOC burnt-faced-F
'Wake up my burned-faced darling!' (11.025)
c. ... अपने छठ के देख ।
ʌpne cʰʌʈʰ ke dekʰĩ
ʌpne cʰʌʈʰ ke dekʰ-ĩ
2SG.H Chhath ACC see-IMP.H
'Please (you) look at the Chhath festival.' (03.352)

356
As we observe in (15a-b), the addressee is present. In (15c) the second person
subject manipulee is also available, which we do not get in English. But Bhojpuri has
also imperative constructions exactly alike English, as shown in (16a-c) in terms of
absence of the addressee in the forms of clauses.
(16) a. िबछौना के बाँ कात देख ।
bicʰɔnɑ ke bɑ̃ĩ kɑt dekʰ
bed GEN left end see.IMP
'Look at the left end of the bed.' (010.540)
b. जो इहाँ से ।
jo iɦɑ̃ se kɔno kɑm nʌikʰe
jɑ-o iɦɑ̃ se kɔno kɑm nʌikʰe
go-IMP here source any work not to be
'Get out from here.' (010.400)
c. होई, कु छ देर बाद कर ।
ɦoi kucʰ der bɑd kʌrĩ
ɦo-i kucʰ der bɑd kʌr-ĩ
be-3SG.FUT something late later do-IMP.H
'Yea, please do in a little while.' (010.012)
If the subject manipulee is plural, sometimes, the collective marker स /sʌ/ or

सन /sʌn/ is employed. But it is not compulsory to encode the subject-verb agreement.

Moreover, honorificity matters for the verb final particles and Bhojpuri imperatives
have three layers: non-honorific, mid-honorific and full honorific.
a) Non-honorific
For non-honorific manipulee, the verb ends with suffix -ओ /-o/ or -ए /-e/ with
some of the verb stems with vowel final and the consonant final stems remain the
same, as shown in (17a-c):
(17) a. जो इहाँ से ।
jo iɦɑ̃ se
jɑ-o iɦɑ̃ se
go-IMP here ABL

'Get out from here.' (011.400)

b. लभकके दे ... ।

357
lʌb̤ ʌkke de
lʌb̤ -ke de
bow-SEQ give.IMP
'Bow and give me stretching your hand' (05.018)
c. ए बबुआ, एगो िप ी तोड़ ।
e bʌbuɑ eɡo piʈʈʰi toɽ
e bʌbuɑ ek-ɡo piʈʈʰi toɽ
ADD boy one-CLF cake pluck
'O my child, pluck a cake.' (05.010)
The examples (17a-c) exhibit the bare stem form of the verbs in Bhojpuri that
functions as the imperative mood in non-honorific environment. Diachronically this
form has been grammaticalized from its previous function of third person present
habitual aspect, as shown in (18a-b).
(18) a. काने सुण ।
kɑne sun
kɑn-e sun
ear-INST hear-3SG.PRES
'Something is heard in the ear.' (Dāmodara 1953:6, 12th Century)
b. हाथ ले ।
ɦɑtʰẽ le
ɦɑtʰ-e le
hand-INST take-3SG.PRES
'Something is taken in the hand.' (Dāmodara 1953:7, 12th Century)
b) Mid-honorific
The verb stem with -आ /-ɑ/ final remains the same and other stems end with

suffix -अ /-ʌ/, as shown in (19a-b).

(19) a. जा घरे ।
jɑ ɡ̈ʌre
jɑ ɡ̈ʌr-e
go.IMP.MH house-LOC
'Go home.' (011.447)
b. उठऽ हे मुहझ सी !

358
uʈʰʌ ɦe muɦȷ̈ ʌũsi
uʈʰ-ʌ ɦe muɦȷ̈ ʌũs-i
wake-IMP.MH VOC burnt-faced-F
'Wake up my burned-faced darling!' (11.025)
c) Full honorific
Verb stem ends with suffix - /-ĩ/ for full honorificity in Bhojpuri imperative,
as shown in (20a-b):
(20) a. ... अपने छठ के देख ।
ʌpne cʰʌʈʰ ke dekʰĩ
ʌpne cʰʌʈʰ ke dekʰ-ĩ
2SG.H Chhath ACC see-IMP.H
'Please (you) look at the Chhath festival.' (03.352)
b. होई, कु छ देर बाद कर ।
ɦoi kucʰ der bɑd kʌrĩ
ɦo-i kucʰ der bɑd kʌr-ĩ
be-3SG.FUT something late later do-FUT.H
'Yea, please do in a little while.' (011.012)
d) Negative imperative
Negative imperative in Bhojpuri is formed through the negative particles ना

/nɑ/ or मत /mʌt/ preceding the imperative form of verb, as shown in (21a-b):

(21) a. ए ङवे संपि के नाश ना करऽ ।

e ŋʌwe sʌmpʌtti ke nɑs nɑ kʌrʌ
e ŋʌwe sʌmpʌtti ke nɑs nɑ kʌr-ʌ
PROX method property GEN ruin NEG do-IMP.MH
'Don't misuse property in this way.' (011.366)
b. ओछ कपड़ा मत पेऩ ।
ocʰ kʌpɽɑ mʌt pen̥
short cloth NEG wear.IMP
'Don't wear short clothes.' (011.171)
c. गलती बात कौनो मत िलख ।
ɡʌlti bɑt kɔno mʌt likʰĩ

359
ɡʌlti bɑt kɔn-o mʌt likʰ-ĩ
mistake matter who-EMPH neg write-IMP.H
'Please don't write anything wrong.' (04.109)
Bhojpuri has the usage of negative imperative for affirmative emphasis,
sometimes conditionally, as shown in (22):
(22) िनमन ढेउवा देता त बच ना द ।
nimʌn ɖ̈euɑ detɑ tʌ bẽc nɑ dʌ
nimʌn ɖ̈euɑ de-ʌt bɑ tʌ bẽc nɑ dʌ
good penny give-IMPF be.3SG.PRES COND sell NEG give.IMP.MH
'If he pays high, sell it now.' (11.061)
11.2.2 Hortative
According to Givόn (2011:306), the hortative speech act is more polite or less
direct manipulative speech act whereby the speaker invites a second-person
manipulee to join them in action. As attested with different suffixes in Chitoniya
Tharu (Paudyal 2013:215), Maithili (Yadav 1996:299), Hindi (Koul 2008:110) and
Nepali (Upadhyay 2010:105 and Adhikari 2016:252), the suffix - /ĩ/ is attached to
the bare verb root in Bhojpuri for the referents, as shown in (23a-b):
(23) a. बड़ा घाम बा । चल तिनका गिछया म छहाँ ल ।
bʌɽɑ ɡ̈ɑm bɑ cʌlĩ tʌnikɑ ɡʌcʰiɑ mẽ
bʌɽ-ɑ ɡ̈ɑm bɑ cʌl-ĩ tʌnikɑ ɡɑcʰi-ɑ mẽ
big-SPEC sun be.3SG.PRES walk-HORT little small tree-DET LOC

cʰʌɦɑ̃ lĩ
cʰʌɦɑ̃ le-ĩ
be cool take-HORT
'The sun is scorching. Let's go under the shade of the trees for a while and
be cool.' (11.022)
b. आवऽ, घरे चल ।
ɑwʌ ɡ̈ʌre cʌlĩ
ɑ-wʌ ɡ̈ʌr-e cʌl-ĩ
come-IMP.MH house-LOC walk-HORT
'Come on, let's go home.'
Hortative speect acts also express negation in Bhojpuri, as shown in (24):
(24) a. मौसम ठं ढा बा । आज खीरा ना खा ।

360
mʌusʌm ʈʰʌnɖ̈ɑ bɑ ɑj kʰirɑ nɑ kʰɑĩ
mʌusʌm ʈʰʌnɖ̈ɑ bɑ ɑj kʰirɑ nɑ kʰɑ-ĩ
weather cold be.3SG.PRES today cucumber NEG eat-HORT
'The weather is cold. Let's not eat cucumber today.'
b. आज घरे ना चल ।

ɑj ɡ̈ʌre nɑ cʌlĩ

ɑj ɡ̈ʌr-e nɑ cʌl-ĩ
today house-LOC NEG walk-HORT
'Let's not go home today.'
Non-declarative speech acts such as optative and negation have already been
examined in Chapter 9.
11.3 De-transitive voice
The functional domain of de-transitive voice is coded, in any particular
language, by a family of syntactic constructions whose number and functional
distribution may vary considerably form one language to the next. The most universal
aspects of de-transitive voice remain its underlying functional sub-domains of reflexive,
reciprocal, middle-voice and adjectival-resultative semantically (Givón, 2001b:91).
Such primarily-semantic de-transitive voice constructions are those that
tamper with transitivity in terms of these three semantic parameters: decreased
agentivity of the agent/subject, decreased affectedness of the patient/object and
decreased telicity or perfectivity of the verb (Givón, 2001b: 92).
In case of Bhojpuri, the primarily semantic sub-domains of the de-transitive
voice are reflexive and reciprocal described as follows:
11.3.1 Reflexive
The subject and object of the event or state, regardless of their semantic roles,
are co-referent, i.e., the subject acts upon (or relates to) itself (Givón, 2001b: 95). That
is why reflexive clauses need not be transitive, neither semantically nor syntactically.
As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:143), Maithili (Yadav 1996:121), Awadhi
(Saksena 1937/1971:198), Hindi (Koul 2008:184) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:47-8)
exhibit reflexive in similar way to a greater extent, there are two free morphemes: the
अपने /ʌpne/, the full honorific second person pronominal subject, or खुद /kʰud/ 'self' in
Bhojpuri to denote reflexive clauses, as shown in (25a-d):

361
(25) a. Semantic Tr, syntactic Tr
बाबुजी अपने काट लेनी ।
bɑbuji ʌpne kɑʈ leni
bɑbu-ji ʌpne kɑʈ le-ni
father-H self cut take-PST.H
'Father cut himself.' (13.186)
b. Semantic Intr, syntactic Tr
रउआ अपने से नफरत करे नी ।
rʌuɑ ʌpne se nʌpʰrʌt kʌreni
rʌuɑ ʌpne se nʌpʰrʌt kʌr-eni
2SG.H self DAT hatred do-PRES.H
'You hate yourself.' (13.187)
c. Semantic (partial) Tr, Syntactic Intr
ऊ अपने के कोसेला ।
u ʌpne ke koselɑ
u ʌpne ke kos-elɑ
3SG.NOM self ACC curse-3SG.PRES
'He curses himself.' (13.188)
d. Semantic Intr, syntactic Intr
ऊ उपने जइसन देखेला ।
u ʌpne jʌisʌn dekʰelɑ
u ʌpne jʌisʌn dekʰ-elɑ
3SG.NOM self as such see-3SG.PRES
'He looks like himself.' (13.189)
e. Reflexive reduplicated
(i) ई अपने-आप म यू चनेबल बा ।
i ʌpne-ɑp mẽ kyuscʌnebʌl bɑ
i ʌpne-ɑp mẽ kyuscʌnebʌl bɑ
3SG.DEM.PROX self LOC questionable be.3SG.PRES
'This is questionable within itself.' (01.047)
(ii) ऊ लोग अपने-अपने के चुनलन ।
u loɡ ʌpne-ʌpne ke cunlʌn

362
u loɡ ʌpne-ʌpne ke cun-ʌl-ʌn
3SG.NOM PL self DAT elect -3.PST.H
'They elected themselves.' (13.192)
11.3.2 Reciprocals
"Two (or more) like events, coded by the very same verb, are represented jointly
in a single clause, with the subject of the first being the object of the second, and vice
versa. The two participants are thus reciprocally co-referent and act upon (or relate to)
each other" (Givón, 2001b: 96). "Syntactically, a reciprocal construction represents the
two states/events as a single clause, where the two reciprocal participants are
represented as the conjoined subjects of the clause, and the object is either zero-marked
or replaced by some reciprocal marker or pronoun" (Givon 2011:245-6).
As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:145), Maithili (Chandrana 2017:128),
Hindi (Koul 2008:269) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:61) display in similar ways, एक-

दोसर /ek-dosʌr/ 'one another', एक-आपस /ek-ɑpʌs/ or अपने-अपने /ʌpne-ʌpne/ 'each

other' are used to denote reciprocals in Bhojpuri, as shown in (26a-d).
(26) a. Semantic Tr, syntactic Tr
तम आ सोहराब एक-दोसर के मार देहलन ।
rustʌm ɑ soɦrɑb ek-dosʌr ke mɑr deɦlʌn
rustʌm ɑ soɦrɑb ek-dosʌr ke mɑr de-ʌl-ʌn
Rustam and Sohrab one another ACC kill give-PP-3.PST.MH
'Rustam and Sohrab killed one another.' (13.190)
b. Semantic Intr, syntactic Tr
हमनी एक-दोसरा के जानत रहनी ।
ɦʌmni ek-dosrɑ ke jɑnʌt rʌɦni
ɦʌm-ni ek-dosʌr-ɑ ke jɑn-ʌt rʌɦ-ni
1SG-PL one another-DET DAT know-IMPF live-PST.H
'We had known each other.' (13.191)
c. Semantic (partial) Tr, syntactic Intr
ऊ लोग अपने-अपने के चुनलन ।
u loɡ ʌpne ʌpne ke cunlʌn
u loɡ ʌpne ʌpne ke cun-ʌl-ʌn
3SG.NOM PL self self DAT elect-PP-3.PST.MH
'They elected each other.' (13.192)

363
d. Semantic Intr, syntactic Intr
ऊ लोग एक-आपस म एके जइसन लउके लन ।
u loɡ ek-ɑpʌs mẽ eke jʌisʌn lʌukelʌn
u loɡ ek-ɑpʌs mẽ ek-e jʌisʌn lʌuk-elʌn
3SG.NOM PL each other LOC one-EMPH as look-3.PRES.MH
'They look similar to each other.' (13.193)
11.3.3 Insertion of dative, benefactive or associative arguments
The co-reference constraints on reflexives and reciprocals make it much more
natural for reflexive and reciprocal clauses – even with active verbs – to involve
dative, benefactive or associative arguments. Such semantically less-transitive
configurations make it possible for both constructions to abide by their co-reference
conatraints, as shown in (27a-i).
(27) a. Agent-Dative (Reflexive)
ऊ खुद के एगो सौगात भेजलस ।
u kʰud ke eɡo sɔɡɑt b̤ ejlʌs
u kʰud ke ek-ɡo sɔɡɑt b̤ ej-ʌl-ʌs
3SG.NOM self DAT one-CLF present send-PP-3.PST
'He sent himself a gift.' (13.194)
b. Agent-Benefactive (Reflexive)
राजु अपने-आप के मदत कइलस ।
rɑju ʌpneɑp ke mʌdʌt kʌilʌs
rɑju ʌpneɑp ke mʌdʌt kʌr-il-ʌs
Raju itself DAT help do-PP-3.PST
'Raju favoured himself.' (13.195)
c. Agent-Associative (Reflexive)
हम खुद से लड़नी ।
ɦʌm kʰud se lʌɽni
ɦʌm kʰud se lʌɽ-ni
1SG.NOM self ABL fight-PST.H
'I fought against myself.' (13.196)
d. Dative-Patient (Reflexive)
हम खुद के िच नी ।

364
ɦʌm kʰud ke cin̥ ni
ɦʌm kʰud ke cin̥ -ni
1SG.NOM self DAT know-PST.H
'I knew myself.' (13.197)
e. Agent-Dative (Reciprocal)
ऊ लोग एक दोसरा के िच ी िलखलन ।
u loɡ ek-dosrɑ ke ciʈʈʰi likʰlʌn
u loɡ ek-dosrɑ ke ciʈʈʰi likʰ-ʌl-ʌn
3SG.NOM PL one another DAT letter write-PP-3.PST.MH
'They wrote each other a letter.' (13.198)
f. Agent-Benefactive (Reciprocal)
हमनी एक-आपस म दश के सौगात भेजनी ।
ɦʌmni ek-ɑpʌs mẽ dʌsʌĩ ke sɔɡɑt b̤ ejni
ɦʌm-ni ek-ɑpʌs mẽ dʌsʌĩ ke sɔɡɑt b̤ ej-ni
1SG-PL each other LOC Dashain GEN present send-PST.H
'We sent each other Dashain presents.' (13.199)
g. Agent-Associative (Reciprocal)
ऊ लोग िनयिमत प से सङे सङे गीत गवल ।
u loɡ niyʌmit rup se sʌŋesʌŋe ɡit
u loɡ niyʌm-it rup se sʌŋesʌŋe ɡit
3SG.NOM PL rule-ADJ form with together song
ɡɔlẽ
ɡɑ-wʌl-ẽ
sing-PP-3.PST.MH
'They sang together regularly.' (13.200)
h. Dative-Dative (Reciprocal)
ऊ लोग एक दोसरा के देखते रहल ।
u loɡ ek-dosrɑ ke dekʰte rʌɦʌl
u loɡ ek-dosr-ɑ ke dekʰ-ʌt-e rʌɦ-ʌl
3SG.NOM PL one another-DET DAT see-SIM-EMP live-3.PST
'They saw each other regularly.' (13.201)
i. Dative-Associative (Reciprocal)
हमनी एक-आपस म सहमती कइनी ।

365
ɦʌmni ek-ɑpʌs mẽ sʌɦmʌti kʌini
ɦʌm-ni ek-ɑpʌs mẽ sʌɦmʌti kʌr-ini
1SG-PL each other LOC agreement do-PST.H
'We agreed with each other.' (13.202)
11.4 Passive voice
The prototypical passive voice is used primarily for agent suppression or de-
topicalization. The fact that a non-agent argument – most commonly the patient – then
topicalized is but the default consequence of agent suppression (Givón, 2001b:125).
Thus, the patient/object is generally promoted in passive construction but it is not
absolute and Givón (2001b:128) suggests two major types of passive-voice
constructions defined as follows:
(28) Prototype promotional passive:
Main feature
a. The non-agent topic-of-passive undergoes full promotion to subjecthood.
Associated features
b. The subject/agent of the active can appear in the passive clause, in which
case it bears an oblique case-marking.
c. Consequently, the syntax of the passive clause tends to diverge rather
markedly from that of the direct-active.
d. The range of non-agent case-roles that can become the subject/topic of the
passive is highly restricted, most commonly either to the semantic patient
or the grammatical direct object.
e. Consequently, passivization tends to be restricted to transitive verbs.
(29) Prototypical non-promotional passive
Main feature
a. The non-agent topic-of-passive does not undergo full promotion to
subjecthood, but rather retains its characteristic active-clause grammatical role.
Associated features
b. The agent/subject of the active is typically missing.
c. Consequently, the syntax of the passive clause tends to resemble that of
the direct-active.
d. There is no restriction on the non-agent case-roles that can become the
topic of the passive.
e. Consequently, passivization can also apply to intransitive verbs.
366
Like the other Indo-Aryan languages, Bhojpuri has two types of transitive
verbs: simple transitive & ditransitive. Both exist in a pair of related sentences,
traditionally called active and prototypically promotional passive in which the topic-
of-passive can control verb agreement. Moreover, passivization is also applied to
Bhojpuri intransitive verbs, known as prototypically non-promotional passive in
which the topic-of-passive retains its original case-marking, but the agent can be
overtly mentioned in an oblique case as promotional. Both types of Bhojpuri usage of
passive voice is also displayed in Tiwari (1854:261 and 1960:165), Nirbhik
(1975:129), Tripathy (1987:258), Shrivastava (1999:91), Sharma and Ashk (2007:92),
Thakur (2011:124) and Singh (2013:105).
Firstly, we deal with the promotional passive. For example, consider the
following sentences:
(30) a. Active
तू कताब पढ़ले होइबू ।
tu kitɑb pʌɽ̊le ɦoibu
tu kitɑb pʌɽ̊-ʌl-e ɦo-ibu
2SG.NOM book read-PP-SEQ be-2.FUT.F.MH
'You will have read a book.' (13.038)
b. PAT topic-of-patient (Agt-Pat)
तोहरा से कताब पढ़ाइल होई ।
toɦrɑ se kitɑb pʌɽ̊ɑil ɦo
tu-ʌr-ɑ se kitɑb pʌɽ̊-ɑ-il ɦo-i
2SG-GEN-SPEC by book read-PASS-PP be-3.FUT
'The book will have been read by you.'
c. Active
हम राधा के कताब देनी ।
ɦʌm rɑd̤ ɑ ke kitɑb deni
ɦʌm rɑd̤ ɑ ke kitɑb de-ni
1SG.NOM Radha DAT book give-PST.H
'I gave the book to Radha.' (06.006)
d. DAT topic-of-passive
हमरा ारा राधा के कताब दआइल ।

367
ɦʌmrɑ dwɑrɑ rɑd̤ ɑ ke kitɑb diɑil

ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ dwɑrɑ rɑd̤ ɑ ke kitɑb de-ɑ-il

1SG-GEN-SPEC by Radha DAT book give-PASS-3SG.PST
'A book was given to Radha by me.'
In examples (30a-d), (30a) and (30c) are active sentences consisting of NPs,
both as a subject and an object, and a transitive verb. Sentences (30b) and (30d) are
considered as passive sentences, consisting of a subject NP, a postpositional phrase of
the NP+ से /se/ or ारा /dwɑrɑ/ 'by' and transitive verb with the perfect particle suffix

-इल /-il/ or -अल /-ʌl/ following the verb root suffixed by -आ /-ɑ/ for passivization. In

(30b) the passivized verb is further followed a copula हो /ɦo/ 'be' in agreement with
the promoted patient/dative NP as new subject.
Despite the vital grammatical differences, the pairs of sentences shown above
in (30a-b) and (30c-d) are semantically the same. Both have the same truth condition,
i. e., whatever assertion is made in (30a) is also made in (30b), and vice versa.
Moreover, the semantic relations between the set of NPs and the transitive
verbs in active sentences are likely manifested by the NPs and transitive verb in the
passive sentences. Therefore, the subject NP तू /tu/ 'you' in active sentence (30a) and

तोहरा से /toɦrɑ se/ 'by you' in passive sentence (30b) and हम /ɦʌm/ 'I' in (30c) and

हमरा ारा /ɦʌmrɑ dwɑrɑ/ 'by me' in (30d) have the same role of agent. Similarly, the

NP कताब /kitɑb/ 'book' in (30a-d), is the patient.

Moreover, the agent in active sentence is not only suppressed but deleted too
in passivization, as shown in (31a-b).
(31) a. Active
लोग दरी खनलन ।
loɡ dʌri kʰʌnlʌn
loɡ dʌri kʰʌn-ʌl-ʌn
people grave dig-PP-3.PST.MH
'They dug the grave.'
b. PAT topic-of-passive (deletion of agent)
दरी खनाइल ।
dʌri kʰʌnɑil

368
dʌri kʰʌn-ɑ-il
grave dig-PASS-3SG.PST
'The grave was dug.' (11.022)
Except deletion of the agent/subject लोग /loɡ/ 'they' in (31b) the pair (31a-b)
deliver the same meaning. But Bhojpuri has also tradition of passivization of
intransitive verbs. Consider the following sentences:
(32) a. Active
हम हँिसले/हँसेनी ।
ɦʌm ɦʌ̃sile/ɦʌ̃seni
ɦʌm ɦʌ̃s-ile/-eni
1SG.NOM laugh-1.PRES.H
'I laugh' (Lohar, 2009: 145)
b. Passive-of-intransitive
हमरा से हँसाला/हँसल जाला ।
ɦʌmrɑ se ɦʌ̃sɑlɑ ɦʌ̃sʌl jɑlɑ
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ se ɦʌ̃s-ɑ-ilɑ ɦʌ̃s-ʌl jɑ-ilɑ
1SG-GEN-SPEC by laugh-PASS-3SG.PRES laugh-PP go-3SG.PRES
'It's laughed by me' (Lohar, 2009: 145)
In sentences (32a-b), (32b) is passive beyond transitivity. Besides, Bhojpuri
has also passive voice with bare dative as well as beyond patient/dative topic-of-
passive, as shown in (33a-j):
(33) a. Active
ऊ मेिघया के ब त मानेला ।
u meɡ̈iɑ ke bʌɦut mɑnelɑ
u meɡ̈iɑ ke bʌɦut mɑn-elɑ
3SG.NOM Meghia DAT very like-3.PRES
'He likes Meghia a lot.' (06.023)
b. DAT topic-of passive (bare dative)
मेिघया ओकरा ारा ब त मानल जाली ।
meɡ̈iɑ okrɑ dwɑrɑ bʌɦut mɑnʌl jɑli
meɡ̈iɑ u-ʌr-ɑ dwɑrɑ bʌɦut mɑn-ʌl jɑ-ili
Meghia 3SG-GEN-SPEC by very like-PP go-3SG.PRES.F.MH
'Meghia is liked by him a lot.'

369
c. Active
मोहन राधा ला गौलस ।
moɦʌn rɑd̤ ɑ lɑ ɡɔlʌs
moɦʌn rɑd̤ ɑ lɑ ɡɑ-wʌl-ʌs
Mohan Radha for sing-PP-3SG.PST
'Mohan sang for Radha.' (13.213)
d. BEN topic-of-passive
मोहन ारा राधा ला गावल गइल ।
moɦʌn dwɑrɑ rɑd̤ ɑ lɑ ɡɑwɑil
moɦʌn dwɑrɑ rɑd̤ ɑ lɑ ɡɑ-wɑ-il
Mohan by Radha for sing-PASS-3SG.PST
'Radha was sung for by Mohan.' (13.214)
e. Active
मङ ढ ढ़ाइ सङे सुतेला ।
mʌŋru ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi sʌŋe sutelɑ
mʌŋru ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi sʌŋ-e sut-elɑ
Mangru Dhondhai with-EMPH sleep-3SG.PRES
'Mangaru sleeps with Dhondhai.' (13.215)
f. ASSOC topic-of passive
मङ ारा ढ ढ़ाइ सङे सुताला ।
mʌŋru dwɑrɑ ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi sʌŋe sutɑlɑ
mʌŋru dwɑrɑ ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi sʌŋ-e sut-ɑ-ilɑ
Mangru by Dhondhai with-EMPH sleep-PASS-3SG.PRES
'Dhondhai is slept-with by Mangaru.' (13.216)
g. Active
लङटु चटाई पर सुतेला ।
lʌŋʈu cʌʈɑi pʌr sutelɑ
lʌŋʈu cʌʈɑi pʌr sut-elɑ
Langtu mat LOC sleep-3SG.PRES
'Langtu sleeps on a mat.' (13.217)
h. LOC topic-of-passive
लङटु से चटाई पर सुताला ।

370
lʌŋʈu se cʌʈɑi pʌr sutɑlɑ
lʌŋʈu se cʌʈɑi pʌr sut-ɑ-ilɑ
Langtu by mat LOC sleep-PASS-3SG.PRES
'A mat is slept on by Langtu.' (13.218)
i. Active
राम झटकल चलल ।
rɑm ȷ̈ ʌʈkʌl cʌlʌl
rɑm ȷ̈ ʌʈʌk-ʌl cʌl-ʌl
Ram march fast-PP walk-3SG.PST
'Ram walked fastly.' (13.219)
j. MANN topic-of-passive
राम ारा झटकल चलाइल ।
rɑm dwɑrɑ ȷ̈ ʌʈkʌl cʌlɑil
rɑm dwɑrɑ ȷ̈ ʌʈʌk-ʌl cʌl-ɑ-il
Ram by march fast-PP walk-PASS-3SG.PST
'There was fast walking by Ram.' (13.220)
As we find in Nepali (Givón, 2001b:148) and other neighbouring languages,
instrumantals can also be topic-of-passive in Bhojpuri. This is due to case-marking
identity of the instrumental, as shown in (34a-d):
(34) a. Active
नहन नौह काटेला ।
nʌɦʌrni nɔɦ kɑʈelɑ
nʌɦʌrni nɔɦ kɑʈ-elɑ
nail-cutter nail cut-3SG.PRES
'A nail-cutter cuts nails.' (13.221)
b. INSTR topic-of-passive
नहन से नौह कटाला ।
nʌɦʌrni se nɔɦ kʌʈɑlɑ
nʌɦʌrni se nɔɦ kɑʈ-ɑ-ilɑ
nail-cutter by nail cut-PASS-3SG.PRES
'Nails are cut by a nail-cutter.' (13.222)
c. Active
राम लाठी से कु दल ।

371
rɑm lɑʈʰi se kudʌl
rɑm lɑʈʰi se kud-ʌl
Ram stick INS jump-3SG.PST
'Ram jumped with a stick.' (13.223)
d. INSTR topic-of-passive (deletion of agent)
(राम ारा) लाठी से कु दाइल ।
rɑm dwɑrɑ lɑʈʰi se kudɑil
rɑm dwɑrɑ lɑʈʰi se kud-ɑ-il
Ram by stick means jump-PASS-3SG.PST
'The stick was used to jump (*by Ram).' (13.224)
In case of topicalization of a human DO or dative, it controls the verb
agreement in Bhojpuri, as shown in (35a-f):
(35) a. Active (NOM control)
लछु मन सुपनेखा के िपटलन ।
lʌcʰumʌn supnekʰɑ ke piʈlʌn
lʌcʰumʌn supnekʰɑ ke piʈ-ʌl-ʌn
Lachhuman Supnekha acc beat-PP-3.PST.MH
'Lachhuman beat Supnekha.' (13.225)
b. Passive (human DO control)
लछु मन से सुपनेखा िपटइली ।
lʌcʰumʌn se supnekʰɑ piʈʌili
lʌcʰumʌn se supnekʰɑ piʈ-ɑ-ili
Lachhuman by Supnekha beat-PASS-3SG.PST.F.MH
'Supnekha was beaten by Lachhuman.' (13.226)
c. Active (NOM control)
सुपनेखा लछु मन के िपटली ।
supnekʰɑ lʌcʰumʌn ke piʈli
supnekʰɑ lʌcʰumʌn ke piʈ-ʌl-i
Supnekha Lachhuman ACC beat-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'Supnekha beat Lachhuman.' (13.227)
d. Passive (human DO control)
सुपनेखा से लछु मन िपटइलन ।

372
supnekʰɑ se lʌcʰumʌn piʈʌilʌn
supnekʰɑ se lʌcʰumʌn piʈ-ɑ-il-ʌn
Supnekha by Lachhuman beat-PASS-PP-3.PST.MH
'Lachhuman was beaten by Supnekha.' (13.228)
e. Active (NOM control)
माई बाबुजी के िखअइली ।
mɑi bɑbuji ke kʰiʌili
mɑi bɑbu-ji ke kʰiɑ-il-i
mother father-H ACC feed-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'Mother fed father.' (13.229)
f. Passive (DAT control)
बाबुजी माई ारा िखआवल गइनी ।
bɑbuji mɑi dwɑrɑ kʰiɑwʌl ɡʌini
bɑbu-ji mɑi dwɑrɑ kʰiɑ-wʌl jɑ-ini
father-H mother by feed-PP go-PST.H
'Father was fed by mother.' (13.230)
But the dative control is lost if the dative marker के /ke/ is retained in passive,
as shown in (36a-b):
(36) a. Active (NOM control)
माई बाबुजी के िखअइली ।
mɑi bɑbuji ke kʰiʌili
mɑi bɑbu-ji ke kʰiɑ-il-i
mother father-H ACC feed-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'Mother fed father.' (13.229)
b. DAT topic-of-passive (neutral)
माई ारा बाबुजी के िखआवल गइल ।
mɑi dwɑrɑ bɑbuji ke kʰiɑwʌl ɡʌil
mɑi dwɑrɑ bɑbu-ji ke kʰiɑ-wʌl jɑ-il
mother by father-H DAT feed-PP go-3SG.PST
'Father was fed by mother.' (13.231)
11.4.1 Process of Passivization
Therefore, it is essential to discuss the process of passivization of Bhojpuri
infinitives first. To this context it is accepted that majority of the principal verbs in

373
Bhojpuri are initially active and are passivized following certain processes.Table 11.1
presents patterns of passivization in Bhojpuri
Table 11.1 Patterns of passivization in Bhojpuri
Root Infinitive
Active Passive
खा /kʰ/ 'eat' खाइल /kʰil/ खवाइल kʰʌwil खाइल गइल /kʰil ɡʌil/

जा /j/ 'go' गइल /ɡʌil/ जवाइल /jʌwil/ जाइल गइल /jil ɡʌil/

पा /p/ 'get' पावल /pwʌl/ पवाइल /pʌwil/ पावल गइल /pwʌl ɡʌil/

गा /g/ 'sing' गावल /ɡwʌl/ गवाइल /ɡʌwil/ गावल गइल /ɡwʌl ɡʌil/

पी /pi/ 'drink' पीअल /piʌl/ िपआइल /piil/ पीअल गइल /piʌl ɡʌil/

सी /si/ 'tailor' िसअल /siʌl/ िसआइल /siil/ िसअल गइल /siʌl ɡʌil/

मार /mr/ 'kill' मारल /mrʌl/ माराइल /mril/ मारल गइल /mrʌl ɡʌil/

जार /jr/ 'burn' जारल /jrʌl/ जरल /jʌrʌl/ जारल गइल /jrʌl ɡʌil/

चोरा /corɑ/ 'steal' चोरावल /corwʌl/ चोरावल गइल /corwʌl ɡʌil/

काट /kʈ/ 'cut' काटल /kʈʌl/ काटाइल /kʈil/ काटल गइल /kʈʌl ɡʌil/

पीट /piʈ/ 'beat' पीटल /piʈʌl/ िपटाइल /piʈil/ पीटल गइल /piʈʌl ɡʌil/

जीत /jit/ 'victory' जीतल /jitʌl/ जीताइल /jitil/ जीतल गइल /jitʌl ɡʌil/

गोर /ɡor/ गोरल /ɡorʌl/ गोराइल गोरल गइल /ɡorʌl ɡʌil/

'whiten' /ɡoril/

िबन /bin/ 'knit' िबनल /binʌl/ िबनाइल /binil/ िबनल गइल /binʌl ɡʌil/

िनऩ /nin̥ / 'cook' िनऩल /nin̥ ʌl/ िनऩाइल /nin̥ ɑil/ िनऩल गइल /nin̥ ʌl ɡʌil/

हँस /ɦʌs/ 'laugh' हँसल /ɦʌsʌl/ हँसाइल /ɦʌsil/ हँसल गइल /ɦʌsʌl ɡʌil/

रो /ro/ 'weep' रोअल /roʌl/ रोआइल /roil/ रोअल गइल /roʌl ɡʌil/

ले /le/ 'take' लेल /lel/ or लेहल िलआइल लेल गइल /lel ɡʌil/ or लेहल
/leɦʌl/ /liil/ /leɦʌl ɡʌil/

दे /de/ 'give' देल /del/ or देहल दआइल देल गइल /del ɡʌil/ देहल
/deɦʌl/ /diil/ /deɦʌl ɡʌil/

374
The presentation of the verb patterns above shows that there are two ways of
passivization in Bhojpuri: (a) occurring some phonemic changes; and (b) use of the
infinitive into perfective followed by the root verb j 'go' infinitive.
a) Passivization with phonemic changes
We see that suffix morpheme -इल /-il/ or -अल /-ʌl/ symbolizes initial infinitive

for active verbs. When they are passivized, mid-open vowel -आ- /--/ precedes it as
infix. For example,
Root Infinitive
Active Passive
पी /pi/ 'drink' पीअल /piʌl/ िपआइल /piɑil/

But when the root ends with आ //, an unaspirated voiced bilabial glide व /w/ comes

between the final आ // of the root and initial आ // of the passive suffix. For example,
Root Infinitive
Active Passive
खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' खाइल /kʰil/ खावाइल /kʰʌwil/
In this way it can be concluded that passivization in infinitive verbs of Bhojpuri
occurs with just insertion or आ // or वा /w/, considered to be the allomorphs of आ //

between the root and infinitive morpheme -इल /-il/. But in this case, the final -आ /-/ of

the root is changed into half-open back vowel -अ /-ʌ/ in most of the cases.

b) Passivation with perfective particle followed by जा j-infinitive

Passivization of the active infinitive verbs followed by जा j-infinitive is a bit

simple. The principal verb-infinitive ending with suffix -इल /-il/ or -अल /-ʌl/ is simply

used into perfective mood followed by जा j-infinitive. For example,

Root Infinitive
Active Passive
खा /kʰɑ/ 'eat' खाइल /kʰil/ खाइल गइल /kʰil ɡʌil/

जा /jɑ/ 'go' गइल /ɡʌil/ जाइल गइल /jil ɡʌil/

पा /pɑ/ 'get' पावल /pwʌl/ पावल गइल /pwʌl ɡʌil/

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Unlikely, there are some principal verb-roots in Bhojpuri in passive. They are
activised if needed, generally by adding infix or suffix -आ- /-ɑ-/ or -आ /-ɑ/. Table 11.2
presents it.
Table 11.2 Activation of passive roots in Bhojpuri
Root
Passive Active
मर /mʌr/ 'die' मार /mr/ 'kill'

जर /jʌr/ 'burn' जार /jɑr/ 'cause to burn'

कट /kʌʈ/ 'be cut' काट /kɑʈ/ 'cut'

बर /bʌr/ 'burn' बार /bɑr/ 'cause to burn'

फँ स /pʰʌs̃ / 'trap' फँ सा /pʰʌs/ 'cause to trap'

िगर /ɡir/ 'fall' िगरा /ɡirɑ/ 'cause to fall'

उठ /uʈʰ/ 'rise' उठा /uʈʰ/ 'help to rise'

हट /ɦʌʈ/ 'retreat' हटा /ɦʌʈ/ 'cause to retreat'

हँस /ɦʌs̃ / 'laugh' हँसा /ɦʌs/ 'cause to laugh'

बढ़ /bʌɽ̊/ 'grow' बढ़ा /bʌɽ̊ɑ/ 'cause to grow'

As passivization is the focal point of the discussion, it's not necessary to
discuss the activization process. But the presented verb patterns above illustrate that
Bhojpuri has both, the active verbs to be passivized and vice versa.
11.4.2 Functional domains of passive voice
The passive sentences in Bhojpuri perform the following functions:
a) Neutralization of the subject
(37) a. त आर के हमला ढाल रोके ला ।
tʌruɑr ke ɦʌmlɑ ɖ̈ɑl rokelɑ
tʌruɑr ke ɦʌmlɑ ɖ̈ɑl rok-elɑ
sword GEN invasion shield block-3SG.PRES
'A shield blocks attacks of sword.' (011.273)
b. त आर के हमला ढाल से रोकाला ।
tʌruɑr ke ɦʌmlɑ ɖ̈ɑl se rokɑlɑ
tʌruɑr ke ɦʌmlɑ ɖ̈ɑl se rok-ɑ-ilɑ
sword GEN invasion shield by block-PASS-3SG.PRES

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'The attacks of sword are blocked by a shield.'
c. लोग गाही म खपड़ा गनेलन ।
loɡ ɡɑɦi mẽ kʰʌpʌɽɑ ɡʌnelʌn
loɡ ɡɑɦi mẽ kʰʌpʌɽɑ ɡʌn-elʌn
people a set of five LOC roofing tile count-3.PRES.MH
'People count roofing tiles in sets of five.'
d. गाही म खपड़ा गनाला ।
ɡɑɦi mẽ kʰʌpʌɽɑ ɡʌnɑlɑ
ɡɑɦi mẽ kʰʌpʌɽɑ ɡʌn-ɑ-ilɑ
a set of five LOC roofing tile count-PASS-3SG.PRES
'The roofing tiles are counted in sets of five.' (011.035)
In examples (37a-d), sentence (37a) and (37c) are active and (37b) and (37d)
are their passive counterparts respectively in which the instrument/subject ढाल /ɖ̈ɑl/

'shield' is neutralized/suppressed in (37b) whereas the agent/subject लोग /loɡ/ 'people'

is not only suppressed but deleted in (37d).
b) Neutralization of honorificity
(38) a. बाबुजी च कु सिनआवेनी ।
bɑbuji cʌkku sʌniɑweni
bɑbu-ji cʌkku sʌniɑ-weni
father-H knife sharpen-PRES.H
'My father sharpens a knife.' (011.364)
b. बाबुजी से च कु सिनआला ।
bɑbuji se cʌkku sʌniɑlɑ
bɑbu-ji se cʌkku sʌniɑ-lɑ
father-H by knife sharpen-3SG.PRES.H
'A kinfe is sharpened by my father.'
In (38a-b), the honorificity in the active clause (38a) in the verb according to
honorific agent बाबुजी /bɑbuji/ 'father(H)' is neutralized in its passive counterpart in

(38b) due to promotion of the patient च कु /cʌkku/ 'knife'. It has also been expressed
in (39a-b).
c) Expression of capacity
(39) a. प वाहा गाछ पाङे ला ।

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pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋelɑ
pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-elɑ
shortener tree trim-3SG.PRES
'A trimmer trims a tree.' (011.363)
b. प वाहा से गाछ पाङाला ।
pʌŋwɑɦɑ se ɡɑcʰ pɑŋɑlɑ
pʌŋwɑɦɑ se ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-ɑ-lɑ
shortener by tree trim-PASS-3SG.PRES
'A tree is trimmed by a trimmer.'
'A trimmer has the ability to trim a tree.'
d) Description of scientific experiment
As a universal usage, the scientific experiment is always expressed or
described in passive voice, as shown in (40a-b).
(40) a. रासायिनक प रवतन म ताप उ प होला ।
rɑsɑyʌnik pʌriwʌrtʌn mẽ tɑp utpʌnnʌ ɦolɑ
rɑsɑyʌnik pʌriwʌrtʌn mẽ tɑp utpʌnnʌ ɦo-lɑ
chemical change LOC heat generation be-3SG.PRES
'Heat is generated in a chemical change.'
b. भौितक प रवतन म ताप उ प ना होखे ।
b̤ ɔtik pʌriwʌrtʌn mẽ tɑp utpʌnnʌ nɑ ɦokʰe
b̤ ɔtik pʌriwʌrtʌn mẽ tɑp utpʌnnʌ nɑ ɦokʰ-e
physical change LOC heat generation NEG be-3SG.PRES
'Heat is not generated in a physical change.'
Both the sentences in (40a-b) are passive in scientific expression.
11.5 Summary
In this chapter, we examined the various types of non-declarative speech acts
formed by employing various morphosyntactic strategies in Bhojpuri. The non-
declarative speech acts in Bhojpuri include interrogative, imperative, optative and
hortative constructions. Polar questions in Bhojpuri are constructed simply through
the slightly raised intonation added to the questioned part of its declarative
counterpart. Alternative polar questions are made either simply juxtaposing the
alternates or mediated by alternative marker क /ki/. The constituent questions (wh-
questions) in Bhojpuri are formed with the help of different interrogative pronouns,

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adjectives and adverbs. Wh-questions have the same word order as of the declarative
sentences with the interrogative words के /ke/ or कौन /kɔn/ 'who', के के /ke ke/ or के करा

के /kekrɑ ke/ 'whom', का /kɑ/ or कथी /kʌtʰi/ 'what or which', के कर /kekʌr/ or कनकर

/kinkʌr/ 'whose', कतेक /kʌtek/ or के तना /ketnɑ/ 'how much/many', कै /kɛ/ 'how many',

कब /kʌb/ or किहआ /kʌɦiɑ/ 'when', कहाँ /kʌɦɑ̃/ or के ने /kene/ 'where', कइसन /kʌisʌn/

'how' and काहे /kɑɦe/ 'why'. Multiple wh-questions are formed with the help of
different wh-questions placed in the same proposition. Imperative constructions are
made by bare verb stem suffixed by -ओ /-o/ or -ए /-e/ in non-honorific, by -आ /-ɑ/

final stem remaining the same and other stems suffixed by -अ /-ʌ/ in mid-honorific

and by - /-ĩ/ for full honorific environments. The hortative construction almost
remains the same as full honorific environment of the imperative one. Reflexive,
reciprocals, insertion of dative, benefactive or associative arguments and passive
voice are used in de-transitive voices.

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CHAPTER 12
MARKED TOPICS AND CONTRASTIVE FOCUS
12.0 Outline
This chapter deals with marked topics and contrastive focus in Bhojpuri. It
consists of three sections. Section 12.1 deals with marked topic constructions and
section 12.2 with contrastive focus constructions. In section 12.3, we summarize
findings of the chapter.
12.1 Marked topic constructions
"By 'marked' topic-coding constructions one means constructions that code
referents of relatively low accessibility. Their low accessibility may be due to being
new in the discourse, i.e., being introduced for the first time or being re-introduced
into the discourse after a considerable gap of absence, or due to referential
competition or contrast" (Givón, 2001b:254).
Thus it is an elaboration of the grammar of discontinuous topics that
apply primarily to full NPs contrasting with unstressed pronouns and zeros,
which code continuous referents. The marked topic-constructions in Bhojpuri are
discussed as follows:
12.1.1 Existential-presentative constructions
a) Functional dimensions
Existential-presentative constructions (hereafter EPCs), also known as
indefinite subject constructions, are typically used to introduce important new
referents into the discourse (Givón, 2001b:255).1
In Bhojpuri, indefinite referents are coded by EPCs कौनो /kɔno/ 'some or a/an'

and एगो /eɡo/ 'a/an' used as an indefinite article, as shown in (1a-b).

(1) a. कौनो गाँव म एगो बु ढ़आ रहली ।

kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ eɡo buɽ̊iɑ rʌɦli
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ ek-ɡo buɽ̊iɑ rʌɦ-ʌl-i
some village LOC one-CLF old woman live-PP-3SG.PST.F.MH
'There was an old woman in a village.' (05.001)
b. चवर म ओकर खेत रहे ।

1. The rather weak subjecthood of the locative 'subject' of existential-presentative clauses is not
surprising, given that the prototypical subject of neutral clauses is overwhelmingly definite,
anaphoric, rcurrent and topical. The subject of existential-presentative clauses, on the other hand, is
an indefinite non-anaphoric referent that is being introduced into the discourse for the first time
(Givón, 2001a:193).

380
cʌwʌr mẽ okʌr kʰet rʌɦe
cʌwʌr mẽ u-ʌr kʰet rʌɦ-e
cultivated stretch LOC 3SG-GEN farm live-3.PST
'There was her farm in a cultivated stretch.' (05.003)
The examples in (1a-b) are the opening lines of a rural folk-tale to amuse
children. The referent गाँव /ɡɑ̃o/ is brought to the consideration applying the EPC

introduced by कौनो /kɔno/ 'a' or 'some (lit)' and बु ढ़आ /buɽ̊iɑ/ 'old woman' is brought

to the stage applying the EPC introduced by एगो /eɡo/ 'a'. Similarly, in (1b), another

important inanimate referent खेत /kʰet/ 'farm' is introduced as a discontinuous topic by

a full NP. In both the cases the referents are brought to the stage as a subject.
Such referents are also brought as an object in Bhojpuri as shown in (2a-c).
(2) a. कौनो छर चलावऽ ।
kɔno cʰʌr cʌlɑwʌ
kɔno cʰʌr cʌl-ɑ-wʌ
some trick walk-CAUS-IMP.MH
'Play some trick.' (09.081)
b. ... एगो िप ी तोड़ दे... ।
eɡo piʈʈʰi toɽ de
ek-ɡo piʈʈʰi toɽ de
one-CLF cake pluck give.IMP
'… pluck a cake …' (05.010)
c. हम ओके कताब देनी ।
ɦʌm oke kitɑb deni
ɦʌm u-ke kitɑb de-ni
1SG.NOM 3SG-DAT book give-PST.H
'I gave her a book.' (06.008)
In (2a-b) the referents छर /cʰʌr/ 'trick' and िप ी /piʈʈʰi/ 'cake' have been

introduced as objects by EPCs कौनो /kɔno/ 'some' in (2a) and एगो /eɡo/ 'a' in (2b)
respectively. Sometimes EPCs are unseen but contextually understood in Bhojpuri as
खेत /kʰet/ 'farm' presented in (1b) and कताब /kitɑb/ 'book' in (2c) respectively.

381
b) Syntactic dimensions
(i) Verb type
As common to the most of the languages (Givón, 2001b:255), the verb in
EPCs is existential रह /rʌɦ/ or ह /ɦʌ/ or बा /bɑ/ 'be' which is overt in example (1a-b).
But other verbs onto the scene are also used on the occasion as presented in (2a-c).
Besides, some locational verbs such as बैठ /bʌiʈʰ/ 'sit', उठ /uʈʰ/ 'stand', रह /rʌɦ/ 'live' क

/ruk/ 'stay' or entrance verbs such as आ /ɑ/ 'come/arrive' लउक /lʌuk/ 'appear', प च
ँ

/pʌɦũc/ 'approach' along with departure verb जा /jɑ/ 'go' are frequently used in EPCs,
as shown in (3a-c).
(3) a. ऊ हमर बड़क माई रहली जे डेङ बढ़इनी आ बइठइनी ।
u ɦʌmʌr bʌɽki mɑi rʌɦli
u ɦʌm-ʌr bʌɽ-ki mɑi rʌɦ-ʌl-i
3SG.NOM 1SG-GEN elder-F mother live-PP-3.PST.F.MH
je ɖeŋ bʌɽ̊ʌini ɑ bʌiʈʰʌini
je ɖeŋ bʌɽ̊-ɑ-ini ɑ bʌiʈʰ-ɑ-ini
COND step forward-CAUS-PST.H and sit-CAUS-PST.H
'It was my elder aunt who stepped in and made me sit.' (06.021)
b. ऊ औरत िहअ जौन हम देखनी ।
u ɔrʌt ɦiʌ jɔn ɦʌm dekʰni
u ɔrʌt ɦiʌ jɔn ɦʌm dekʰ-ni
DIST woman be.3SG.PRES.F COMP 1SG.NOM see-PST.H
'She is a woman that I saw.' (06.034)
c. आज हमनी जे पर बात करे जातानी ऊ ह ेम ।
ɑj ɦʌmni je pʌr bɑt kʌre jɑtɑni
ɑj ɦʌm-ni je pʌr bɑt kʌr-e jɑ-ʌt bɑni
today 1SG-PL COND LOC matter do-PUR go-IMPF be.PRES.H
u ɦʌ prem
u ɦʌ prem
3SG be.3SG.PRES love
'What we are going to talk about today is love.' (06.042)
(ii) Word-order and indefinite subject
A more controversial issue involves word-order in EPCs. It has been taken for

382
granted for a long time that rigid SV languages (SVO, SOV) exhibit the inverse order
VS in EPCs (Hetzron, 1971, 1975; Givón, 1976b,c, inter alia). Though Bhojpuri is a
flexible SOV language, it also exhibits the inverse order VSO or OVS in EPCs that
have already been discussed in Chapter 8.1.1. Moreover, Bhojpuri tends to front the
indefinite subject as discussed in (3a).
(iii) The semantic predicate of the EPC
The existential verb in the EPC has no lexical-semantic contents, it is
semantically bleached (Givón, 2001b:258). In Bhojpuri some other predicate is
present with the indefinite subject clauses under the same intonation contour of the
EPC. It is most commonly either a REL-clause, an adjective, a LOC-phrase, a noun
complement, a genitive or an associative phrase preceding the the indefinite subject in
Bhojpuri as shown in (4a-f).
(4) a. REL-clause
त ओह म का होत रहे क िब कु ल कृ िष काय से जुड़ल एगो चलन रहे ।
tʌ oɦ mẽ kɑ ɦot rʌɦe ki bilkul
tʌ oɦ mẽ kɑ ɦo-ʌt rʌɦ-e ki bilkul
COND DIST LOC what be-IMPF live-3.PST COMP completely
krisi kɑryʌ juɽʌl eɡo prʌcʌlʌn rʌɦe
krisi kɑryʌ juɽ-ʌl ek-ɡo prʌcʌlʌn rʌɦ-e
agriculture work join-INF one-CLF practice live-3.PST.NH
'What used to happen in it that it was a practice uniquely attached with
farming.' (03.234)
b. Adjective
कौनो ांितकारी बात त ओ म रहे ना ।
kɔno krɑntikɑri bɑt tʌ o mẽ rʌɦe nɑ
kɔno krɑnti-kɑri bɑt tʌ o mẽ rʌɦ-e nɑ
any revolution-ADJ matter COND DIST LOC live-3.PST.NH NEG

'There was no revolutionary matter in that.' (04.072)

c. LOC-phrase
फलना के खेत म िप ी के गाछ रहे ।
pʰʌlnɑ ke kʰet mẽ piʈʈʰi ke ɡɑcʰ rʌɦe
pʰʌlnɑ ke kʰet mẽ piʈʈʰi ke ɡɑcʰ rʌɦ-e
someone GEN farm LOC cake GEN tree live-3.PST

383
'There was a cake-tree in the farm of someone.' (03.262)
d. Noun-complement
ओ म हमर पिहलही लेख म रहे कृ ित के कोप ।
o mẽ ɦʌmʌr pʌɦilʌɦi lekʰ mẽ rʌɦe prʌkriti
o mẽ ɦʌmʌr pʌɦil-ʌɦi lekʰ mẽ rʌɦ-e prʌkriti
DIST LOC 1SG.GEN first-EMPH article LOC live-3.PST nature
ke prʌkop
ke prʌkop
GEN calamity
'Among others, there was my own article, the first one, on natural
calamity.' (04.079)
e. Possessive phrase
ओ शु आती कसान आंदोलन के नारा रहे ...
o suruɑti kisɑn ɑndolʌn ke nɑrɑ rʌɦe
o suruɑt-i kisɑn ɑndolʌn ke nɑrɑ rʌɦ-e
DIST begining-ADJ peasant movement GEN slogan live-3.PST
'There were slogans of those initial peasants' movements … (02.037)
f. Associative phrase
ओही कताब म ाकरण पाठ के जौरे -जौरे रहल ।
oɦi kitɑb mẽ byɑkʌrʌn pɑʈʰ ke jɔre jɔre
o-ɦi kitɑb mẽ byɑkʌrʌn pɑʈʰ ke jɔre jɔre
DIST-EMPH book LOC grammar lesson GEN with with
rʌɦʌl
rʌɦ-ʌl
live-3.PST
'There was grammar with each lesson of the very book.' (03.069)
12.1.2 Y-movement
"Functionally, Y-movement ('contrastive topicalization') is used typically
when a referent is contrasted with another referent of roughly the same semantic class.
The first referent creates certain expectations, which Y-moved referent then counters.
Though it is contrastive, the Y-moved referents also tend to be typically topical and
anaphorical. They tend to be overwhelmingly definite or generic like other anaphoric
topicalizing constructions, but not REF-indefinite. Their anaphoric predictability is

384
also underscored by their characteristic low anaphoric distance. Typically, their
discourse antecedent is found within the preceding 2-3 clauses, already discussed in
this subsection." (Givón, 2001b:262)
Besides, an important property of Y-movement clauses is that they fall under a
single intonation contour. In this way they contrast with L-dislocation where the
fronted constituent is separated from the rest of the clause by a pause. They are
discussed in Bhojpuri as follows:
(5) a. Subject contrast
काहे क कम े ह बाँ कर ज म ना ।
kɑɦe ki kʌrmʌ sresʈʰ ɦʌ bɑ̃kir jʌnm nɑ
why COMP work superior be.3SG.PRES but birth NEG

'Because work is superior but BIRTH is not. (07.082)

b. Object contrast
… गाजर हमरा मन परे ला ।
ɡɑjʌr ɦʌmrɑ mʌn pʌrelɑ
ɡɑjʌr ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ mʌn pʌr-elɑ
carrot 1SG-GEN-SPEC mind fall-3SG.PRES
'... CARROTS I like.' (06.038)
12.1.3 Left dislocation
a) Functional dimentions
"L-dislocation is typically a device to mark topical referents, most commonly
definite and anaphoric ones that have been out of the focus of attention for a while
and is being brought back into the discourse.2 That the L-dislocation referent must be
anaphorically topical and attested by the fact that it may be either definite or generic
but never REF-indefinite" (Givón, 2001b:265). The anaphoric distance (AD) of L-
dislocated referents, as Givon (2001b:265) has noted, is one of the highest of all
referent-coding devices. It can be exemplified in Bhojpuri as shown in (6a-s).
(6) a. त हम जब पि का लेके गइनी त िसिडयो, ऊ हमरा पर बड़ा बोलल, बड़ा िखिसअइल ।
tʌ ɦʌm jʌb pʌtrikɑ leke ɡʌini tʌ

2. Dislocation (left and right) refers to the placing of a clause element outside the syntactic boundaries
of the clause. Sometimes dislocation is referred to as extraposition. Left-dislocation is sometimes
referred to as pre-posing and right-dislocation as post-posing (Payne, 1997:273).

385
tʌ ɦʌm jʌb pʌtrikɑ le-ke jɑ-ini tʌ
COND 1SG.NOM when newspaper bring-SEQ go-PST.H COND

siɖio u ɦʌmʌrɑ pʌr bʌɽɑ bollẽ

siɖio u ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ pʌr bʌɽ-ɑ bol-ʌl-ẽ
CDO DIST 1SG-GEN-SPEC LOC much-DEF speak-PP-3.PST.MH
bʌɽɑ kʰisiʌilẽ
bʌɽ-ɑ kʰis-iɑ-il-ẽ
much-SPEC anger-CAUS-PP-3.PST.MH
'So, when I went carrying the magazine, then the CDO, he lost his temper
on me.' (04.068)
b. ना कहेके सेहो अपश दो भी बोल देल ।
nɑ kʌɦeke seɦo ʌpsʌbdo b̤ i bol
nɑ kʌɦ-eke se-o ʌpsʌbd-o b̤ i bol
NEG say-OBL COND-EMPH abuse-EMPH also speak
delẽ
de-ʌl-ẽ
give-PP-3.PST.MH
'He abused me, too.' (04.069)
c. हम त कहनी क ए म दोसर कु छ नइखे ।
ɦʌm tʌ kʌɦni ki e mẽ dosʌr kucʰ
ɦʌm tʌ kʌɦ-ni ki e mẽ dosʌr kucʰ
1SG.NOM COND say-PST.H COMP PROX LOC another something
nʌikʰe
nʌikʰ-e
be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'I said, "There is nothing otherwise in this."' (04.070)
d. आदमी का डर त रहलही रहे ।
ɑdmi kɑ ɖʌr tʌ rʌɦlʌɦi rʌɦe
ɑdmi kɑ ɖʌr tʌ rʌɦ-ʌl-ɦi rʌɦ-e
man GEN fear COND live-PP-EMPH live-3.PST
'I had already been afraid.' (04.071)
e. कौनो ांितकारी बात त ओ म रहे ना ।

386
kɔno krɑntikɑri bɑt tʌ o mẽ rʌɦe nɑ
kɔno krɑnti-kɑri bɑt tʌ o mẽ rʌɦ-e nɑ
any revolution-ADJ matter COND DIST LOC live-3.PST NEG

'There was no revolutionary matter in that.' (04.072)

f. खाली सामािजक िवषय रहे ।
kʰɑli sɑmɑjik bisɛ rʌɦe
kʰɑli sʌmɑj-ik bisɛ rʌɦ-e
only society-ADJ issue live-3.PST
'There were only social matters.' (04.073)
g. पर िसिडयो साहेब, हमरा के बइठा देहले ऊ ।
pʌr siɖio sɑɦeb ɦʌmʌrɑ ke bʌiʈʰɑ deɦlẽ
pʌr siɖio sɑɦeb ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ke bʌiʈʰ-ɑ de-ʌl-ẽ
but CDO sir 1SG-GEN-SPEC ACC sit-CAUS give-PP-3.PST.MH
u
u
DIST

'But the CDO, he detained me there.' (04.075)

h. ११ बजे गइनी, ४ बजे ले बइठल रहनी ।
eɡɑre bʌje ɡʌini cɑr bʌje le bʌiʈʰʌl rʌɦni
eɡɑrʌ bʌje jɑ-ini cɑr bʌje le bʌiʈʰ-ʌl rʌɦ-ni
eleven O'clock go-PST.H four O'clock till sit-PP live-PST.H
'I went there at 11 am and sat till 4 pm.' (04.076)
i. ओकरा बाद म एगो दोसर कोई आदमी आइल ।
okʌrɑ bɑd mẽ eɡo dosʌr koi ɑdmi
okʌrɑ bɑd mẽ ek-ɡo dosʌr koi ɑdmi
3.SG.GEN later LOC one-CLF socond someone man
ɑil
ɑ-il
come-3.PST
'After that, some other person arrived there.' (04.077)
j. ऊ आदमी, उहो नेपािलए रहल बा कर भोजपुरी े के रहल ।
u ɑdmi uɦo nepɑlie rʌɦlẽ bɑ̃kir

387
u ɑdmi u-o nepɑl-i-e rʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ bɑ̃kir
DIST man DIST-EMPH Nepal-ADJ-EMPH live-PP-3.PST.MH but
b̤ ojpuri cʰetrʌ ke rʌɦlẽ
b̤ ojpuri cʰetrʌ ke rʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ
Bhojpuri region GEN live-PP-3.PST.MH
'That man, he was also Nepali but belonged to the Bhojpuri speaking zone.' (04.078)
k. ओ म हमर पिहलही लेख म रहे कृ ित के कोप ।
o mẽ ɦʌmʌr pʌɦilʌɦi lekʰ mẽ rʌɦe prʌkriti
o mẽ ɦʌm-ʌr pʌɦil-ɦi lekʰ mẽ rʌɦ-e prʌkriti
DIST LOC 1SG-GEN first-EMPH article LOC live-3.PST nature
ke prʌkop
ke prʌkop
GEN calamity
'Among others, there was my own article, the first one, on natural calamity.' (04.079)
l. त ओ म िलखा गइल रहे का क छन म राजा बने िभखारी ।
tʌ o mẽ likʰɑ ɡʌil rʌɦe kɑ ki
tʌ o mẽ likʰ-ɑ jɑ-il rʌɦ-e kɑ ki
COND DIST LOC write-PASS go-PP live-3.PST what COMP

cʰʌn mẽ rɑjɑ bʌne b̤ ikʰɑri

cʰʌn mẽ rɑjɑ bʌn-e b̤ ikʰɑri
moment LOC king make-3.PRES beggar
'But it was written there, "The king can be turned beggar within a wink."' (04.080)
m. माने गरीब आदमी राजा बन जाला आ राजा आदमी गरीब बन जाला ।
mɑne ɡʌrib ɑdmi rɑjɑ bʌn jɑlɑ ɑ rɑjɑ ɑdmi
mɑne ɡʌrib ɑdmi rɑjɑ bʌn jɑ-ilɑ ɑ rɑjɑ ɑdmi
meaning poor man king make go-3SG.PRES and king man
ɡʌrib bʌn jɑlɑ
ɡʌrib bʌn jɑ-ilɑ
poor make go-3SG.PRES
'It means a poor becomes a king and a king turns into a poor one.' (04.081)
n. जङल जे बाटे से आवाद हो जाला आ आवाद जगह जङल हो जाला ।

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jʌŋʌl je bɑʈe se ɑwɑd ɦo jɑlɑ ɑ
jʌŋʌl je bɑ se ɑwɑd ɦo jɑ-ilɑ ɑ
jungle COND be.3SG.PRES COND fruitful be go-3SG.PRES and
ɑwɑd jʌɡʌɦ jʌŋʌl ɦo jɑlɑ
ɑwɑd jʌɡʌɦ jʌŋʌl ɦo jɑ-lɑ
fruitful place jungle be go-3SG.PRES
'A forest turns into cultivated land and a piece of cultivated land turns into
jungle.' (04.082)
o. एही िवषय पर रहे लेख ।
eɦi bisɛ pʌr rʌɦe lekʰ
e-ɦi bisɛ pʌr rʌɦ-e lekʰ
PROX-EMPH subject LOC live-3.PST article
'The article was on the very subject.' (04.083)
p. ऊ, जे िसिडओ का लगे देखल हमरा के त कहले जे ई त कृ ित के बात बा ।
u je siɖio kɑ lʌɡe dekʰlẽ ɦʌmrɑ ke
u je siɖio kɑ lʌɡe dekʰ-ʌl-ẽ ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ke
3SG COND CDO GEN with see-PP-3.PST.MH 1SG-GEN-SPEC ACC

tʌ kʌɦlẽ je i tʌ prʌkriti ke bɑt

tʌ kʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ je i tʌ prʌkriti ke bɑt
COND say-PP-3.PST.MH COMP PROX COND nature GEN matter
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'He, who saw me there near the CDO, said, "It is the matter of nature."' (04.084)
q. अपना राजा के ई बात नइखे ।
ʌpnɑ rɑjɑ ke i bɑt nʌikʰe
ʌpnɑ rɑjɑ ke i bɑt nʌikʰ-e
GEN king GEN PROX matter be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'This is not the matter of our king.' (04.085)
r. िहनका के काहे बइठइले बानी ? छोड़ द ।
ɦinkɑ ke kɑɦe bʌiʈʰʌile bɑni

389
ɦin-kɑ ke kɑɦe bʌiʈʰ-ɑ-il-e bɑni
PROX.H-SPEC ACC why sit-CAUS-PP-SEQ be.PRES.H
cʰoɽ dĩ
cʰoɽ dĩ
leave give.FUT.H
'Why have you detained him? Please release him.' (04.086-7)
s. त िसिडओ साहेब, उनका से हमरा जे बा से चार-साढ़े चार बजे छु ी भइल त अइनी ।
tʌ sidio sɑɦeb unkɑ se ɦʌmrɑ je
tʌ sidio sɑɦeb un-kɑ se ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ je
COND CDO sir 3SG.H-SPEC ABL 1SG-GEN-SPEC COND

bɑ se cɑr sɑɽ̊e cɑr bʌje cʰuʈʈi

bɑ se cɑr sɑɽ̊e cɑr bʌje cʰuʈʈi
be.3SG.PRES COND four four and half O'clock relief
b̤ ʌil tʌ ʌini
b̤ ʌ-il tʌ ɑ-ini
become-3SG.PST COND come-PST.H
'Then the CDO, I got released from him and came back at four or half past
four pm.' (04.088)
The clauses in (6a-s) are part of an interview with the senior Bhojpuri literary
figure Pandit Deep Narayan Mishra who has expressed his experience of working as a
language activist during Panchayat system in Nepal. In (6a) the topic/agent of the
discourse िसिडयो /sidio/ 'CDO' appears in the chunk of narrative, who the speaker has
gone to present a magazine to. After a gap the same referent is brought on the stage,
who lost his temper on the speaker in (6g). Another referent ऊ आदमी /u ɑdmi/ 'that
man' is brought on the stage in (6j) being introduced as a native Nepali speaker settled
in Bhojpuri speaking zone wih his repetition as ऊ /u/ 'he' in (6p) pleading for release
of the speaker. At last, after a considerable gap, the first referent is repeated in (6s),
who the speaker got released from. In all cases the speaker has brought the referents
under strategy of topicalization through L-dislocation in the narrative.
b) Syntactic dimensions
L-dislocation typically involves the three syntactic characteristics: a separate
intonation contour for the dislocated NP, neutralizaion of the case-marking of the

390
topic NP, and an anaphoric pronoun resumption of the topic NP within the clause
(Givón, 2001b:266). Bhojpuri also exhibits such characteristics, as shown in (7a-d).
(7) a. Subject L-dislocation (generic)
नागा, ऊ लोग अब गाँव म ब त कम आवेलन ।
nɑɡɑ u loɡ ʌb ɡɑ̃o mẽ bʌɦut kʌm ɑwelʌn
nɑɡɑ u loɡ ʌb ɡɑ̃o mẽ bʌɦut kʌm ɑ-welʌn
hermit 3SG PL now village LOC very less come-3.PRES.MH
'Hermits, they seldom come in villages nowadays.' (09.029)
b. Subject L-dislocation (definite)
गणेश चौधरीजी, उहाँके एगो कताब िलखले बानी ‘भोजपुरी के सौ बरस’ ।
ɡʌnes cʌud̤ ʌriji uɦɑ̃ke eɡo kitɑb likʰle
ɡʌnes cʌud̤ ʌri-ji uɦɑ̃-ke ek-ɡo kitɑb likʰ-le
Ganesh Chaudhary-H there-SPEC one-CLF book write-SEQ
bɑni b̤ ojpuri ke sɔ bʌrʌs
bɑni b̤ ojpuri ke sɔ bʌrʌs
be.PRES.H Bhojpuri GEN hundred year
'Ganesh Chaudharyji, he has written a book 'A Hundred Years of
Bhojpuri''. (04.104)
c. Object L-dislocation (generic)
अन, पिहले हमनी िनकासी करत रहनी ।
ʌn pʌɦile ɦʌmni nikɑsi kʌrʌt rʌɦni
ʌn pʌɦil-e ɦʌm-ni nikɑsi kʌr-ʌt rʌɦ-ni
food first-EMPH 1SG-PL export do-IMPF live-PST.H
'The food grains, we were exporting it in the past.' (09.391)
d. Object L-dislocation (definite)
रा ता, हे के आप त कु छ दन म ।
rɑstɑ ɦe ke ɑp tʌ kucʰ din mẽ
way PROX GEN scale COND something day LOC

'The way, scale it ahead within a few days.' (09.005)

Going through the citations (7a-d), नागा /nɑɡɑ/ 'hermit' is the topic NP L-

dislocated in generic position and the ऊ लोग /u loɡ/ 'they' is its anaphoric expression in

(7a). The same phenomana are exhibited by गणेश चौधरीजी /ɡʌnes cʌd̤ ʌriji/ 'Ganesh

391
Chaudharyji' and उहाँके /uɦɑke/ 'he', अन /ʌn/ 'food grains' and ø; and रा ता /rɑstɑ/ 'way'

and हे के /ɦe ke/ 'this (accusative)' in (7b-d) respectively. The L-dislocated NP in each
case has a raised intonation, is free of case-marking and an anaphoric pronoun has been
resumed except (7c) though understood functionally as a Bhojpuri specific character.
12.1.4 Right dislocation
a) Functional consideration
Givón (2001b:267) quotes Hyman (1975), Byarushengo et. al. (1976) and
Tenenbaum (1977) to state that R-dislocation is an afterthought or repair device that
speakers used3 when they assumed that the referent is highly accessible, thus to be
coded as an anaphoric pronoun; but then, after brief reflection (represented by a pause),
decided that maybe the referent was not quite as accessible, and so was better re-coded
as full NP.
When we turn to right periphery phenomena, the first observation is that there
is considerably less cross-linguistic variation. So, Bhojpuri also exhibits some types
of R-dislocations.
(i) Afterthoughts
As all the languages do, Bhojpuri adds something once a sentence is
completed as a modification, as shown in (8a-c).
(8) a. आ जौन एक आना-दू आना पानी नेपाल के िमलेवाला भइल, त नहर खनाइल, जमीन

बरबाद हो गइल, बाँ कर पानी नइखे ।

ɑ jɔn ek ɑnɑ du ɑnɑ pɑni
ɑ jɔn ek ɑnɑ du ɑnɑ pɑni
and COMP one sixteenth of a rupee two sixteenth of a rupee water
nepɑl ke milewɑlɑ b̤ ʌil tʌ nʌɦʌr
nepɑl ke mil-e-wɑlɑ b̤ ʌ-il tʌ nʌɦʌr
Nepal dat get-PUR-owner become-3SG.PST COND canal
kʰʌnɑil jʌmin bʌrbɑd ɦo ɡʌil bɑ̃kir pɑni
kʰʌn-ɑ-il jʌmin bʌrbɑd ɦo jɑ-il bɑ̃kir pɑni
dig-PASS-3.PST land spoil be go-3.PST but water
nʌikʰe

3. Right dislocation is sometimes referred to as afterthought topicalization (Payne, 1997:273).

392
nʌikʰ-e
be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'And for nearly ten percent of water ascertained to Nepal, the canal was
dug, land was spoilt, but there is no water.' (02.087)
b. त दोसरा कौनो भाषा म बोलल रोग जइसन हो गइल रहे, नेपाली के छोड़के ।
tʌ dosrɑ kɔno b̤ ɑsɑ mẽ bolʌl roɡ
tʌ dosʌr-ɑ kɔno b̤ ɑsɑ mẽ bol-ʌl roɡ
COND second-SPEC any language LOC speak-INF disease
jʌisʌn ɦo ɡʌil rʌɦe nepɑli ke cʰoɽke
jʌisʌn ɦo jɑ-il rʌɦ-e nepɑli ke cʰoɽ-ke
as such be go-PP live-3.PST Nepali ACC leave-SEQ
'Then, it happened to be like a disease to utter in any language, except
Nepali.' (04.044)
c. मरदु कहल, ‘खीर बनी, बाँ कर लइकन के सुतला के बाद ।’
mʌrdu kʌɦlẽ kʰir bʌni bɑ̃kir
mʌrdu kʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ kʰir bʌn-i bɑ̃kir
husband.H say-PP-3.PST.MH rice-pudding make-3.FUT but
lʌikʌn ke sutlɑ ke bɑd
lʌikʌn ke sut-ʌl-ɑ ke bɑd
children GEN sleep-PP-SEQ SEQ later
'The husband said, "The pudding will be cooked, but after the children
sleep."' (08.007)
In examples (8a-c), the full NP in the R-dislocated clauses in italics are
afterthoughts or repair device that speakers used when they assumed that the referent is
highly accessible, thus to be coded as an anaphoric pronoun; but then, after brief
reflection (represented by a pause), decided that maybe the referent was not quite as
accessible, and so was better re-coded as full NP.
(ii) Background construction
As almost all the other languages, Bhojpuri displays a background
construction by insertion of a pronoun to represent the R-dislocated noun, as
presented in (9a-b).
(9) a. ई एगो क ठन मथेला बा, दिहना ठाँवबदली ।
i eɡo kʌʈʰin mʌtʰelɑ bɑ dʌɦinɑ ʈʰɑ̃obʌdli

393
i ek-ɡo kʌʈʰin mʌtʰelɑ bɑ dʌɦinɑ ʈʰɑ̃obʌdli
PROX one-CLF difficult topic be.3.PRES right dislocation
'This is a difficult topic, right dislocation.' (12.095)
b. ऊ आसान आदमी नइखे, गाँव के मुिखया ।
u ɑsɑn ɑdmi nʌikʰe ɡɑ̃o ke mukʰiɑ
u ɑsɑn ɑdmi nʌikʰ-e ɡɑ̃o ke mukʰiɑ
3SG.NOM easy man be.NEG.PRES-3SG village GEN chieften
'He is not an easy man, the village-chieften.' (12.096)
b) Syntactic dimensions
The same three syntactic features that characterize L-dislocation – anaphoric
pronoun, intonation break and neutralized case-marking – also tend to apply to R-
dislocation. They are exemplified in Bhojpuri as follows:
(i) Subject inversion
In subject inversion, the occurrence of NP expressions can be implicitly
projected by the verb in a position following the complete verb phrase, as already
discussed in Chapter 9.1.1.
(ii) VP-internal ordering
As the SVO languages does, Bhojpuri an SOV language has also freedom of
ordering post-verbal positions, which gives rise to a suffling of constructions labelled
as 'heavy NP shift':
(10) a. हम ओ के कताब देनी ।
ɦʌm o ke kitɑb deni
ɦʌm o ke kitɑb de-ni
1SG.NOM 3SG DAT book give-PST.H
'I gave her a book.' (06.008)
b. हम देनी ओ के कताब ।
ɦʌm deni o ke kitɑb
ɦʌm de-ni o ke kitɑb
1SG.NOM give-PST.H 3SG DAT book
'I gave her the book.'
c. हम देनी कताब ओ के ।
ɦʌm deni kitɑb o ke

394
ɦʌm de-ni kitɑb o ke
1SG.NOM give-PST.H book 3SG DAT

'I gave her a book.'

In the examples in (10a-c), (10a) exhibits the normal word order in Bhojpuri
where the verb देनी /deni/ 'gave' is in clause-final position. But in (10b-c) it has
brought just next to the subject where the word-order is S-V-IO-Poss-O-V in (10b)
and S-V-DO-IO-Poss. It is a heavy NP shift in Bhojpuri under R-dislocation.
(iii) Right node raising
When right-periphery placement strategies are combined with coordinate
constructions, the effect is so-called Right-node raising. These are strings in which
one structure may be "temporarily set on one side" in a parsing sequence while a
second is introduced, both then being completed by a single right-most expression, as
shown in (11a-c).
(11) a. बाबुजी िचऩइनी आ हम बितअइबो कइनी, मामाजी से ।
bɑbuji cin̥ ʌini ɑ ɦʌm
bɑbu-ji cin̥ -ɑ-ini ɑ ɦʌm
father -H identify-CAUS-PST.H and 1SG.NOM
bʌtiʌibo kʌini mɑmɑji se
bʌtiɑ-ib-o kʌr-ini mɑmɑ-ji se
talk-PP-EMPH do-PST.H maternal uncle-H with
'Father introduced and I talked too, with my maternal uncle.' (12.097)
b. माई हमरा के आ बाबुजी भइआ के कन देनी, एक न गो लमहर तरभूजा ।
mɑi ɦʌmrɑ ke ɑ bɑbuji b̤ ʌiɑ ke
mɑi ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ke ɑ bɑbu-ji b̤ ʌiɑ ke
mother 1SG-GEN-SPEC DAT and father-H elder brother DAT

kin deni ekɦunɡo lʌmʌɦʌr tʌrb̤ ujɑ

kin de-ni ek-ɦun-ɡo lʌmʌɦʌr tʌrb̤ ujɑ
buy give-PST.H one-each-CLF big watermelon
'Mother bought me and father bought my elder brother, one big watermelon
to each.' (12.098)
c. राम खइलख खीर आ याम खइलख रोटी ।
rɑm kʰʌilʌkʰ kʰir ɑ syɑm kʰʌilʌkʰ roʈi

395
rɑm kʰɑ-il-ʌkʰ kʰir ɑ syɑm kʰɑ-il-ʌkʰ roʈi
Ram eat-PP-3.PST rice-pudding and Shyam eat-PP-3.PST chapati
'Ram ate rice-pudding and Shyam ate chapatis.' (12.099)
12.1.5 Dative-shifting
As Givón (2001a:471) notes, the dative object of bi-transitive clauses is almost
always more topical than the patient, and thus tends to claim the direct-object role,
often automatically. Since topical objects are most commonly pre-established in the
preceding discourse, dative objects in discourse tend to be overwhelmingly definite
and anaphoric (Greenberg, 1974; Givón, 1984). It is not surprising then that dative-
shifting in many languages – making the dative the direct object – also has the effect
of definitizing. This is already evident in Bhojpuri as another device to topicalize for
some pragmatic purpose. The basic order of a ditransitive cluse in Bhojpuri is S-IO-
DO-V. In contrast, while employed the dative-shifting strategy, the referent in dative
case occurs either in the clause-initial or clause-final position. We exemplify the
clause-initial DO in (12a-d).
(12) a. त उनका के भगवान कृ ण राखी के योहार मनावे के सलाह देल ।
tʌ unkɑ ke b̤ ʌɡwɑn krisnʌ rɑkʰi ke
tʌ unkɑ ke b̤ ʌɡwɑn krisnʌ rɑkʰi ke
COND 3SG.GEN GEN Lord Krishna Raxabandhan GEN

tyoɦɑr mʌnɑwe ke sʌlɑɦ delẽ

tyoɦɑr mʌnɑ-we ke sʌlɑɦ de-ʌl-ẽ
festival celebrate-PUR GEN advice give-PP-3.PST.MH
'Then Lord Krishna advised him to celebrate Raxabandhan Festival.' (07.068)
b. जी, अपने के हम थोड़ा सा रोके के चाहतानी ।
ji ʌpne ke ɦʌm tʰoɽɑ sɑ rokeke cɑɦʌtɑni
ji ʌpne ke ɦʌm tʰoɽɑ sɑ rok-eke cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni
yea 2SG.H GEN 1SG little as stop-OPT want-IMPF be.PRES.H
'Yea, I want you to halt for a while.' (01.051)
c. जा घरे । तोहे चाची एगो िमठाई दी ।
jɑ ɡ̈ʌre toɦe cɑci eɡo miʈʰɑi di
jɑ ɡ̈ʌr-e tu-e cɑci ek-ɡo miʈʰɑi de-i
go house-LOC 2SG-DAT aunty one-CLF sweet give-3SG.FUT
'Go home. Aunty will give you a sweet.' (09.459)

396
d. ... ल मीजी ... ओकरा के र ाबंधन बा हके अपन भाई बनइली ... ।
lʌkcʰmi-ji okʌrɑ ke rʌkcʰɑbʌnd̤ ʌn bɑn̥ ke
lʌkcʰmi-ji u-ʌr-ɑ ke rʌkcʰɑ-bʌnd̤ ʌn bɑn̥ -ke
Laxmi-H 3.SG-GEN-SPEC DAT protection-bond bind-SEQ
ʌpʌn b̤ ɑi bʌnʌili
ɑpʌn b̤ ɑi bʌnɑ-il-i
GEN brother make-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'... Lady Laxmi accepted him as her brother by binding Raxabandhan …' (07.050)
In examples (12a-d), the dative उनका के /unkɑ ke/ 'him (H)' in (12a), अपने के

/ʌpne ke/ 'you (H)' in (12b), तोहे /toɦe/ 'you' in (12c) and ओकरा के /okrɑ ke/ 'him' in
(12c) are in the clause-initial position as dative-shift.
Likewise, the dative-shift in clause-final position is presented in (13a-c).
(13) a. ओ म हम सब से पिहले एकरा खाितर ध यवाद देम आ आभार भी करे म हमनी के

गु ा. डॉ. योग साद यादवजी के ... ।

o mẽ ɦʌm sʌb se pʌɦile ekrɑ kʰɑtir
o mẽ ɦʌm sʌb se pʌɦil-e e-ʌr-ɑ kʰɑtir
DIST LOC 1SG.NOM all ABL first-EMPH PROX-POSS-SPEC for
d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd dem ɑ ɑb̤ ɑr b̤ i byʌkt kʌrem
d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd de-ɦem ɑ ɑb̤ ɑr b̤ i byʌkt kʌr-em
thank give-FUT.H and gratitude also express do-FUT.H
ɦʌmni ke ɡuru prɑd̤ yɑpʌk ɖɔkʈʌr yoɡendrʌ prʌsɑd
ɦʌm-ni ke ɡuru prɑd̤ yɑpʌk ɖɔkʈʌr yoɡendrʌ prʌsɑd
1SG-PL GEN teacher professor doctor Yogendra Prasad
yɑdʌbji ke
yɑdʌb-ji ke
Yadava-H DAT

'For this I express my thanks and gratefulness to our Guru Prof. Dr.
Yogendra Prasad Yadava …' (03.078)
b. अभीन बतावेके हम चाहतानी अपने के ।
ʌb̤ in bʌtɑweke ɦʌm cɑɦʌtɑni ʌpne ke
ʌb̤ in bʌtɑ-weke ɦʌm cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni ʌpne ke
now tell-OBL 1SG.NOM want-IMPF be.PRES.H 2SG.H DAT

397
'I want to inform you now.' (03.218)
c. ... इं ाणी भी रे शम के धागा मं उ ा रत करके बाऩ देहली उनका के ।
indrɑni b̤ i resʌm ke d̤ ɑɡɑ mʌntrʌ uccɑrit kʌrke
indrɑni b̤ i resʌm ke d̤ ɑɡɑ mʌntrʌ uccɑr-it kʌr-ke
Indrani also silk GEN thread magic chant-ADJ do-SEQ
bɑn̥ deɦli unkɑ ke
bɑn̥ de-ʌl-i un-kɑ ke
bind body-PP-2.PST.F.MH 3.SG-SPEC DAT

'But with that, Indrani also bonded Resham-thread to Indra with chanting.' (07.027)
In (13a-c), ा. डॉ. योग साद यादव के /prɑd̤ yɑpʌk ɖɔkʈʌr yoɡendrʌ prʌsɑd yɑdʌb

ke/ 'to Prof. Dr. Yogendra Prasad Yadava' in (13a), अपने के /ʌpne ke/ 'you (H)' in (13b)

and उनका के /unkɑ ke/ 'him (H)' in (13c) are in the clause-final position in dative-shift.
12.1.6 Raising
Raising is one of the most curious phenomena in syntax. It may be first
described as a synchronic grammatical process in the following terms:
A verb of mental activity – knowledge, perception, intention and the like – has
two senses, one involving a nominal argument, the other as a propositional argument.
Within a propositional argument, NP is the important topic, most commonly the
clausal subject. That important topic is foregrounded through raising, and is converted
from an argument of the subordinate clause to a grammatical argument – either
subject or object – of the main clause (Givón, 2001b:272).
It may or may not be found in all the languages but Bhojpuri does have the
phenomena of two types: raising to object and raising to subject.
a) Raising to object
Raising to object in Bhojpuri most commonly involves verbs of intention चाह

/cɑɦ/ 'want or wish', perception देख /dekʰ/ 'see', बुझ /buȷ̈/ 'think', लाग /lɑɡ/, मान /mɑn/

'believe' and cognition समझ /sʌmʌȷ̈ / 'understand', जान /jɑn/ 'know' etc as a syntactic
blend of the structure of the verb's two senses – the one involving a nominal object,
and the other involving a clausal complement, as shown in (14a-o).
(14) a. Nominal object
ऊ मोहन के चहली ।
u moɦʌn ke cʌɦli

398
u moɦʌn ke cɑɦ-ʌl-i
3SG.NOM Mohan DAT want-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'She wanted Mohan.' (12.100)
b. Clausal complement
ऊ चहली क मोहन हँसो ।
u cʌɦli ki moɦʌn ɦʌ̃so
u cɑɦ-ʌl-i ki moɦʌn ɦʌ̃s-o
3SG.NOM. want-PP-3.PST.F.MH comp Mohan laugh-OPT.NH
'She wished that Mohan would laugh.' (12.101)
c. Raised ('blend')
ऊ मोहन के हँसल चहली ।
u moɦʌn ke ɦʌ̃sʌl cʌɦli
u moɦʌn ke ɦʌ̃s-ʌl cɑɦ-ʌl-i
3SG.NOM Mohan DAT laugh-INF want-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'She wanted Mohan to laugh.' (12.102)
d. Nominal object
हम आभा म दाई के देखनी ।
ɦʌm ɑb̤ ɑ mẽ dɑi ke dekʰni
ɦʌm ɑb̤ ɑ mẽ dɑi ke dekʰ-ni
1SG.NOM dream LOC grandmother ACC see-PST.H
'I saw grandmother (in dream).' (09.096)
e. Clausal complement
हम सपना म देखनी क दाई जदा बाड़ी ।
ɦʌm sʌpnɑ mẽ dekʰni ki dɑi jindɑ
ɦʌm sʌpnɑ mẽ dekʰ-ni ki dɑi jindɑ
1SG.NOM dream LOC see-PST.H COMP grandma alive
bɑɽi
bɑɽi
be.3.PRES.F.MH
'I saw in dream that grandmother was alive.' (12.103)
f. Raised ('blend')
हम सपना म दाई के जदा देखनी ।

399
ɦʌm sʌpnɑ mẽ dɑi ke jindɑ dekʰni
ɦʌm sʌpnɑ mẽ dɑi ke jindɑ dekʰ-ni
1SG.NOM dream LOC grandma DAT alive see-PST.H
'I saw my grandmother alive (in dream).' (12.104)
g. Nominal object
हम ओके मननी ।
ɦʌm oke mʌnni
ɦʌm u-ke mɑn-ni
1SG.NOM 3SG-DAT believe-PST.H
'I believed her.' (12.105)
h. Clausal complement
हम मननी क ऊ हमर जान रहली ।
ɦʌm mʌnni ki u ɦʌmʌr jɑn
ɦʌm mɑn-ni ki u ɦʌm-ʌr jɑn
1SG.NOM believe-PST.H comp 3SG.NOM 1SG-GEN life
rʌɦli
rʌɦ-ʌl-i
live-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'I believed that she was my life.' (12.106)
i. Raised ('blend')
हम ओके आपन जान मननी ।
ɦʌm oke ɑpʌn jɑn mʌnni
ɦʌm u-ke ɑpʌn jɑn mɑn-ni
1SG.NOM 3SG-DAT GEN life believe-PST.H
'I believed her my life.' (12.107)
j. Nominal object
हम एगो चम कार खोजनी ।
ɦʌm eɡo cʌmʌtkɑr kʰojni
ɦʌm ek-ɡo cʌmʌtkɑr kʰoj-ni
1SG.NOM one-CLF miracle search-PST.H
'I expected a miracle.' (12.108)
k. Clausal complement
हम खोजनी क एगो चम कार होखो ।

400
ɦʌm kʰojni ki eɡo cʌmʌtkɑr ɦokʰo
ɦʌm kʰoj-ni ki ek-ɡo cʌmʌtkɑr ɦokʰ-o
1SG.NOM search-PST.H comp one-CLF miracle be-OPT
'I expected that a miracle would happen.' (12.109)
l. Raised ('blend')
हम एगो चम कार भइल खोजनी ।
ɦʌm eɡo cʌmʌtkɑr b̤ ʌil kʰojni
ɦʌm ek-ɡo cʌmʌtkɑr b̤ ʌ-il kʰoj-ni
1SG.NOM one-CLF miracle become-PP search-PST.H
'I expected a miracle to happen.' (12.110)
m. Nominal object
हम गु के समझनी ।
ɦʌm ɡuru ke sʌmʌȷ̈ ni
ɦʌm ɡuru ke sʌmʌȷ̈ -ni
1SG.NOM teacher DAT understand-PRES.H
'I understood my teacher.' (12.111)
n. Clausal complement
हम समझनी गु जी हमनी के आदश बानी ।
ɦʌm sʌmʌȷ̈ ni ɡuruji ɦʌmni ke ɑdʌrs
ɦʌm sʌmʌȷ̈ -ni ɡuru-ji ɦʌm-ni ke ɑdʌrs
1SG.NOM understand-PST.H teacher-H 1SG-PL GEN ideal
bɑni
bɑni
be.PRES.H
'I understood the teacher was our ideal.' (12.112)
o. Raised ('blend')
हम गु के आपन आदश भइल समझनी ।
ɦʌm ɡuru ke ɑpʌn ɑdʌrs b̤ ʌil
ɦʌm ɡuru ke ɑpʌn ɑdʌrs b̤ ʌ-il
1SG.NOM teacher DAT one.GEN ideal become-PP
sʌmʌȷ̈ ni

401
sʌmʌȷ̈ -ni
understand-PST.H
'I understood the teacher to be my ideal.' (12.113)
b) Raising to subject
Sometimes the passive variant of raising to objects is involved in raising to
subject, as shown in (15a-d).
(15) a. Semantic leitmotif
ऊ खुबसुरत िबआ ।
u kʰubsurʌt biɑ
u kʰubsurʌt biɑ
3SG.NOM beautiful be.3.SG.PRES.F
'She is beautiful.' (09.500)
b. Unraised verbal complement
हमनी मानेनी क ऊ खुबसुरत िबआ ।
ɦʌmni mɑneni ki u kʰubsurʌt biɑ
ɦʌm-ni mɑn-eni ki u kʰubsurʌt biɑ
1SG-PL accept-PRES.H COMP 3SG beautiful be.3SG.PRES.F
'We consider that she is beautiful.' (12.114)
c. Raised to object
हमनी ओके खुबसुरत मानेनी ।
ɦʌmni oke kʰubsurʌt mɑneni
ɦʌm-ni u-ke kʰubsurʌt mɑn-eni
1SG-PL 3SG-DAT beautiful accept-PRES.H
'We consider her beautiful.' (12.115)
d. Raised to subject
ऊ खुबसुरत मानल जाली ।
u kʰubsurʌt mɑnʌl jɑli
u kʰubsurʌt mɑn-ʌl jɑ-ili
3SG beautiful believe-PP go-3.PRES.F.MH
'She is considered beautiful.' (12.116)
Raising to object is considered to be a transformational prerequisite to raising
to subject according to generative approach. But it collapses in the case of verbs that
allow raising to subject but not raising to object, as shown in (16a-d).

402
(16) a. Semantic leitmotif
ऊ आइल ।
u ɑil
u ɑ-il
3SG come-3SG.PST
'He came.' (12.117)
b. Unraised verbal complement
ऊ कहली क ऊ आइल ।
u kʌɦli ki u ɑil
u kʌɦ-ʌl-i ki u ɑ-il
3SG say-PP-3.PST.F.MH comp 3SG come-3SG.PST
'She said that he came.' (12.118)
c. *Raised object
* ऊ ओके कहली आ चुकल ।
u oke kʌɦli ɑ cukʌl
u u-ke kʌɦ-ʌl-i ɑ cuk-ʌl
3SG 3SG-DAT say-PP-3.PST.F.MH come finish-PP
* 'She said him to have come.' (12.119)
d. Raised subject
ऊ आ चुकल बतावल जाला ।
u ɑ cukʌl bʌtɑwʌl jɑlɑ
u ɑ cuk-ʌl bɑt-ɑ-wʌl jɑ-lɑ
3SG come finish-PP tell-PASS-PP go-3SG.PRES
'He is said to have come.' (12.120)
A different lexical verb may be involved in the passive-marked raised-to-
subject variant, though semantically and diachronically related as in the pairing of देख

/dekʰ/ 'see' and लाग /lɑɡ/ 'seem' as shown in (17a-d).

(17) a. Semantic leitmotif
बाबुजी ख खत रहनी ।
bɑbuji kʰõkʰʌt rʌɦni
bɑbu-ji kʰõkʰ-ʌt rʌɦ-ni
father-H cough-IMPF live-PST.H

403
'Father was coughing.' (12.121)
b. Unraised verbal complement
हम देखनी क बाबुजी ख खत रहनी ।
ɦʌm dekʰni ki bɑbuji kʰõkʰʌt rʌɦni
ɦʌm dekʰ-ni ki bɑbu-ji kʰõkʰ-ʌt rʌɦ-ni
1SG.NOM see-PST.H comp father-H cough-IMPF live-PST.H
'I saw that father was coughing.' (12.122)
c. Raised object
हम बाबुजी के ख खत देखनी ।
ɦʌm bɑbuji ke kʰõkʰʌt dekʰni
ɦʌm bɑbu-ji ke kʰõkʰ-ʌt dekʰ-ni
1SG father-H DAT cough-IMPF see-PST.H
'I saw father coughing.' (12.123)
d. Raised subject
बाबुजी ख खत लगनी ।
bɑbuji kʰõkʰʌt lʌɡni
bɑbu-ji kʰõkʰ-ʌt lɑɡ-ni
father-H cough-IMPF feel-PST.H
'Father seemed (to me) to be coughing.' (12.124)
बाबुजी ख खत लउकनी ।
bɑbuji kʰõkʰʌt lʌukni
bɑbu-ji kʰõkʰ-ʌt lʌuk-ni
father-H cough-IMPF look-PST.H
'Father was seen coughing.' (12.125)
There are two types of evaluative adjectives which raising to subject may also occur
with. The first type includes आसान /ɑsɑn/ 'easy', क ठन /kʌʈʰin/ 'hard' that semantically
focuses on someone other than the raised NP. That other person is the subject of the
semantic leitmotif proposition, whose object is the raised NP, as shown in (18a-d).
(18) a. Semantic leitmotif
ऊ राजु के समझावेली ।
u rɑju ke sʌmȷ̈ ɑweli

404
u rɑju ke sʌmʌȷ̈ -ɑ-weli
3SG Raju DAT understand-CAUS-3SG.PRES.F.MH
'She convinces Raju.' (12.126)
b. Unraised verbal subject
ओकरा खाितर राजु के समझावल क ठन बा ।
okʌrɑ kʰɑtir rɑju ke sʌmȷ̈ɑwʌl kʌʈʰin
u-ʌr-ɑ kʰɑtir rɑju ke sʌmʌȷ̈ -ɑ-wʌl kʌʈʰin
3SG-GEN-SPEC for Raju DAT understand-CAUS-INF difficult
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'To convince Raju is difficult (for her).' (12.127)
c. Post-posed verbal subject/complement
ई क ठन बा ओकरा खाितर क राजु के समझाओ ।
i kʌʈʰin bɑ okʌrɑ kʰɑtir ki rɑju
i kʌʈʰin bɑ u-ʌr-ɑ kʰɑtir ki rɑju
PROX difficult be.3SG.PRES 3SG-GEN-SPEC for COMP Raju
ke sʌmȷ̈ ɑo
ke sʌmʌȷ̈ -ɑ-o
DAT understand-CAUS-3.OPT
'It is difficult (for her) to convince Raju.' (12.128)
d. Raised subject of complement
राजु ओकरा समझावे खाितर क ठन बा ।
rɑju okʌrɑ sʌmȷ̈ ɑwe kʰɑtir kʌʈʰin bɑ
rɑju u-ʌr-ɑ sʌmʌȷ̈ -ɑ-we kʰɑtir kʌʈʰin bɑ
Raju 3.SG.GEN understand-CAUS-PUR for difficult be.3SG.PRES
'Raju is difficult (for her) to please.' (12.129)
The evaluative adjectives सही /sʌɦi/ 'right' and गलत /ɡʌlʌt/ 'wrong' fall under the
second type of evaluative adjectives that semantically focuses on the subject of the
leitmotif proposition, and it is that subject that is topical and raised, as shown in (19a-d).
(19) a. Semantic leitmotif
मङ ढ ढ़ाई के िपटलख ।

405
mʌŋru ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈlʌkʰ
mʌŋru ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
Mangru Dhondhai ACC beat-PP-3.PST
'Mangru beat Dhondhai.' (12.130)
b. Unraised verbal subject
मङ खाितर ढ ढ़ाई के िपटल गलत रहे ।
mʌŋru kʰɑtir ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈʌl ɡʌlʌt rʌɦe
mʌŋru kʰɑtir ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈ-ʌl ɡʌlʌt rʌɦ-e
Mangru for Dhondhai ACC beat-INF wrong live-3.PST
'For Mangru to beat Dhondhai was wrong.' (12.131)
c. Post-posed verbal subject/complement
ई गलत रहे, मङ खाितर ढ ढ़ाई के िपटल ।
i ɡʌlʌt rʌɦe mʌŋru kʰɑtir ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈʌl
i ɡʌlʌt rʌɦ-e mʌŋru kʰɑtir ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈ-ʌl
PROX wrong live-3.PST Mangru for Dhondhai ACC beat-INF
'It was wrong for Mangru to beat Dhondhai.' (12.132)
d. Raised subject of complement
मङ गलत रहे, ढ ढ़ाई के िपटे म ।
mʌŋru ɡʌlʌt rʌɦe ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈe mẽ
mʌŋru ɡʌlʌt rʌɦ-e ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ke piʈ-e mẽ
Mangru wrong live-3.PST Dhondhai ACC beat-SEQ LOC

'Mangru was wrong to beat Dhondhai.' (12.133)

c) Functional dimensions
(i) Semantic correlates: Raising and affectedness
If correlates are rephrased, as Givón (2001b:275) quotes Postal (1974), with
consequences of having vs. not having a direct object that is directly encountered or
experienced by the main-clause subject, that is with patient-role property of
affectedness, as shown in (20a-b).
(20) a. Un-raised
हमरा खटकल क दुय धन सही रहे ।
ɦʌmrɑ kʰʌʈkʌl ki duryod̤ ʌn sʌɦi rʌɦe
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ kʰʌʈʌk-ʌl ki duryod̤ ʌn sʌɦi rʌɦ-e
1SG-GEN-SPEC strike-3SG.PST comp Duryodhan correct live-3.PST

406
'It struck me that Duryodhan was right.' (12.134)
b. Raised
दुय धन हमरा सही खटकल ।
duryod̤ ʌn ɦʌmrɑ sʌɦi kʰʌʈkʌl
duryod̤ ʌn ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ sʌɦi kʰʌʈʌk-ʌl
Duryodhan 1SG-GEN-SPEC correct strike-3SG.PST
'Duryodhan struck me as right.' (12.135)
(ii) Pragmatic correlates: Raising and topicality
There are strong reasons for suspecting that raising a referent from a dependent
clause to a grammatical argument role in the main clause has the topicalizing pragmatic
effect noted for other promotion rules – dative shifting and passivization. The general
principles that seem to govern all three constructions seem to be promoted referents as
more topical than their unpromoted counterparts and referents promoted to subject as
more topical than those promoted to object (Givón, 2001b:276).
We will survey the argument in Bhojpuri in order.
Definiteness and referentiality
As similar as Y-movement, L-dislocation and clefting, raising, at least with
some of the verbs, seems to select definite or generic referents but reject REF-
indefinites, as shown in (21-22).
(21) Raising to object
a. Generic
हमनी शहीद प रवार के स मान करे नी ।
ɦʌmni sʌɦid pʌriwɑr ke sʌmmɑn kʌreni
ɦʌm-ni sʌɦid pʌriwɑr ke sʌmmɑn kʌr-eni
1SG-PL martyr family DAT honour do-PRES.H
'We respect martyrs' families.' (12.136)
b. Definite
हमनी ए िवधवा प रवार के स मान करे नी ।
ɦʌmni e bid̤ wɑ pʌriwɑr ke sʌmmɑn kʌreni
ɦʌm-ni e bid̤ wɑ pʌriwɑr ke sʌmmɑn kʌr-eni
1SG-PL PROX widow family DAT honour do-PRES.H
'We respect this widow family.' (12.137)

407
c. REF-indefinite
*हमनी एगो िवधवा प रवार के स मान करे नी ।
ɦʌmni eɡo bid̤ wɑ pʌriwɑr ke sʌmmɑn kʌreni
ɦʌm-ni ek-ɡo bid̤ wɑ pʌriwɑr ke sʌmmɑn kʌr-eni
1SG-PL one-CLF widow family DAT honour do-PRES.H
*'We respect a widow family.' (12.138)
(22) Raising to subject
a. Generic
लोग क ठन बा खुश कइल ।
loɡ kʌʈʰin bɑ kʰus kʌil
loɡ kʌʈʰin bɑ kʰus kʌr-il
people difficult be.3SG.PRES happy do-INF
'People are hard to please.' (12.139)
b. Definite
ई लइका क ठन बा खुश कइल ।
i lʌikɑ kʌʈʰin bɑ kʰus kʌil
i lʌikɑ kʌʈʰin bɑ kʰus kʌr-il
PROX boy difficult be.3SG.PRES happy do-INF
'This child is hard to please.' (12.140)
c. REF-indefinite
*एगो लइका क ठन बा खुश कइल ।
eɡo lʌikɑ kʌʈʰin bɑ kʰus kʌil
ek-ɡo lʌikɑ kʌʈʰin bɑ kʰus kʌr-il
one-CLF boy difficult be.3SG.PRES happy do-INF
*'A child is hard to please.' (12.141)
Subjecthood, GRs and accessibility
It is impossible, under most circumstances, to raise an NP to object unless it is
the subject of the leitmotif ('underlying') clause, as shown in (23a-d).
(23) Raising to object
a. Unraised
हम मानेनी क मोहन राधा से ेम करस ।
ɦʌm mɑneni ki moɦʌn rɑd̤ ɑ se prem kʌrʌs

408
ɦʌm mɑn-eni ki moɦʌn rɑd̤ ɑ se prem kʌr-ʌs
1SG accept-PST.H comp Mohan Radha with love do-3.PST.H
'I believe that Mohan loved Radha.' (12.142)
b. Raised subject of active
हम मोहन के मननी राधा से ेम कइल ।
ɦʌm moɦʌn ke mʌnni rɑd̤ ɑ se prem kʌil
ɦʌm moɦʌn ke mɑn-ni rɑd̤ ɑ se prem kʌr-il
1SG Mohan DAT believe-PST.H Radha with love do-INF
'I believed Mohan to have loved Radha.' (12.143)
c. *Raised object of active
*हम राधा के मननी मोहन के उनका से ेम कइल ।
ɦʌm rɑd̤ ɑ ke mʌnni moɦʌn ke unkɑ se
ɦʌm rɑd̤ ɑ ke mɑn-ni moɦʌn ke unkɑ se
1SG.NOM Radha DAT believe-PST.H Mohan GEN 3SG.GEN with
prem kʌil
prem kʌr-il
love do-INF
'*I believed Radha to Mohan have loved (her).' (12.144)
d. Raised subject to passive
हम राधा के मननी मोहन ारा ेम कइल गइल ।
ɦʌm rɑd̤ ɑ ke mʌnni moɦʌn dwɑrɑ prem kʌil
ɦʌm rɑd̤ ɑ ke mɑn-ni moɦʌn dwɑrɑ prem kʌr-il
1SG.NOM Radha DAT believe-PST.H Mohan by love do-PP
ɡʌil
jɑ-il
go-PP
'I believed Radha to have been loved (by Mohan).' (12.145)
Similarly, most verbs or adjectives that allow raising to subject require the raised
NP to be the subject of the leitmotif ('underlying') clause in Bhojpuri, as shown in (24-25).
(24) Raising to subject (verb)
a. Unraised
अइसन बुझाला क आशा राजु से नफरत करे ली ।

409
ʌisʌn buȷ̈ ɑlɑ ki ɑsɑ rɑju se nʌpʰrʌt
ʌisʌn buȷ̈ -ɑ-ilɑ ki ɑsɑ rɑju se nʌpʰrʌt
such understand-PASS-3SG.PRES comp hope Raju with hatred
kʌreli
kʌr-eli
do-3SG.PRES.F.MH
'It seems that Asha hates Raju.' (12.146)
b. Raised subject to active
आशा राजु से नफरत करत बुझाली ।
ɑsɑ rɑju se nʌpʰrʌt kʌrʌt buȷ̈ ɑli
ɑsɑ rɑju se nʌpʰrʌt kʌr-ʌt buȷ̈ -ɑ-ili
hope Raju with hatred do-IMPF understand-PASS-3SG.PRES.F.MH
'Asha seems to hate Raju.' (12.147)
c. *Raised object to active
*राजु आशा ओके नफरत करत बुझाला ।
rɑju ɑsɑ oke nʌpʰrʌt kʌrʌt buȷ̈ ɑlɑ
rɑju ɑsɑ u-ke nʌpʰrʌt kʌr-ʌt buȷ̈ -ɑ-ilɑ
Raju hope 3SG-DAT hatred do-IMPF understand-PASS-3SG.PRES
'*Raju seems to Asha hate (him).' (12.148)
d. Raised subject to passive
राजु आशा ारा नफरत कइल बुझाला ।
rɑju ɑsɑ dwɑrɑ nʌpʰrʌt kʌil buȷ̈ ɑlɑ
rɑju ɑsɑ dwɑrɑ nʌpʰrʌt kʌr-il buȷ̈ -ɑ-ilɑ
Raju hope by hatred do-PP understand-PASS-3SG.PRES
'Raju seems to be disliked (by Asha).' (12.149)
(25) Raising to subject (adjective)
a. Unraised
राजु खाितर आशा से नफरत कइल गलत रहे ।
rɑju kʰɑtir ɑsɑ se nʌpʰrʌt kʌil ɡʌlʌt rʌɦe
rɑju kʰɑtir ɑsɑ se nʌpʰrʌt kʌr-il ɡʌlʌt rʌɦ-e
Raju for hope with hatred do-INF wrong live-3.PST
'It was wrong for Raju to hate Asha.' (12.150)

410
b. Raised subject of active
आशा से नफरत करे म राजु गलत रहे ।
ɑsɑ se nʌpʰrʌt kʌre mẽ rɑju ɡʌlʌt rʌɦe
ɑsɑ se nʌpʰrʌt kʌr-e mẽ rɑju ɡʌlʌt rʌɦ-e
hope with hatred do-PUR LOC Raju wrong live-3.PST
'Raju was wrong to hate Asha.' (12.151)
c. *Raised object of active
*आशा राजु खाितर ओके नफरत करे म गलत रहली ।
ɑsɑ rɑju kʰɑtir oke nʌpʰrʌt kʌre mẽ ɡʌlʌt
ɑsɑ rɑju kʰɑtir u-ke nʌpʰrʌt kʌr-e mẽ ɡʌlʌt
hope Raju for 3SG-DAT hatred do-PUR LOC wrong
rʌɦli
rʌɦ-ʌl-i
live-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'*Radha was wrong for John to hate (her).' (12.152)
12.2 Contrastive focus constructions
Dixon (2010a:174) clarifies that "... topic is a discourse strategy, serving to
link together successive clauses, focus involves one argument (or the predicate) being
accorded prominence within a single clause. "The contrastive focus constructions
cover a range of communicative contexts, including contexts of contrary belief or
counter expectation at one end and various emphatic devices on the other" (Givón
2011:293). Within this range, different devices, i.e., intonation (focused elements tend
to be stressed), constituent order (focused elements tend to be dislocated) and
morphological affixes or discourse particles, are utilized to encode the contrastive focus
in pragmatically marked constructions. These devices exhibit a considerable overlap
among them.4 The contrastive focus constructions in Bhojpuri are discussed as follows:
12.2.1 Contrastive affixes and quantifiers
Some noun modifiers such as 'even', 'all', 'every', 'other', 'first', 'only', 'self',
'really' and 'just' seem to attract contrastive focus almost obligatorily (Govón,
2001b:233). In Bhojpuri, affixes come first and seem natural whereas quantifiers are

4. Givón (2001b: 221) maintains that "in the discussion of contrastive focus, a certain overlap with
other domains of grammar is unavoidable. This is so partly because complex functional domains are
bound to intersect. Thus for example, many contrastive devices overlap with the domain of ‘topic’.

411
also in use in abundant, some of them borrowed from its neighbours. They are
presented as follows:
a) Focus marker suffix -ओ /-o/ and particle भी /b̤ i/

The suffix -ओ /-o/ is used to establish a marked focus relation between a

referent of a proposition and the proposition itself. The discourse environment in which
-ओ/-o/ is employed varies from assertions to counter-propositions. They are all clearly
related and may be subsumed under the term assertive focus. Noun phrases, adverbial
or verbal phrases, and postpositional phrases may all be placed in focus with the suffix -

ओ /-o/ immediately following the focused constituent. Following are the examples:

(26) a. ओ म बाभनो के ना छोड़लक आ डोमो के ना छोड़लख लोग ।

o mẽ bɑb̤ no ke nɑ cʰoɽlʌk ɑ
o mẽ bɑb̤ ʌn-o ke nɑ cʰoɽ-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɑ
DIST LOC Brahmin-EMPH ACC NEG leave-PP-3.PST and
ɖomo ke nɑ cʰoɽlʌkʰ loɡ
ɖom-o ke nɑ cʰoɽ-ʌl-ʌkʰ loɡ
scavenger-EMPH ACC NEG leave-PP-3.PST people
'... The people neither excluded Brahmins nor Doms (the so-called lowest
untouchable Hindu caste of scavenger) in that.' (03.347)
b. ... जे एक चटाई जमीन िजनगी म किहओ नइखे देखले ऊ लोग कसान के नेता हो गइल ।
je ek cʌʈɑi jʌmin jinʌɡi mẽ kʌɦio nʌikʰe
je ek cʌʈɑi jʌmin jinʌɡi mẽ kʌɦiɑ-o nʌikʰ-e
COMP one mat land life LOC when-EMPH be.NEG.PRES-3SG
dekʰle u loɡ kisɑn ke netɑ ɦo ɡʌil
dekʰ-ʌl-e u loɡ kisɑn ke netɑ ɦo jɑ-il
see-PP-SEQ 3SG PL peasant GEN leader be go-3.PST
'... those who have not observed land equvalent to an area of even a mat
have now become leaders of the peasants.' (02.059)
c. ... भोजपुरी हम चाहेम तइयो ना छु टी ... ।
b̤ ojpuri ɦʌm cɑɦem tʌio nɑ cʰuʈi
b̤ ojpuri ɦʌm cɑɦ-em tʌi-o nɑ cʰuʈ-i
Bhojpuri 1SG want-FUT.H then-EMPH NEG leave-3SG.FUT
'… Bhojpuri won't be apart from me even I wish …' (03.049)

412
In example (26a) the noun बाभन /bɑb̤ ʌn/ 'Brahmin' and डोम /ɖom/ 'Hindu

scavenger' suffixed with emphasis marker -ओ /-o/ are in focus. Similarly in (26b), the

adverb किहआ /kʌɦiɑ/ 'when' suffixed suffixed with emphasis marker -ओ /-o/ is in

focus. Likewise, in (26c), conditional तइ /tʌi/ 'then' suffixed with emphasis marker -ओ
/-o/ is in focus.
Besides, the Hindi borrowing भी /b̤ i/ is also a focus particle in Bhojpuri, as
shown in (27a-b).
(27) a. ... आ ऊ हमर चाहना भी नइखे ।
ɑ u ɦʌmʌr cɑɦnɑ b̤ i nʌikʰe
ɑ u ɦʌmʌr cɑɦnɑ b̤ i nʌikʰ-e
and DIST 1SG.GEN will also be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'... and it is not even my choice, too.' (03.049)
b. ... दल के लोग एह से पिहले भी कहत रहल ... ।
dʌl ke loɡ eɦ se pʌɦile b̤ i kʌɦʌt rʌɦʌl
dʌl ke loɡ eɦ se pʌɦile b̤ i kʌɦ-ʌt rʌɦ-ʌl
party GEN people PROX source before also say-IMPF live-3.PST
'... politicians were telling this even earlier, too.' (02.082)
In example (27a) the noun चाहना /cɑɦnɑ/ 'will' follwed by the focus marker

particle भी /b̤ i/ 'also' is in focus. Similarly in (27b), the adverb पिहले /pʌɦile/ 'before'

followed by focus marker particle भी /b̤ i/ 'also' is in focus.

In some instances except the emphasis marker -ओ /-o/ or particle भी /b̤ i/ 'also',

some other emphasis markers -नू /-nu/ or -ऊ /-u/ or clitic -ए /-e/ is also used to code a
proposition which is contrary to expectation. Sometimes, it also happens semantically.
Following are the examples:
(28) a. ‘बनौले रहल ह, दूनू एके बेर मर गइल ।’
bʌnɔle rʌɦʌl ɦʌ dunu eke ber mʌr
bʌn-ɑ-wʌl-e rʌɦ-ʌl ɦʌ du-nu ek-e ber mʌr
make-CAUS-PP-SEQ live-PP be two-EMPH one-EMPH time die
ɡʌil
jɑ-il
go-3.PST

413
'The couple was lucky, both of them died together.' (12.020)
b. पागल आ ेमी एके म गनालन ।
pɑɡʌl ɑ premi eke mẽ ɡʌnɑlʌn
pɑɡʌl ɑ premi ek-e mẽ ɡʌn-ɑ-il-ʌn
lunatic and lover one-EMPH LOC count-PASS-PP-3.PRES.MH
'The lunatic and lover are counted as the same.' (12.094)
c. अनुवाद अपनेआप म एगो सृजना भी ह ।
ʌnuwɑd ʌpneɑp mẽ eɡo srijʌnɑ b̤ i ɦʌ
ʌnuwɑd ʌpneɑp mẽ ek-ɡo srijʌnɑ b̤ i ɦʌ
translation itself LOC one-CLF creation also be.3SG.PRES
'Translation is a creation in itself.' (03.360)
In example (28a), the speaker has presented a proposition that is contrary to
the general expectation with information of the death of a couple at the same time,
marked with -नू /-nu/ with दू /du/ 'two'. In (28b) the speaker emphasizes that पागल

/pɑɡʌl/ 'lunatic' and ेमी /premi/'lover' to be the same, marked by -ए /-e/ with एक /ek/
'one' despite the fact that they are two different personalities. Likewise, in (28c) the
speaker wants to express similarity between अनुवाद /ʌnuwɑd/ 'translation' and सृजना
/srijʌnɑ/ 'creation' though the two phenomena are different from each other.
This particle may follow the pronominal referent for the purpose of focusing,
as in (29a-b):
(29) a. गोपालजी ई गीत अपने के भी ब त पसंद आई आ घर म जे लोग सुन रहल बानी ऊ

लोग भी पसन करे म ।

ɡopɑlji i ɡit ʌpne ke b̤ i bʌɦut pʌsʌnd
ɡopɑl-ji i ɡit ʌpne ke b̤ i bʌɦut pʌsʌn
Gopal-H PROX song 2SG.H DAT also more choice
ɑi ɑ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ je loɡ sun rʌɦʌl
ɑ-i ɑ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ je loɡ sun rʌɦ-ʌl
come-3.FUT and house LOC COND PL listen live-INF
bɑni u loɡ b̤ i pʌsʌn kʌrem
bɑni u loɡ b̤ i pʌsʌn kʌr-em
be.PRES.H 3SG.DIST PL also choice do-FUT.H
'Gopalji, this song you will also like most and even those who are hearing

414
us at home, too.' (03.088)
b. खास कके डाइरे टर साहेब जे एह काय म के हरदम सुनत रहेलन उनका के भी हम

ध यवाद देवेके चाहतानी ।

kʰɑs kʌke ɖɑirekʈʌr sɑɦeb je eɦ
kʰɑs kʌr-ke ɖɑirekʈʌr sɑɦeb je eɦ
special do-SEQ director sir COND PROX

kɑryʌkrʌm ke sunʌt rʌɦelʌn unkɑ ke

kɑryʌkrʌm ke sun-ʌt rʌɦ-elʌn un-kɑ ke
programme ACC listen-IMPF live-3.PRES.MH 3SG-GEN DAT

b̤ i ɦʌm d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd deweke cɑɦʌtɑni

b̤ i ɦʌm d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd de-we-ke cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni
also 1SG thank give-PUR-OBL want-IMPF be.PRES.H
'Especially the Director of Radio Nepal who listens to the programme, I
want to thank him too.' (03.414)
In (29a) the focus marker particle भी /b̤ i/ 'also' follows अपने के /ʌpne ke/ 'you

(dative)' as well as ऊ लोग /u loɡ/ 'they (nominative)'. Likewise, in (29b) it follows

उनका के /unkɑ ke/ 'him (dative)'. In both the cases, the focus particle follows
pronominal referents in (29a-b). It may also focus an incomplete action encoded in
infinitive form of the verb, as in (30a-c):
(30) a. ब त जादा खच करे के भी बात चलल बा ।
bʌɦut jɑdɑ kʰʌrc kʌre ke b̤ i bɑt cʌlʌl
bʌɦut jɑdɑ kʰʌrc kʌr-e ke b̤ i bɑt cʌl-ʌl
very excess expenditure do-PUR GEN also matter walk-PP
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'It's even matter of over-spending.' (07.105)
b. फर भी आज नेपाल म बि का के एगो वतं भाषा के प म अगाड़ी लेआवे के भी

यास हो रहल बा ।
pʰir b̤ i ɑj nepɑl mẽ bʌjjikɑ ke eɡo
pʰir b̤ i ɑj nepɑl mẽ bʌjjikɑ ke ek-ɡo
return also today Nepal LOC Bajjika ACC one-CLF

415
swʌtʌntrʌ b̤ ɑsɑ ke rup mẽ ʌɡɑɽi leɑwe
swʌtʌntrʌ b̤ ɑsɑ ke rup mẽ ʌɡɑɽi le-ɑ-we
independent language GEN form LOC ahead bring-CAUS-PUR
ke b̤ i prʌyɑs ɦo rʌɦʌl bɑ
ke b̤ i prʌyɑs ɦo rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
pur also effort be live-INF be.3SG.PRES
'Besides that, even efforts are continuing to proceed Bajjika as an
indepenent language in Nepal these days.' (03.136)
c. जेठ के गम म एको पल िबतावल क ठन होला ।
jeʈʰ ke ɡʌrmi mẽ eko pʌl bitɑwʌl
jeʈʰ ke ɡʌrmi mẽ ek-o pʌl bit-ɑ-wʌl
May-June GEN summer LOC one-EMPH moment pass-CAUS-INF
kʌʈʰin ɦolɑ
kʌʈʰin ɦo-lɑ
difficult be-3SG.PRES
'Even a moment is difficult to pass in summer of Jeth (May-June).' (09.001)
In (30a-c), the focus marker particle भी /b̤ i/ 'also' follows the infinitive कर्

/kʌr/ 'do' in (30a) and ले /le/ 'bring' in (30b), in both the cases actions are incomplete.

Likewise, the focus marker suffix -ओ /-o/ 'even' with एक /ek/ 'one' empasizes on the

infinitive verb िबतावल /bitɑwʌl/ 'to pass' leaving it incomplete in (30c).

The focus marker suffix or particle also appears in categorical propositions,
primarily in the negative and with interrogative or relative adverb कहाँ /kʌɦɑ̃/ 'where'.
Followings are the examples:
(31) a. आज सड़क पर एकोगो गाड़ी ना देखनी ह ।
ɑj sʌɽʌk pʌr ekoɡo ɡɑɽi nɑ dekʰni
ɑj sʌɽʌk pʌr ek-o-ɡo ɡɑɽi nɑ dekʰ-ni
today road LOC one-EMPH-CLF vehicle NEG see-PST.H
ɦʌ
ɦʌ
be.3SG.PRES
'I have not seen even a single vehicle on the road today.' (09.143)
b. तोहरा अपनो बेटा-बेटी पर माया ना लागे ?

416
toɦrɑ ʌpno beʈɑ-beʈi pʌr mɑyɑ nɑ
tu-ʌr-ɑ ɑpʌn-o beʈɑ-beʈi pʌr mɑyɑ nɑ
2SG-GEN-SPEC GEN-EMPH son and daughter LOC affection NEG

lɑɡe
lɑɡ-e
feel-3.PRES
'Do you have no affection for even your own sons and daughters?' (09.161)
c. तोहर बल कहाँ गइल ?
toɦʌr bʌl kʌɦɑ̃ ɡʌil
tu-ʌr bʌl kʌɦɑ̃ jɑ-il
2SG-GEN strength where go-3SG.PST
'You exhibited no strength. Lit: Where did you lose your strength?' (09.002)
d. बड़कु कहलख, ‘हमरा कहाँ से बेटा होई ? भइल होखी तोरा भउजाई के ।’
bʌɽku kʌɦlʌkʰ ɦʌmʌrɑ kʌɦɑ̃ se beʈɑ
bʌɽ-ku kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ kʌɦɑ̃ se beʈɑ
elder-DET say-PP-3.PST 1SG-GEN-SPEC where ABL son
ɦoi b̤ ʌil ɦokʰi torɑ b̤ ʌujɑi ke
ɦo-i b̤ ʌ-il ɦo-kʰi tu-rɑ b̤ ʌujɑi ke
be-3SG.FUT be-PP be-3SG.FUT 2SG-GEN elder sister-in-law GEN

'The elder said, "How can I give birth to a son? (Lit: Where can I give birth
to a son from?) It will have happened to your elder sister-in-law."' (12.042)
In (31a-d), the focus marker suffix -ओ /-o/ 'even' emphasizes एक /ek/ 'one' in

(31a) as well as आपन /ɑpʌn/ 'your' for negation in (31b). Likewise, the focus marker

interrogative adverb of place कहाँ /kʌɦɑ̃/ 'where' marks negativity in Bhojpuri in

interrogative syntactic structure and emphasizes negative expression of बल /bʌl/

'strength' in (31c) and 'giving birth to a son' in (31d).
b) Emphatic marker -ए /-e/ and particle ही /ɦi/

The emphatic marker suffix -ए /-e/ 'only' focuses an action as a proposition

that the speaker uses it in contrast of other actions might be possible in listener's
hypothesis. It is exemplified in (32a-e).
(32) a. हमरा ग ए
ँ चाही ँ ।

417
ɦʌmrɑ ɡʌɦũe cɑɦĩ
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ɡʌɦũ-e cɑɦ-ĩ
1SG-GEN-DAT wheat-EMPH want-OPT
'I need wheat only.' (09.547)
b. ओकर नामकरण रउए कइले रहनी ।
okʌr nɑmkʌrʌn rʌue kʌile rʌɦni
u-ʌr nɑmkʌrʌn rʌuɑ-e kʌr-il-e rʌɦ-ni
3SG-GEN baptism 2SG.H-EMPH do-PP-SEQ live-PST.H
'You yourself had named the programme.' (03.404)
c. दुइए गन ।
duie ɡʌn
du-e ɡʌn
two-EMPH count.IMP
'Count two only.' (09.521)
d. जि दए देह खाली होखेवाला बा ।
jʌldie deɦ kʰɑli ɦokʰewɑlɑ bɑ
jʌldi-e deɦ kʰɑli ɦokʰ-e-wɑlɑ bɑ
soon-EMPH body empty be-PUR-owner be.3SG.PRES
'Her delivery is very close.' (12.031)
e. त ए िवषय म बात त उ ठए रहल बा ।
tʌ eɦu bisɛ mẽ bɑt tʌ uʈʰie rʌɦʌl
tʌ e-ɦu bisɛ mẽ bɑt tʌ uʈʰ-e rʌɦ-ʌl
COND PROX-EMPH issue LOC matter COND rise-EMPH live-INF
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'Then the concern is being raised even on this issue.' (01.054)
In (32a-e), the emphatic marker suffix -ए /-e/ has brought a noun ग ँ /ɡʌɦũ/

'wheat' into focus. Likewise, second person pronoun रउआ /rʌuɑ/ 'you(H)' in (32b),

numeral adjective दू /du/ 'two' in (32c), adverb of time ज दी /jʌldi/ 'soon' in (32d) and

an intransitive verb उठ /uʈʰ/ 'rise' in (32e).

As a Hindi borrowoing, ही /ɦi/ 'only' is a focus marking particle along with its

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other Bhojpuri synonyms such as खाली /kɦɑli/, मा /mɑtrʌ/ and के वल /kewʌl/
exemplified in (33a-d):
(33) a. त ए तरे एके गो िजला यानी बारा िजला म ही ई फरक पर गेल ।
tʌ e tʌre ekeɡo jilɑ yɑni bɑrɑ
tʌ e tʌre ek-e-ɡo jilɑ yɑni bɑrɑ
COND PROX such one-EMPH-CLF district in other words Bara
jilɑ mẽ ɦi pʰʌrʌk pʌr ɡel
jilɑ mẽ ɦi pʰʌrʌk pʌr jɑ-il
district LOC EMPH difference fall go-3SG.PST
'Then even in the same district Bara, we can observe difference.' (03.151)
b. खाली शंसा ही शंसा रहे ।
kʰɑli prʌsʌnsɑ ɦi prʌsʌnsɑ rʌɦe
kʰɑli prʌsʌnsɑ ɦi prʌsʌnsɑ rʌɦ-e
only praise EMPH praise live-3.PST
'There were only admirations of him.' (04.091)
c. बाँ कर ई एगो रे शम के तार मा से जदगी आवाद होखेवाला नइखे ।
bɑ̃kir i eɡo resʌm ke tɑr mɑtrʌ se jindʌɡi
bɑ̃kir i ek-ɡo resʌm ke tɑr mɑtrʌ se jinɡi
but PROX one-CLF silk GEN wire merely means life
ɑwɑd ɦokʰewɑlɑ nʌikʰe
ɑwɑd ɦokʰ-e-wɑlɑ nʌikʰ-e
fruitful be-PUR-owner be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'But the life cannot be cultivated merely with such a silky thread.' (07.088)
d. ओ म भी के वल शंसा ही रहे ।
o mẽ b̤ i kewʌl prʌsʌnsɑ ɦi rʌɦe
o mẽ b̤ i kewʌl prʌsʌnsɑ ɦi rʌɦ-e
DIST LOC also only praise EMPH live-3.PST
'There was only admiration in that also.' (04.096)
In (33a-d), the emphatic particle ही /ɦi/ 'only' has focussed the Bara district

following postposition म /mẽ/ 'in' in (33a), the noun शंसा /prʌsʌnsɑ/ 'praise' in (33b)

and (33d). Likewise, the focus quantifier खाली /kʰɑli/ has brought शंसा /prʌsʌnsɑ/

'praise' in (33b), मा /mɑtrʌ/ has brought तार /tɑr/ 'wire' in (33c) and के वल /kewʌl/ has

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brought शंसा /prʌsʌnsɑ/ 'praise' in (33d) into focus. Going through the citations, we
also absorve the repeatation of the focus particles in (33b) and (33d).
Moreover, the emphatic particle ही /ɦi/ 'only' comes in Bhojpuri as a suffix of
focus too, as shown in (34a-d):
(34) a. ओही कताब म पाठ के जौरे -जौरे रहल ।
oɦi kitɑb mẽ pɑʈʰ ke jɔre jɔre rʌɦʌl
o-ɦi kitɑb mẽ pɑʈʰ ke jɔre jɔre rʌɦ-ʌl
DIST-EMPH book LOC lesson GEN with with live-3SG.PST
'It was distributed with each lesson of the very book.'
b. आदमी का डर त रहलही रहे ।
ɑdmi kɑ ɖʌr tʌ rʌɦlʌɦi rʌɦe
ɑdmi kɑ ɖʌr tʌ rʌɦ-ʌl-ɦi rʌɦ-e
man GEN fear COND live-PP-EMPH live-3.PST
'I had already been afraid. (Lit: Certainly, the man had fear.)' (04.071)
c. त राजनीित खाितर भी समय िनकालही के परी ।
tʌ rɑjniti kʰɑtir b̤ i sʌmɛ nikɑlɦi ke pʌri
tʌ rɑjniti kʰɑtir b̤ i sʌmɛ nikɑl-ɦi ke pʌr-i
COND politics for also time extract-EMPH OBL fall-3SG.FUT
'Then, even I have to manage time for politics.' (03.045)
d. ओ म हमर पिहलही लेख म रहे कृ ित के कोप ।
o mẽ ɦʌmʌr pʌɦilʌɦi lekʰ mẽ rʌɦe prʌkriti
o mẽ ɦʌm-ʌr pʌɦil-ɦi lekʰ mẽ rʌɦ-e prʌkriti
DIST LOC 1SG-GEN first-EMPH article LOC live-3.PST nature
ke prʌkop
ke prʌkop
GEN calamity
'Among others, there was my own article, the first one, on natural calamity.' (04.079)
In (34a-d), ही /ɦi/ has been suffixed with a demonstrative pronoun ओ /o/ 'that

(DIST)', with an intransitive verb रहल /rʌɦʌl/ 'live' in use of a copua, with a transitive

verb िनकाल /nikɑl/ 'extract' and with and adjective पिहल /pʌɦil/ 'first' respectively.

c) Non-reflexive अपने /ʌpne/ 'self'

The reflexive morpheme अपने /ʌpne/ 'slef' or 'own' is employed in non-

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reflexive sense to serve as an intensifier that emphasizes the notion that the implicit
subject or agent of the clause or the preceding noun phrase take part in the event
itself. This emphasis on one participant implies the exclusion of other possibilities. In
Bhojpuri, it is also the form of an honorific second person nominative but that is not
relevant here. Following are the examples:
(35) a. आिखर बु ढ़आ के बेटी के लइका मुड़ी ढक म खानके मुआ देलक, ओकर समुचा लुगा-

कपड़ा आ गहना गु रया अपने पे ह लेलक आ ओकरे मास-भात बनाके तैयार क देलक ।
ɑkʰir buɽ̊iɑ ke beʈi ke lʌikɑ muɽi ɖ̈ẽki mẽ
ɑkʰir buɽ̊iɑ ke beʈi ke lʌikɑ muɽ ɖ̈ẽki mẽ
lastly old woman GEN daughter GEN boy head pounder LOC

kʰɑnke muɑ delʌk okʌr sʌmucɑ luɡɑkʌpɽɑ

kʰɑn-ke mu-ɑ de-ʌl-ʌkʰ u-ʌr sʌmucɑ luɡɑ-kʌpɽɑ
pound-SEQ die-CAUS give-PP-3.PST 3SG-GEN all clothes
ɑ ɡʌɦnɑɡuriɑ ʌpne pen̥ lelʌk
ɑ ɡʌɦnɑ-ɡuriɑ ʌpne pen̥ le-ʌl-ʌkʰ
and ornaments self wear take-PP-3.PST
'Eventually, the boy killed the girl pounding her head in the mortar and
himself wore her all clothes and ornaments ...' (05.053)
b. त गायन आ वातालाप दूनू के सङे -सङे ले चले के भोजपुरी के अपने एगो िवशाल परं परा

रहल बा ।
tʌ ɡɑen ɑ bɑrtɑlɑp dunu ke sʌŋe
tʌ ɡɑen ɑ bɑrtɑlɑp du-nu ke sʌŋ-e
COND singing and dialogue two-EMPH ACC with-EMPH
sʌŋe le cʌleke ke b̤ ojpuri ke ʌpne eɡo
sʌŋ-e le cʌl-e ke b̤ ojpuri ke ʌpne ek-ɡo
with-EMPH take walk-PUR GEN Bhojpuri GEN self one-CLF
bisɑl pʌrʌmpʌrɑ bɑ
bisɑl pʌrʌmpʌrɑ bɑ
enormous tradition be.3SG.PRES
'Then, Bhojpuri has an immense tradition of its own to carry on singing and
dialogue together.' (03.275)
c. ले कन समय के अपने गित बा, ऊ चलते रही ।

421
lekin sʌmɛ ke ʌpne ɡʌti bɑ u cʌlte
lekin sʌmɛ ke ʌpne ɡʌti bɑ u cʌl-ʌt-e
but time GEN self speed be.3SG.PRES 3SG walk-IMPF-EMPH
rʌɦi
rʌɦ-i
live-3.SG.FUT
'But the time has its own speed, it will be going on.' (03.391)
In (35a-c), the reflexive morpheme अपने /ʌpne/ has been used as 'slef' in (35a)
and as 'own' in (35b-c) respectively but not as reflexive.
12.2.2 Contrastive strength
A language may have a variety of contrastive grammatical devices probably
functionally related but by no means interchangeable (Givón, 2001b:224).
In this sub-section three levels of contrastiveness in Bhojpuri will be considered,
coded by three grammatical devices, all apparently ranking above 'neutral'.
a) Contrastive stress devices
There are three devices in Bhojpuri characterized by contrastive stress on the
focus constituent – stress-focus, cleft, and pseudo-cleft. Let us take a simple clause in
neutral position:
(36) राजु गाय दुही ।
rɑju ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju cow milk-3SG.FUT
'Raju will milk the cow.' (06.013)
(i) Stress focus
The stress is expressed with loudness of a constituent in Bhojpuri. Under contrastive
focus, the loudness of the different constituent is raised. In this context the simple clause in
(36) can be uttered in different ways to express stress-focus as shown in (37a-c):
(37) a. राजु गाय दुही ।
rɑju ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju cow milk-3SG.FUT
'RAJU will milk the cow.' (06.013)
b. राजु गाय दुही ।

422
rɑju ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju cow milk-3SG.FUT
'Raju will milk the COW.' (06.013)
c. राजु गाय दुही ।
rɑju ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju cow milk-3SG.FUT
'Raju WILL MILK the cow.' (06.013)
In (37a-c) the subject राजु /rɑju/ 'Raju' in (37a), the object गाय /ɡɑe/ 'cow' in

(37b) and the verb दुही /duɦi/ 'will milk' are stressed respectively to remove neutrality
expressed in (36).
(ii) Cleft
As Nepali (Adhikari 2013:393) exhibits, the same expression in (36) can be
clearer in cleft construction as follows:
(38) a. राजुए बा जे गाय दुही ।
rɑjue bɑ je ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju-e bɑ je ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju-EMPH be.3SG.PRES COND cow milk-3SG.FUT
'It's Raju who will milk the cow.' (06.014)
b. इहे गाय ह जे राजु दुही ।
iɦe ɡɑe ɦʌ je rɑju duɦi
i -e ɡɑe ɦʌ je rɑju duɦ-i
PROX -EMPH cow be.3SG.PRES COND Raju milk-3SG.FUT
'It's the cow that Raju will milk.' (06.015)
In (38a-b) the subject राजु /rɑju/ 'Raju' in (38a) and the object गाय /ɡɑe/ 'cow'
in (38b) have been brought to cleft structure to express contrastive focus.
(iii) Pseudo-cleft
The neutral expression in (36) can also be presented in pseudo-cleft structure
for more contrastive expression as shown in (39a-d):
(39) a. जे गाय दुही ऊ राजु ह ।
je ɡɑe duɦi u rɑju ɦʌ

423
je ɡɑe duɦ-i u rɑju ɦʌ
COND cow milk-3SG.FUT COND Raju be.3SG.PRES
'The one who will milk the cow is RAJU.' (06.016)
b. राजु गाय के का करी क दुही ।
rɑju ɡɑe ke kɑ kʌri ki duɦi
rɑju ɡɑe ke kɑ kʌr-i ki duɦ-i
Raju cow GEN what do-3SG.FUT COMP milk-3SG.FUT
'What Raju will do to the cow is MILK it.' (06.017)
c. राजु का करी क गाय दुही ।
rɑju kɑ kʌri ki ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju kɑ kʌr-i ki ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju what do-3SG.FUT COMP cow milk-3SG.FUT
'What Raju will do is MILK THE COW.' (06.018)
d. राजु कथी दुही, त गाय ।
rɑju kʌtʰi duɦi tʌ ɡɑe
rɑju kʌtʰi duɦ-i tʌ ɡɑe
Raju what milk-3SG.FUT COND cow
'What Raju will milk is the COW.' (06.019)
In (39a-d), the subject the subject राजु /rɑju/ 'Raju' in (39a), the verb दुही /duɦi/

'will milk' in (39b), the verb phrase (VP) in (39c) and the object गाय /ɡɑe/ 'cow' in (39d)
are expressed in pseudo cleft for contrastive focus to omit neutrality expressed in (36).
As in English (Givón, 2001b:224), stress-focus is least constrained and cleft
constructions are the most. But pseudo-cleft seems to apply more permissively than cleft.
b) Y-movement
Much like cleft clauses, Y-movement or contrastive topicalization is restricted
to primarily nominal arguments of the clause, often fronting of the contrasted topic
involved – if it is in a non-initial position in the clause but only stressed if it is
normally at the clause-initial position (Givón, 2001b:225). Let us consider the
following examples:
(40) a. ओकर दुगो बिहन बाड़ी स, मेिघआ आ फु िलआ ।
okʌr duɡo bʌɦin bɑɽi sʌ meɡ̈iɑ ɑ

424
u-ʌr du-ɡo bʌɦin bɑɽi sʌ meɡ̈iɑ ɑ
3SG-GEN two-CLF sister be.3.PRES.F.MH PL Meghia and
pʰuliɑ
pʰuliɑ
Phulia
'He has two sisters, Meghia and Phulia.' (06.022)
b. ऊ मेिघया के ब त मानेला ।
u meɡ̈iɑ ke bʌɦut mɑnelɑ
u meɡ̈iɑ ke bʌɦut mɑn-elɑ
3SG Meghia DAT very like-3SG.PRES
'He likes Meghia a lot.' (06.023)
c. फु िलआ के त ऊ फरछािह ना चलेला ।
phuliɑ ke tʌ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦiõ nɑ cʌlelɑ
phuliɑ ke tʌ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ-o nɑ cʌl-elɑ
Phulia GEN COND 3SG shadow-EMPH NEG walk-3SG.PRES
'Phulia, he can't stand.' (06.024)
d. ऊ फु िलआ िहअ जेकरा ऊ फरछाह ना चलेला ।
u phuliɑ ɦiʌ jekʌrɑ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ
u phuliɑ ɦiʌ je-ʌr-ɑ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ
3SG Phulia be.3SG.PRES.F COND-GEN-DAT 3SG shadow NEG

cʌlelɑ
cʌl-elɑ
walk-3SG.PRES
'It's Phulia that he can't stand.' (06.025)
In (40a-d), the first two (40a-b) clauses are context and the second two (40c-d)
are the continuation in which फु िलआ /pʰuliɑ/ is Y-moved with lower stress in (40c) but
it is in cleft-focus with stronger focus in (40d). Y-movement also expresses contrast
that arises from breaking implicit expectations among members of a group, i.e., type,
genus, as shown in (41a-b).
(41) a. ऊ मेिघआ के फरछाह ना चलेला ।
u meɡ̈iɑ ke pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ cʌlelɑ

425
u meɡ̈iɑ ke pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ cʌl-elɑ
3SG Meghia GEN shadow NEG walk-3SG.PRES
'He can't stand Meghia.' (06.026)
b. ना, ऊ फु िलआ िहअ जेकरा ऊ फरछाह ना चलेला ।
nɑ u phuliɑ ɦiʌ jekʌrɑ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ
nɑ u phuliɑ ɦiʌ je-ʌr-ɑ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ
NEG 3SG Phulia be.3SG.PRES.F COND-GEN-DAT 3SG shadow
nɑ cʌlelɑ
nɑ cʌl-elɑ
NEG walk-3SG.PRES
'No, it's Phulia that she can't stand.' (06.027)
Hence, (41a) is the context and (41b) is response.
c) Restrictive modifiers
Restrictive modifiers narrow down the domains of the referent noun, while
non-restrictive ones do not. Restrictive modifiers may or may not be stressed but the
non-restrictive ones left unstressed (Givón, 2001b:226). Bhojpuri also expresses the
context of restrictive modifiers, as shown in (42a-d):
(42) a. ई गाछ
i ɡɑcʰ
i ɡɑcʰ
PROX tree
'this tree' (06.029)
b. ऊ गाछ
u ɡɑcʰ
u ɡɑcʰ
DIST tree
'that tree' (VIS) (06.030)
c. हऊ गाछ
ɦʌu ɡɑcʰ
ɦʌu ɡɑcʰ
DIST tree
'that tree' (INVIS)
d. गिछआ

426
ɡʌcʰiɑ
ɡɑcʰ-iɑ
tree-DEF
'the tree'
In (42a-d), there are demonstrative adjectives ई /i/ 'this', ऊ /u/ 'that (VIS)', and

हऊ /ɦʌu/ 'that (INVIS)' that restrict neutrality of any गाछ /ɡɑcʰ/ 'tree' in (41a-c).

Likewise, in (42d) the definitizer -इआ /-iɑ/ stands for definiteness of the tree
equivalent to the English definite article 'the'.
Similarly, the adjective is also suffixed with definitizer for definiteness, as shown
in (43a-b):
(43) a. लाल घर
lɑl ɡ̈ʌr
red house
'a red house' (06.032)
b. ललका घर
lʌlkɑ ɡ̈ʌr
lɑl-kɑ ɡ̈ʌr
red-DEF house
'the red house' (06.033)
12.2.3 Contrastive focus, reference and topicality
a) Reference and topicality
Reference denotes here semantic reference, i.e., whether a referent does or
does not refer to some entity established verbally in the universe of discourse. Thus
semantice reference is a narrower subcase of the pragmatics of topicality that means
primarily two pragmatic aspects of reference: referential accessibility (anaphoric) and
thematic importance (cataphoric).
b) Referentiality and contrast
Both cleft-focus and Y-movement tend to apply primarily to highly topical,
anaphorically accessible arguments. Semantically the NP under contrastive focus may
be either definite-referential or generic, but not referential-indefinite (Sun and Givón,
1985). So, these constructions are not used to introduce new participants into the
discourse. Bhojpuri discourse uses both, generic and definite-referential but bars
referential-indefinite, as shown in (44a-c):

427
(44) a. ऊ औरत िहअ जौन हम देखनी ।
u ɔrʌt ɦiʌ jɔn ɦʌm dekʰni
u ɔrʌt ɦiʌ jɔn ɦʌm dekʰ-ni
DIST woman be.3SG.PRES.F COMP 1SG see-PST.H
'It's a woman that I saw.' (06.034)
b. ई उहे औरत िहअ जे हम देखनी ।
i uɦe ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰni
i u-e ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰ-ni
PROX 3SG-EMPH woman be.3SG.PRES.F COND 1SG see-PST.H
'It's the woman that I saw.' (06.035)
c. *ऊ ई औरत िहअ जे हम देखनी, ना क ई आदमी ।
u i ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰni nɑ
u i ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰ-ni nɑ
DIST PROX woman be.3SG.PRES.F COND 1SG see-PST.H NEG

ki i ɑdmi
ki i ɑdmi
COMP PROX man
'*It's this woman that I saw, not this man.' (06.036)
In (44a-c), the generic or non-referring contrastive focus is presented in (44a)
and the definite-referential in (44b). But the referential-indefinite construction in
(44c) is marked in Bhojpuri as in other languages including English.
The very same restriction bars referential-indefinite nouns in Y-movement
contrasts in Bhojpuri, as shown in (45a-c):
(45) a. (हमरा अलुई मन ना परे ), गाजर हमरा मन परे ला ।
ɦʌmrɑ ʌlui mʌn nɑ pʌre ɡɑjʌr ɦʌmrɑ
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ʌlui mʌn nɑ pʌr-e ɡɑjʌr ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ
1SG-GEN-DAT potato mind NEG fall-3.PRES carrot 1SG-GEN-DAT
mʌn pʌrelɑ
mʌn pʌr-elɑ
mind fall-3SG.PRES
'(I don't like potatoes), carrots I like.' (06.038)
b. (हमरा ऊ ना सोहालन), इनका के त हम ब त चाहेनी ।

428
ɦʌmrɑ u nɑ soɦɑlʌn inkɑ ke tʌ
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ u nɑ soɦɑ-il-ʌn in-kɑ ke tʌ
1SG-GEN-DAT 3SG NEG like-INF-3.PRES.MH 3SG-GEN DAT COND

ɦʌm bʌɦut cɑɦeni

ɦʌm bʌɦut cɑɦ-eni
1SG very like-PRES.H
'(I don't like him), her I'm fond of.' (06.039)
c. *(हम ओतहाँ एगो औरत के बैठल देखनी,) कौनो आदमी के ना देखनी ।
ɦʌm otʌɦɑ eɡo ɔrʌt ke bʌiʈʰʌl dekʰni kɔno
ɦʌm otʌɦɑ ek-ɡo ɔrʌt ke bʌiʈʰ-ʌl dekʰ-ni kɔno
1SG there one-CLF woman DAT sit-PP see-PST.H any
ɑdmi ke nɑ dekʰni
ɑdmi ke nɑ dekʰ-ni
man DAT NEG see-PST.H
'*(I saw a woman sitting there,) a man I didn't see.'
In (45a-c), the generic or non-referring contrast is presented in (45a) and
definite contrast in (45b). The referential-indefinite nouns are also seen in Y-
movement contrast in (45c) but it is a marked construction in Bhojpuri as in English.
The very same contrast also applies to the most common topicalization rule, L-
dislocation, as shown in (46a-c):
(46) a. आदमी, उनका त के मन ना परल ।
ɑdmi unkɑ tʌ keɦu mʌn nɑ pʌrʌl
ɑdmi un-kɑ tʌ keɦu mʌn nɑ pʌr-ʌl
man 3SG-DAT COND anyone mind neg fall-3SG.PST
'As for man, she didn't like any.' (06.040)
b. दुलारचन, ऊ उनका मन ना परस ।
dulɑrcʌn u unkɑ mʌn nɑ pʌrʌs
dulɑrcʌn u un-kɑ mʌn nɑ pʌr-ʌs
Dularchan DIST 3SG-DAT mind NEG fall-3.PST.H
'As for Dularchan, she didn't like him.' (06.041)
c. *के आदमी, उनका ऊ मन ना परल ।
keɦu ɑdmi unkɑ u mʌn nɑ pʌrʌl

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keɦu ɑdmi un-kɑ u mʌn nɑ pʌr-ʌl
any man 3SG-DAT 3SG mind NEG fall-3SG.PST
'*As for a man, she didn't like him.'
In (46a-c), the generic or non-referring contrast is presented in (46a) and
definite contrast in (46b). A referential-indefinite noun is seen in L-dislocation in
(46c) but it is a marked construction in Bhojpuri as in English.
The shared restriction suggests that it is cataphoric topicality rather than contrast
that is at the bottom of the restriction on referential-indefinite NPs in all these constructions.
c) Topicality and contrast
"The restrictions on referential-indefinite nouns in cleft, Y-movement and L-
dislocation suggest that the referent coded by these constructions must be
anaphorically accessible, i.e., established in the preceding discourse" (Givón,
2001b:229) . Thus it is perfectly acceptable to introduce a topic for the first time with
a pseudo-cleft construction in a discourse-initial context as shown in (47a), but rather
odd with a cleft as in (47b) – unless the contrasted NP has been already topicalized in
the preceding discourse, as in (47c):
(47) a. Pseudo-cleft (initial)
आज हमनी जे पर बात करे जातानी ऊ ह ेम ।
ɑj ɦʌmni je pʌr bɑt kʌre jɑtɑni u
ɑj ɦʌm-ni je pʌr bɑt kʌr-e jɑ-ʌt bɑni u
today 1SG-PL COND LOC matter do-PUR go-IMPF be.PRES.H 3SG
ɦʌ prem
ɦʌ prem
be.3SG.PRES love
'What we're going to talk about today is love.' (06.042)
b. Cleft (initial)
ऊ ेम ह जे पर हमनी आज बात करे जातानी ।
u prem ɦʌ je pʌr ɦʌmni ɑj bɑt
u prem ɦʌ je pʌr ɦʌm-ni ɑj bɑt
DIST love be.3SG.PRES COND LOC 1SG-PL today matter
kʌre jɑtɑni
kʌr-e jɑ-ʌt bɑni
do-PUR go-IMPF be.PRES.H

430
'It's LOVE that we're going to talk about today.' (06.043)
c. Cleft (medial)
तू समझलऽ हमनी दौलत पर बितअइत , बाँ कर ऊ ह ेम जे पर हमनी आज बात करे

जातानी ।
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ lʌ ɦʌmni dɔlʌt pʌr bʌtiʌitĩ
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ -ʌl-ʌ ɦʌm-ni dɔlʌt pʌr bʌtiɑ-i-tĩ
2SG understand-PP-2.PST.MH 1SG-PL wealth LOC talk-FUT-IRR.H
bɑ̃kir u ɦʌ prem je pʌr ɦʌmni ɑj
bɑ̃kir u ɦʌ prem je pʌr ɦʌm-ni ɑj
but DIST be.3SG.PRES love COND LOC 1SG-PL today
bɑt kʌre jɑtɑni
bɑt kʌr-e jɑ-ʌt bɑni
matter do-PUR go-IMPF be.PRES.H
'You thought we were going to talk about wealth, but it's LOVE that we're
going to talk about today.' (06.044)
Either in the same paragraph or chain, a certain buildup of contrary
expectations has to take place in the preceding portion of the thematic unit before a
referent is coded by a cleft-focus. So, a paragraph boundary tends to obliterate the
efficacy of the formation of contrary expectations, as shown in (48a-b):
(48) a. Expectations set up within the current paragraph
तू मानेलऽ क ए लइक के नोकर मुआ देलख, िनि त प से एह बात म दम बा, हम

मानेम । त बो तू पूरा पूरा गलतफहमी म बाड़ऽ । ऊ त ओकर बापे ह जे ओके मुआ देलख ।
tu mɑnelʌ ki e lʌiki ke nokʌr muɑ
tu mɑn-elʌ ki e lʌiki ke nokʌr mu-ɑ
2SG realize-2.PRES.MH COMP PROX girl GEN servant die-CAUS
delʌkʰ niscit rup se eɦ bɑt mẽ dʌm
de-ʌl-ʌkʰ niscit rup se eɦ bɑt mẽ dʌm
give-PP-3.PST certain form SPEC PROX matter LOC weight
bɑ ɦʌmɦu mɑnem tʌbbo tu purɑ purɑ
bɑ ɦʌm-ɦu mɑn-em tʌb-o tu purɑ purɑ
be.3SG.PRES 1SG-EMPH realize-FUT.H then-EMPH 2SG full full
ɡʌlʌtpʰʌɦmi mẽ bɑɽʌ u tʌ okʌr bɑpe

431
ɡʌlʌtpʰʌɦmi mẽ bɑɽʌ u tʌ u-ʌr bɑp-e
falsehood LOC be.2.PRES 3SG COND 3SG-GEN father-EMPH
ɦʌ je oke muɑ delʌkʰ
ɦʌ je o-ke mu-ɑ de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
be.3SG.PRES COND 3SG-ACC die-CAUS give-PP-3.PST
'You think that servant killed the girl, and it sure makes sense, I admit. But
you're absolutely wrong. It was her father who killed her.' (06.045)
b. Expectations set up across paragraph boundary
तू मानेलऽ क ए लइक के नोकर मुआ देलख, िनि त प से एह बात म दम बा, हम

मानेम । त बो तू पूरा पूरा गलतफहमी म बाड़ऽ ।

tu mɑnelʌ ki e lʌiki ke nokʌr muɑ
tu mɑn-elʌ ki e lʌiki ke nokʌr mu-ɑ
2SG realize-2.PRES.MH COMP PROX girl GEN servant die-CAUS
delʌkʰ niscit rup se eɦ bɑt mẽ dʌm
de-ʌl-ʌkʰ niscit rup se eɦ bɑt mẽ dʌm
give-PP-3.PST certain form SPEC PROX matter LOC weight
bɑ ɦʌmɦu mɑnem tʌbbo tu purɑ purɑ
bɑ ɦʌm-ɦu mɑn-em tʌb-o tu purɑ purɑ
be.3SG.PRES 1SG-EMPH realize-FUT.H then-EMPH 2SG full full
ɡʌlʌtpʰʌɦmi mẽ bɑɽ
ɡʌlʌtpʰʌɦmi mẽ bɑɽʌ
falsehood LOC be.2.PRES
'You think that servant killed the girl, and it sure makes sense, I admit. But
you're absolutely wrong.' (06.045)
ऊ त ओकर बापे ह जे ओके मुआ देलख ।
u tʌ okʌr bɑpe ɦʌ je oke
u tʌ u-ʌr bɑp-e ɦʌ je o-ke
3SG COND 3SG-GEN father-EMPH be.3SG.PRES COND 3SG-ACC
muɑ delʌkʰ
mu-ɑ de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
die-CAUS give-PP-3.PST
'It was her father who killed her.' (06.045)
The upshot of discussion in (48a-b) appears to be a one-way conditional

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association between contrastive focus and topicality: Contrastive focus  Topic.
12.2.4 Assertion scope and contrastive focus: Negation and yes/no-questions
If an optional element is mentioned in a clause, it must be itself the focus of
the asserted information (Govón 2001b:230).
a) Negation and focus attraction
"In the case of affirmative declarative clauses, the inference is normative and
probabilistic. In the case of negative clauses, it becomes obligatory
('grammaticalized') to all intent and purpose" (Givón, 2001b:231). Bhojpuri has such
usage, as shown in (49).
(49) धनपत कु ा के ना मुअइलख ।
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke nɑ muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke nɑ mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC NEG die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
'Dhanpat didn't kill the dog.' (06.046)
The negative clause in (49), there is no optional constituent and when uttered
without contrastive stress, the inference is that the event 'killing a dog' did not happen.
Hence, the entire verb phrase is under the scope of negation. But immediately after
insertion of an optional constituent, on the other hand, the normative inference
changes radically and the scope of negated assertion narrows down excluding
everything except the optional constituent, as shown in (50a-d):
(50) a. धनपत कु ा के जानबूझके ना मुअइलख ।
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke jɑnbuȷ̈ ke nɑ muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke jɑn-buȷ̈ -ke nɑ mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC know-understand-SEQ NEG die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
'Dhanpat didn't kill the dog knowingly.' (06.047)
b. धनपत कु ा के शुक के ना मुअइलख ।
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke suk ke nɑ muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke suk ke nɑ mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC Friday DAT NEG die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
'Dhanpat didn't kill the dog on Friday.' (06.048)
c. धनपत कु ा के खीसे ना मुअइलख ।
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke kʰise nɑ muʌilʌkʰ

433
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke kʰis-e nɑ mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC anger-REAS NEG die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
'Dhanpat didn't kill the dog in anger.' (06.049)
d. धनपत कु ा के घरे ना मुअइलख ।
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke ɡ̈ʌre nɑ muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke ɡ̈ʌr-e nɑ mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC house-LOC NEG die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
'Dhanpat didn't kill the dog at home.' (06.050)
In (50a-d), because of the optional constituent asserted in (50a), the
probability of accident is strong for killing the dog. Likewise, the probability of
killing the dog on some other day than on Friday is strong in (50b), probability of
being normal condition than in anger is strong in (50c) and that at somewhere else,
not at home in (50d). In this way the general inference is radically changed because of
assertion of some optional constituent.
b) Yes/no-question and focus attraction
Generally a yes/no question is wide open if it has only obligatory arguments
and it can take the entire VP, including even the subject, as shown in (51):
(51) का धनपत कु ा के मुअइलख ?
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke muʌilʌkʰ
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
what Dhanpat dog ACC die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
'Did Dhanpat kill the dog?' (06.051)
If an optional constituent is present in (51), it attracts the focus of the yes/no-
question, even without contrast, in the similar way as we discussed in (50).
12.2.5 Other focus attractive devices
There are some other elements to display similar behaviour how optional
constituents attract both the focus of assertion and contrastive focus, such as wh-
quenstions and contrastive quantifiers. As contrastive quantifiers have already been
discussed, wh-questions are under discussion in this section. As in the cleft clauses,
the contrastive focus in wh-questions tends to be attracted to the क- /kʌ-/ 'wh-' word in
Bhojpuri rather than to other constituents, as shown in (52a-b):
(52) a. कु ा के के मुअइलख ?

434
kuttɑ ke ke muʌilʌkʰ
kuttɑ ke ke mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
dog ACC who die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
'Who killed the dog?' (06.056)
b. धनपत कथी के मुअइलख ?
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌtʰi ke muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌtʰi ke mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat what ACC die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
'What did Dhanpat kill?' (06.057)
12.3 Summary
In this chapter, we analyzed the marked topics and contrastive focus in
Bhojpuri. Different devices like discourse particles, intonation and constituent order
may be utilized for focus and topicalization purposes. In Bhojpuri, the constituents of
the clause may be freely dislocated within the clause to a great extent to topicalize,
focus, contrast, emphasize and intensify the meaning of a constituent. Apart from the
extensive use of discourse particles, different strategies are employed to mark a topic
in terms of constituent order. Existential-presentative constructions कौनो /kɔno/ 'some

or a/an' and एगो /eɡo/ 'a/an' used as an indefinite article are indefinite referents in

Bhojpuri. Similarly, the verb in EPCs is existential रह /rʌɦ/ or ह /ɦʌ/ or बा /bɑ/ and

some locational verbs such as बैठ /bʌiʈʰ/ 'sit', उठ /uʈʰ/ 'stand', रह /rʌɦ/ 'live' क /ruk/

'stay' or entrance verbs such as आ /ɑ/ 'come/arrive' लउक /lʌuk/ 'appear', प च

ँ /pʌɦũc/

'approach' along with departure verb जा /jɑ/ 'go' are frequently used in EPCs 'be'.
Though Bhojpuri is a flexible SOV language, it also exhibits the inverse order VSO or
OVS in EPCs. It is most commonly either a REL-clause, an adjective, a LOC-phrase,
a noun complement, a genitive or an associative phrase preceding the the indefinite
subject in Bhojpuri in EPCs. Though the Y-movement is contrastive, the Y-moved
referents also tend to be typically topical and anaphorical, falling under a single
intonation contour. As in a number of languages, Bhojpuri exhibits characteristics of a
separate intonation contour for the dislocated NP, neutralizaion of the case-marking of
the topic NP, and an anaphoric pronoun resumption of the topic NP within the clause
in left-dislocation. Similarly, Bhojpuri exhibits afterthoughts and background
constructions through anaphoric pronoun, intonation break and neutralized case-

435
marking in right-dislocation as observed in left-dislocation. As in many languages
dative shifting is evident in Bhojpuri to make the dative the direct object. Raising may
or may not be found in other languages but Bhojpuri exhibits raising to object and
raising to subject for marked topic constructions.
The inclusive marker suffix -ओ /-o/ and the Hindi borrowing particle भी /b̤ i/

function for the meaning 'also/too' in Bhojpuri. Besides them, -नू /-nu/ or -ऊ /-u/ or

clitic -ए /-e/ is also used to code a proposition which is contrary to expectation. The

individuative Emphatic marker suffix -ए /-e/ and Hindi borrowed particle ही /ɦi/ 'only'
may also be employed to contrast a particular adverbial from other alternates. Besides
them Bhojpuri uses खाली /kɦɑli/, मा /mɑtrʌ/, के वल /kewʌl/ and the non-reflexive अपने
/ʌpne/ 'self' to mark individuity. Contrastive strength in Bhojpuri is marked with
contrastive stress devices, Y-movement and restrictive modifiers. Contrastive focus in
Bhojpuri is also marked by reference and topicality, assertion scope in terms of negation
and yes/no-questions and other devices like wh-questions and contrastive questions.

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CHAPTER 13
INTER-CLAUSAL COHERENCE
13.0 Outline
This chapter deals with inter-clausal coherence in Bhojpuri. It consists of
seven sections. Section 13.1 deals with verbal complements, and subordinate
adverbial clauses are explained in section 13.2. Likewise, we describe participial
adverbial clauses in section 13.3 and relative clauses in section 13.4. Clause chaining
is discussed in section 13.5 and conjoined clauses are discussed in section 13.6.
Finally, we summarize the chapter in section 13.7.
13.1 Complement clauses
Different strategies are utilized in Bhojpuri for sentential complementation,
mainly determined by complement-taking verb. Besides, due to the degree of
semantic bond between the complement-taking predicate and the verbal element of
the complement (Givón, 2001b:39), most of them fall, quite clearly, into one of the
two main types: (a) finite complements, and (b) non-finite complements, as attested in
Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:355), Maithili (Yadav 1996:348 and Yadav 2014:48),
Hindi (Koul 2008:181) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:370-2). Bhojpuri also observes the
same (Thakur 2011:136). Hence the complements of the first type are simply
extraposed and syntactically relatively independent from the main clause and the
complements of the second type are almost invariably embedded into the main clause
and have a time reference entirely determined by the main clause.
13.1.1 Complement-taking PCU predicates
In Bhojpuri, कह /kʌɦ/ 'say, tell' is the verb that takes PCU predicates, as shown
in (1a-b).
(1) a. छोटकु कहलख, ‘ना हो, हमार बैल ना िबकाई ।’
cʰoʈku kʌɦlʌkʰ nɑ ɦo ɦʌmɑr bɛl nɑ
cʰoʈ-ku kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ nɑ ɦo ɦʌmɑr bɛl nɑ
small-DET say-PP-3SG.PST NEG VOC 1SG.GEN ox NEG

bikɑi
bik-ɑ-i
sell-PASS-FUT
'The younger said, "No. My oxen won't be sold."' (10.017)
b. मातारी ओकरा के कहलक, ‘देख ना, तोहरा भउजी के देह अझुराह बा ।

437
mɑtɑri okʌrɑ ke kʌɦlʌkʰ dekʰ nɑ
mɑtɑri u-ʌr-ɑ ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ dekʰ nɑ
mother 3SG-GEN-DET DAT say-PP-3SG.PST see EMPH

toɦʌrɑ b̤ ʌuji ke deɦ ʌȷ̈ urɑɦ bɑ

tu-ʌr-ɑ b̤ ʌuji ke deɦ ʌȷ̈ urɑɦ bɑ
2SG-GEN-SPEC elder sister-in-law GEN body pregnant be.3SG.PRES
'The mother said to him, "Look, your elder sister-in-law is pregnant now."' (10.030)
A zero strategy or juxtaposition is exhibited in the instances (1a-b), where the
complement, always a direct-quote utterance, occurs after the main clause and its
complement-taking predicate without any overt complementizer or other linking device.
The complements can also be presented with a complementizer क /ki/ in Bhojpuri
and, if so, the complement is always heavily shifted to the end, as shown in (2a-c).
(2) a. हम ई कहेके चाहतानी क एक मधेश एक देश म भोजपुरी के कौनो तरह से बाँटल ना

जाई ।
ɦʌm i kʌɦeke cɑɦʌtɑni ki ek
ɦʌm i kʌɦ-e-ke cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni ki ek
1SG PROX say-PUR-OBL want-IMPF be.PRES.H COMP one
mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes mẽ b̤ ojpuri ke kɔno tʌrʌɦ se
mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes mẽ b̤ ojpuri ke kɔno tʌrʌɦ se
Madhesh one province LOC Bhojpuri GEN any as means
bɑ̃ʈʌl nɑ jɑi
bɑ̃ʈ-ʌl nɑ jɑ-i
divide-INF NEG go-3SG.FUT
'I want to tell you, "Bhojpuri will not be split under One Madhesh One
Province."' (01.087)
b. त बात करत रहनी ह क ओह बेरा अइसन किसम के कसान आंदोलन भइल ।
tʌ bɑt kʌrʌt rʌɦni ɦʌ ki oɦ
tʌ bɑt kʌr-ʌt rʌɦ-ni ɦʌ ki oɦ
COND matter do-IMPF live-PST.H be.3SG.PRES COMP DIST

berɑ ʌisʌn kisim ke kisɑn ɑndolʌn b̤ ʌil

berɑ ʌisʌn kisim ke kisɑn ɑndolʌn b̤ ʌ-il
time such type GEN peasant movement become-3SG.PST
'Now I was telling you, "The peasants' movements were launched in this
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way in those days."' (02.050)
c. ए पर बिल त थोड़ा-सा हँसल भी क ‘आरे द र ा ण तोरा भीखमङे रहेके बा सारा

िजनगी ?’
e pʌr bʌli tʌ tʰoɽɑ sɑ ɦʌ̃slẽ b̤ i ki
e pʌr bʌli tʌ tʰoɽɑ sɑ ɦʌ̃s-ʌl-ẽ b̤ i ki
PROX LOC Bali COND little as laugh-PP-3.PST.MH also COMP

ɑre dʌridrʌ brɑɦmʌn torɑ b̤ ikʰmʌŋe rʌɦeke

ɑre dʌridrʌ brɑɦmʌn torɑ b̤ ikʰmɑŋɑ-e rʌɦ-e-ke
VOC poor Brahmin 2SG.GEN beggar-EMPH live-PUR-OBL
bɑ sɑrɑ jinɡi
bɑ sɑrɑ jinɡi
be.3SG.PRES whole life
'Bali laughed shortly at him and said, "O poor Brahmin! Do you want to
remain a lifelong beggar?"' (07.042)
The examples in (2a-c) show a very broadly applied क /ki-/ strategy, where a

particle or complementizer क /ki/ follows the complement-taking predicate and

precedes the extraposed (heavy-shifted) finite complement clause.
Likewise, Non-verbal "utterances" are treated in this way too, i.e., thoughts are
presented from the thinking agent's perspective, as if they were uttered verbally, as
shown in (3).
(3) जब पनिपआई के बेरा भइल त मातारी सोचली, ‘लइका के पनिपआई ज र िखआवेके चाह ।’
jʌb pʌnpiɑi ke berɑ b̤ ʌil tʌ mɑtɑri
jʌb pʌnpiɑi ke berɑ b̤ ʌ-il tʌ mɑtɑri
when breakfast GEN time be-3SG.PST COND mother
socʌli lʌikɑ ke pʌnpiɑi jʌrur kʰiɑweke
soc-ʌl-i lʌikɑ ke pʌnpiɑi jʌrur kʰiɑ-we-ke
think-PP-3.PST.F.MH son GEN breakfast certainly feed-PUR-OBL
cɑɦĩ
cɑɦ-ĩ
want-OPT
'When the sun rose up, the mother thought, "The son must get breakfast now."' (10.009)
The complement of the utterance predicates presented so far are all extraposed

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(vis-à-vis the basic SOV word order) and are expected to be so when used this way. But
that is never allowed with any form of the verb कह /kʌɦ-/ 'say, call', as shown in (4a-b).

(4) a. लइका एगो िप ी तोड़के बु ढ़आ के कहलक, ‘गे बु ढ़आ दाई, िप ठआ भुइआँ म िगरा दी ँ ?’

lʌikɑ eɡo piʈʈʰi toɽke buɽ̊iɑ ke kʌɦlʌk
lʌikɑ ek-ɡo piʈʈʰi toɽ-ke buɽ̊-i-ɑ ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
boy one-CLF cake pluck-SEQ old-F-DET DAT say-PP-3.PST
buɽ̊iɑ ke kʌɦlʌk ɡe buɽ̊iɑ dɑi piʈʈʰiɑ
buɽ̊-i-ɑ ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɡe buɽ̊iɑ dɑi piʈʈʰi-ɑ
old-F-DET DAT say-PP-3.PST VOC.F old-F-DET grandma cake-DET
b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ ɡirɑ dĩ
b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ ɡir-ɑ de-ĩ
ground LOC fall-CAUS give-OPT
'The boy plucked a cake and said to the old woman, "O my Old Grandma,
can I let the cake fall on the ground?"' (05.011)
b. ‘ऊ हमर जान बँचा देलक’ कहत दुखा ब त खुश भइल आ राजु के ध यवाद देत िमठाई बँटलख ।
u ɦʌmʌr jɑn bʌ̃cɑ delʌk kʌɦʌt dukʰɑ
u ɦʌmʌr jɑn bʌ̃c-ɑ de-ʌl-ʌkʰ kʌɦ-ʌt dukʰɑ
3SG 1SG.GEN life save-CAUS give-PP-3.PST say-SIM Dukha
bʌɦut kʰus b̤ ʌil ɑ rʌju ke d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd
bʌɦut kʰus b̤ ʌ-il ɑ rɑju ke d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd
very happy become-3SG.PST and Raju DAT thank
det miʈʰɑi bʌ̃ʈlʌkʰ
de-ʌt miʈʰɑi bɑ̃ʈ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
give-SIM sweet divide-PP-3.PST
'Saying, "He saved my life", Dukha became very very happy and
distributed sweets thanking Raju.' (13.075)
Straightforwardly and literally, the verb कह /kʌɦ/ 'say' refers back to what was
actually uttered, but when especially combined with another utterance predicate and/or
क /ki/ preceding the utterance, it becomes an end-of-quotation marker by effect,

particularly in its participial shape कहत /kʌɦʌt/ or कहके /kʌɦke/.

(5) a. ‘ऊ हमर जान बँचा देलक’ कहत दुखा ब त खुश भइल ... ।
u ɦʌmʌr jɑn bʌ̃cɑ delʌk kʌɦʌt dukʰɑ

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u ɦʌmʌr jɑn bʌ̃c-ɑ de-ʌl-ʌkʰ kʌɦ-ʌt dukʰɑ
3SG 1SG.GEN life save-CAUS give-PP-3.PST say-SIM Dukha
bʌɦut kʰus b̤ ʌil
bʌɦut kʰus b̤ ʌ-il
very happy become-3SG.PST
'Saying, "He saved my life", Dukha became very very happy …''' (13.075)
b. माई-दाई ‘तू काथी बनबे ?’ कहके कु छ एह तरे सुनावे ।
mɑi dɑi tu kɑtʰi bʌnbe kʌɦke
mɑi dɑi tu kʌtʰi bʌn-be kʌɦ-ke
mother grandma 2SG what make.PASS-2.FUT say-SEQ
kucʰ eɦ tʌre sunɑwe
kucʰ eɦ tʌre sun-ɑ-we
something PROX method listen-CAUS-3.PST
'Grandmothers used to tell the children having said like this "What will you
be?"' (03.303)
a) Propositional attitude predicates
Those predicates that express an attitude regarding the complement
proposition, especially concerning its verisimilitude value, are propositional attitude
predicates. They are closely related to and sometimes difficult to distinguish from
utterance predicates. They express certainty on the part of the subject or the matrix
clause concerning the immediately preceding argument or phrase, as shown in (6a-b).
(6) a. ई बतनो के दोकानवाला सोचलक, ‘अइसन अलबटाह से काहे लागल जाओ ?’
i bʌrtʌno ke dokɑnwɑlɑ soclʌk ʌisʌn
i bʌrtʌn-o ke dokɑn-wɑlɑ soc-ʌl-ʌkʰ ʌisʌn
PROX utensil-EMPH GEN shop-owner think-PP-3.PST such
ʌlbʌʈɑɦ se kɑɦe lɑɡʌl jɑo
ʌlbʌʈɑɦ se kɑɦe lɑɡ-ʌl jɑ-o
deaf and dumb with why join-INF go-OPT
'The utensil-seller also thought, "Why to talk long to a dumb?"' (10.054)
b. कसान सोचलख, ‘होए ना होए ई त साँढ़े के खुँड़ारी बुझाता । ठीक बा, ओके िपटके

बेलावेके परल ।’
kisɑn soclʌkʰ ɦoe nɑ ɦoe i tʌ

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kisɑn soc-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɦo-e nɑ ɦo-e i tʌ
peasant think-PP-3.PST be-3.PST NEG be-3.PST PROX COND

sɑ̃ɽ̊e ke kʰũɽɑri buȷ̈ ɑtɑ ʈʰik

sɑ̃ɽ̊-e ke kʰũɽɑri buȷ̈ -ɑ-ʌt bɑ ʈʰik
bull-EMPH GEN footsteps understand-PASS-IMPF 3SG.PRES right
bɑ oke piʈke belɑweke pʌrʌl
bɑ u-ke piʈ-ke belɑ-ew-ke pʌr-ʌl
be.3SG.PRES 3SG-ACC beat-SEQ drive away-PUR-OBL fall-3SG.PST
'The farmer thought, "Much probably, they are the footsteps of a bullock.
Well, it must be driven back with beating."' (13.076)
Propositional attitudes may also be expressed as noun complementation, the
general structure remaining the same, as shown in (7).
(7) एने छोटकु जइसही ओह आदमी के देखलक, एकरा बुझाइल, ‘हमरा भाई के कहल कु िछयो

कु िछयो इहे ना त ह ?’
ene cʰoʈku jʌisʌɦi oɦ ɑdmi ke dekʰlʌk
ene cʰoʈ-ku jʌise-ɦi oɦ ɑdmi ke dekʰ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
this side small-DET as fast as-EMPH DIST man DAT see-PP-3.PST
ekʌrɑ buȷ̈ ɑil ɦʌmrɑ b̤ ɑi ke
e-ʌr-ɑ buȷ̈ -ɑ-il ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ b̤ ɑi ke
PROX-GEN-DAT understand-PASS-3.PST 1SG-GEN-DEF brother GEN

kʌɦʌl kucʰio kucʰio iɦe nɑ tʌ

kʌɦ-ʌl kucʰ-io kucʰ-io i-e nɑ tʌ
say-PP something-EMPH something-EMPH this-EMPH NEG COND

ɦʌ
ɦʌ
be.3SG.PRES
'Hence, as soon as the younger saw him, he thought, "Something what my
elder brother told is this one only."' (10.057)
b) Commentative predicates
Commentative (or factive) predicates provide a comment on a complement
proposition that is assumed to be real (Noonan, 1985:117). As the complement often
occurs as reported discourse and there is probably some overlap, the distinction
between these and utterance predicates is not always very obvious. Typically, the

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complement clause is formed as a question, with काहे /kɑɦe/ 'why' and कइसन /kʌisʌn/
'what kind', as shown in (8a-b):
(8) a. हमरा काहे नु मुड़बथी धइले बा ।
ɦʌmrɑ kɑɦe nu muɽbʌtʰi d̤ ʌile bɑ
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ kɑɦe nu muɽbʌtʰi d̤ ʌr-il-e bɑ
1SG-GEN-DEF why EMPH headache catch-PP-SEQ be.3SG.PRES
'I don't know why I have an headache.' (09.073)
b. बेटी से बु ढ़आ कहली, ‘देख त मोटड़ी खोलके आज कइसन सावज ले आइल बानी ?’
beʈi se buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦli dekʰ tʌ moʈʌɽi
beʈi se buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-i dekʰ tʌ moʈʌɽi
daughter DAT old woman say-PP-3.PST.F.MH see.IMP COND bundle
kʰolke ɑj kʌisʌn sɑwʌj le ɑil bɑni
kʰol-ke ɑj kʌisʌn sɑwʌj le ɑ-il bɑni
open-SEQ today how prey bring come-PP be.PRES.H
'The old woman talked to her daughter, "Open the bundle and see what type
of prey I've brought today."' (05.042)
Besides, when the subject of the complement clause and the matrix clause are
coreferent, the complement can occur as a verbal noun as presented in (9).
(9) जौन अवरोधक बा ओकरा के छोड़ेके पड़ी, ई हमर कहनाम बा ।
jɔn ʌbrod̤ ʌk bɑ okʌrɑ ke cʰoɽeke
jɔn ʌbrod̤ -ʌk bɑ u-ʌr-ɑ ke cʰoɽ-e-ke
COND obstruction-NML be.3SG.PRES 3SG-GEN-DET DAT leave-PUR-OBL
pʌɽi i ɦʌmʌr kʌɦnɑm bɑ
pʌɽ-i i ɦʌm-ʌr kʌɦnɑm bɑ
fall-3SG.FUT PROX 1SG- GEN saying be.3SG.PRES
'Whoever is obstacle has to be abandoned, it is my view.' (03.356)
c) Predicates of knowledge acquision
Many complement-taking predicates that have to do with acquisition of
knowledge use, the same strategies as for utterances, so, the complement is presented
as an utterance, either by the agent of the matrix clause, as presented in (10a), or by
some other, explicit or implicit, source participant, as shown in (10b-c).
(10) a. बटोही समझ गइल, ‘ई हरवाहा बिहर बुझाता ।’

443
bʌʈoɦi sʌmʌȷ̈ ɡʌil i ɦʌrwɑɦɑ bʌɦir
bʌʈoɦi sʌmʌȷ̈ jɑ-il i ɦʌrwɑɦɑ bʌɦir
passenger understand go-3SG.PST this ploughman deaf
buȷ̈ ɑtɑ
buȷ̈ -ɑ-ʌt bɑ
understand-PASS-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'The passerby understood, "The ploughman seems deaf."' (10.020)
b. मेवाड़ के महारानी कमावती के बहादुर शाह ारा मेवाड़ पर हमला कइल जाए के पूव

सूचना िमलल ।
mewɑɽ ke mʌɦɑrɑni kʌrmɑwʌti ke bʌɦɑdur sɑɦ dwɑrɑ
mewɑɽ ke mʌɦɑrɑni kʌrmɑwʌti ke bʌɦɑdur sɑɦ dwɑrɑ
Mewad GEN queen Karmawati GEN Bahadur Shah by
mewɑɽ pʌr ɦʌmlɑ kʌil jɑe ke purb sucnɑ
mewɑɽ pʌr ɦʌmlɑ kʌr-il jɑ-e ke purb sucnɑ
Mewad LOC invasion do-PP go-PUR GEN pre information
milʌl
mil-ʌl
get-3SG.PST
'Queen Karmawati of Mewad got informed that Bahadur Shah was about to
attack on Mewad.' (07.060)
c. िसयार मुग के ब न से सुनलख क तुरंते आकाश िगरे वाला बा ।
siɑr murɡi ke bʌccʌn se sunlʌkʰ ki
siɑr murɡi ke bʌccɑ-ʌn se sun-ʌl-ʌkʰ ki
jackal hen GEN young-PL source hear-PP-3SG.PST COMP

turʌnte ɑkɑs ɡirewɑlɑ bɑ

turʌnt-e ɑkɑs ɡir-e-wɑlɑ bɑ
soon-EMPH sky fall-PUR-owner be.3SG.PRES
'The jackal heard from the chickens that the sky was to fall immediately.' (13.077)
d) Immediate perception predicates
The same construction is used in the chaining of differenct-subject clauses
with at least two verbs coding directly perceived events, ताक /tɑk/ 'look, see', देख

/dekʰ/ 'watch' and याल कर /kʰyɑl kʌr/ 'note', in which the finite complement-taking

444
predicate occurs with a particle त /tʌ/, followed by a finite complement clause, as
shown in (11a-c).
(11) a. िशकारी लोग एनेओने ताकत रहे क एगो बानर के एगो गाछ के डाढ़ पर बैठके अमधुर

खात देखलख ।
sikɑri loɡ eneone tɑkʌt rʌɦe ki eɡo
sikɑri loɡ eneone tɑk-ʌt rʌɦ-e ki ek-ɡo
hunter PL to and fro see-IMPF live-3.PST COMP one-CLF
bɑnʌr ke eɡo ɡɑcʰ ke ɖɑɽ̊ pʌr bʌiʈʰke
bɑnʌr ke ek-ɡo ɡɑcʰ ke ɖɑɽ̊ pʌr bʌiʈʰ-ke
monkey DAT one-CLF tree GEN branch LOC sit-SEQ
ʌmd̤ ur kʰɑt dekʰlʌkʰ
ʌmd̤ ur kʰɑ-ʌt dekʰ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
guava eat-SIM see-PP-3.PST
'The hunters were looking to and fro and saw that a monkey was eating
guavas sitting on the branch of a tree.' (13.078)
b. ऊ देखता क छोटका उतरी आ मारक न त पे ले बा बाँ कर एकर मन तिनको मलीन नइखे ।
u dekʰʌtɑ ki cʰoʈkɑ
u dekʰ-ʌt bɑ ki cʰoʈ-kɑ
3SG see-IMPF be.3SG.PRES COMP small-CLF
utʌri ɑ mɑrkin tʌ pen̥ le
utʌri ɑ mɑrkin tʌ pen̥ -ʌl-e
funeral cloth in neck and butter white cloth COND wear-INF-SIM
bɑ bɑ̃kir ekʌr mʌn tʌniko mʌlin
bɑ bɑ̃kir e-ʌr mʌn tʌnikɑ-o mʌlin
be.3SG.PRES but PROX-GEN mind little-EMPH faded
nʌikʰe
nʌikʰ-e
be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'He noticed though the younger was in funeral dress, he was not mentally
sorrowful.' (10.084)
c. एतने म छोटकु देखता कवन राही बटोही पड़ा धइले चलल जात रहे ।
etne mẽ cʰoʈku dekʰʌtɑ kɔno

445
etne mẽ cʰoʈ-ku dekʰ-ʌt bɑ kɔno
meanwhile.EMPH LOC small-DET see-IMPF be.3SG.PRES some
rɑɦi bʌʈoɦi pɛɽ̃ ɑ d̤ ʌile cʌlʌl jɑt rʌɦe
rɑɦi bʌʈoɦi pɛɽ̃ ɑ d̤ ʌr-il-e cʌl-ʌl jɑ-ʌt rʌɦ-e
passerby passenger way put-PP-SEQ walk-INF go-IMPF live-3.PST
'In the meantime, the younger saw a passerby was walking on the way.' (10.015)
While all the complements with PCU-predicates exemplified earlier
represented direct discourse, whereas the perceived event presented with this
particular construction is indirect.
13.1.2 Complement-taking modality predicates
a) Modal predicates
As modality, in Bhojpuri as well as in its close neighbours too, belongs to
TAM system as a whole and is expressed morphologically, as well as conjuntively,
there are few examples of complement-taking predicates with a purely modal
meaning. Such predicate in Bhojpuri is सक- /sʌk-/ 'be able to, can'. This verb regularly
takes an infinitival complement, as shown in (12a-c).
(12) a. दोहराके फे र अपने ओइसनके िबआ घर म नइख राख सकत ।
doɦrɑke pʰer ʌpne oisʌnke biɑ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ
doɦrɑ-ke pʰer ʌpne oisʌn-ke biɑ ɡ̈ʌr mẽ
repeat-SEQ again 2SG.H same-EMPH seed house LOC

nʌikʰĩ rɑkʰ sʌkʌt

nʌikʰ-ĩ rɑkʰ sʌk-ʌt
be.NEG.PRES.H keep can-IMPF
'You cannot keep the same seeds at your home for the second time.' (02.092)
b. ऊ लोग पूरा प रवार के मार सकत रहे ।
u loɡ purɑ pʌriwɑr ke mɑr sʌkʌt rʌɦe
u loɡ purɑ pʌriwɑr ke mɑr sʌk-ʌt rʌɦ-e
3SG PL full family ACC kill can-IMPF live-3.PST
'They were able to kill the whole family.' (13.079)
c. हम आज घरे ना जाए सकनी ।
ɦʌm ɑj ɡ̈ʌre nɑ jɑe sʌkni

446
ɦʌm ɑj ɡ̈ʌr-e nɑ jɑ-e sʌk-ni
1SG.NOM today house-LOC NEG go-PUR can-PST.H
'I could not go home today.' (13.080)
As this exemplifies clause union rather than a full lexical union, it is supported
by the fact that it is still possible to split the two predicates and insert other
constituents between them, as presented in (13).
(13) ओकनी के के ना कह सकत रहे ।
okni ke keɦu nɑ kʌɦ sʌkʌt rʌɦe
u-ni ke keɦu nɑ kʌɦ sʌk-ʌt rʌɦ-e
3SG-PL DAT anybody NEG say can-IMPF live-3SG.PST
'Nobody was able to tell them.'
Necessity or ability can also be expressed with complement clauses of
complement-taking nouns, as shown in (14a-e).
(14) a. त ओह ाकरण के कौनो अलग से कताब ना आइल ।
tʌ oɦ byɑkʌrʌn ke kɔno ʌlʌɡ se kitɑb nɑ
tʌ oɦ byɑkʌrʌn ke kɔno ʌlʌɡ se kitɑb nɑ
COND DIST grammar GEN any separate ABL book NEG

ɑil
ɑ-il
come-3SG.PST
'But any separete book of grammar did not take shape.' (03.068)
b. बाँ कर ए िवषय के भी ओ लोग के आ हमनी के बुझल-समझल ज री बा ।
bɑ̃kir e bisɛ ke b̤ i o loɡ ke ɑ ɦʌmni
bɑ̃kir e bisɛ ke b̤ i o loɡ ke ɑ ɦʌm-ni
but PROX subject ACC also DIST PL GEN and 1SG-PL
ke buȷ̈ ʌl sʌmȷ̈ ʌl jʌruri bɑ
ke buȷ̈ -ʌl sʌmʌȷ̈ -ʌl jʌruri bɑ
GEN understand-INF understand-INF need be.3SG.PRES
'But this factor is also necessary for them as well as for us to understand.' (03.138)
c. ओकरा बाद पूव सभासद भी हमनी कह सकतानी ।
okrɑ bɑd purb sʌb̤ ɑsʌd b̤ i ɦʌmni kʌɦ

447
u-ʌr-ɑ bɑd purb sʌb̤ ɑsʌd b̤ i ɦʌm-ni kʌɦ
3SG-GEN-DEF later former CA Member also 1SG-PL say
sʌkʌtɑni
sʌk-ʌt bɑni
can-IMPF be.PRES.H
'We can also call him a former CA Member.' (03.016)
b) Achievement predicates
Achievement predicates are almost similar to modal predicates; the difference
is noted as it lies in implicativity in the typical cases. As it is implicative, it signals
unsuccessful vs. failed performance or realization, as exemplified in (15a-c).
(15) a. बटोही फे र से पुछे के कोिशस कइलख ... ।
bʌʈoɦi pʰer se pucʰe ke kosis kʌilʌkʰ
bʌʈoɦi pʰer se pucʰ-e ke kosis kʌr-il-ʌkʰ
passenger again with ask-PUR GEN efforts do-PP-3SG.PST
'The passerby tried to ask again ...' (10.018)
b. जब हमनी एक दोसरा के इयाद कइनी त फे र आ गइनी ।
jʌb ɦʌmni ek-dosʌrɑ ke iyɑd kʌini tʌ
jʌb ɦʌm-ni ek-dosʌr-ɑ ke iyɑd kʌr-ini tʌ
when 1SG-PL one another-DET GEN memory do-PST.H COND

pʰer ɑ ɡʌini
pʰer ɑ jɑ-ini
again come go-PST.H
'When we remembered each other, we came to be together.' (03.030)
c. ओह बेरा जमीन के कमी का च ते एक तरफ लोग भूखे मरे त बेसी जमीनवाला लोग के

जमीन पता रहला का च ते उ पादन ना होखे ।

oɦ berɑ jʌmin ke kʌmi kɑ cʌlte ek tʌrʌpʰ loɡ
oɦ berɑ jʌmin ke kʌmi kɑ cʌlte ek tʌrʌpʰ loɡ
DIST time land GEN lack GEN REAS one side people
b̤ ukʰe mʌre tʌ besi jʌminwɑlɑ loɡ ke
b̤ ukʰ-e mʌr-e tʌ besi jʌmin-wɑlɑ loɡ ke
hunger-REAS die-3.PST COND more land-owner people GEN

jʌmin pʌrtɑ rʌɦlɑ kɑ cʌlte utpɑdʌn nɑ ɦokʰe

448
jʌmin pʌrtɑ rʌɦ-ʌl-ɑ kɑ cʌlte utpɑdʌn nɑ ɦokʰ-e
land barren live-PP-SEQ GEN REAS production NEG be-3.PST
'Those days, people died of hunger in lack of land and on the other hand the
huge area of land of the land-lord used to be barren.' (02.035)
Achievement or non-achievement can also be expressed with complement
clauses of complement-taking adjectives, as shown in (16a-b).
(16) a. औगर से काठ छेदल आसान बा ।
ɔɡʌr se kɑʈʰ cʰedʌl ɑsɑn bɑ
ɔɡʌr se kɑʈʰ cʰed-ʌl ɑsɑn bɑ
augur means wood pierce-INF convenient be.3SG.PRES
'It is easy to pierce wood with an augur.' (09.186)
b. डेङी खेवल आसान नइखे ।
ɖeŋi kʰewʌl ɑsɑn nʌikʰe
ɖeŋi kʰe-ʌl ɑsɑn nʌikʰ-e
boat row-INF easy be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'Rowing boat is not easy.' (09.525)
c) Phasal predicates
As concerning modals have already been pointed out, several phasal notions,
which have to do with termination and continuation, have been indicated by means of
complementation. However, inception can be expressed with at least two different
complementation strategies: infinitival and verbal noun.
In infinitival strategy, perfective form of लाग /lɑɡ/ 'start' is utilized in
Bhojpuri, as presented in (17a-c).
(17) a. जब ओ लोग के ई भय भइल क अब नुकइला से काम ना चली त ऊ लोग धीरे -धीरे

आपन जमीन बचे लागल ।

jʌb o loɡ ke i b̤ ɛ b̤ ʌil ki ʌb
jʌb o loɡ ke i b̤ ɛ b̤ ʌ-il ki ʌb
when that people GEN this fear become-3SG.PST COMP now
nukʌilɑ se kɑm nɑ cʌli tʌ u loɡ
nukɑ-il-ɑ se kɑm nɑ cʌl-i tʌ u loɡ
hide-PP-SEQ means work NEG walk-3SG.FUT COND 3SG people
d̤ ire d̤ ire ɑpʌn jʌmin bẽce lɑɡʌl

449
d̤ ire d̤ ire ɑpʌn jʌmin bẽc-e lɑɡ-ʌl
slowly slowly 3.GEN land sell-SIM continue-3.PST
'When they were afraid of hiding land, they started selling it slowly.' (02.056)
b. ओ म जुट गइल लोग और भी आ खूला जगह पर लागल होखे ।
o mẽ juʈ ɡʌil loɡ ɔr b̤ i ɑ kʰulɑ jʌɡʌɦ
o mẽ juʈ jɑ-il loɡ ɔr b̤ i ɑ kʰul-ɑ jʌɡʌɦ
DIST LOC join go-3.PST people more also and open-ADJ place
jʌɡʌɦ pʌr lɑɡʌl ɦokʰe
jʌɡʌɦ pʌr lɑɡ-ʌl ɦokʰ-e
PLace LOC continue-3SG.PST be-SIM
'Some more people joined it and the gatherings also started to be organized
at open places.' (04.099)
c. जब बु ढ़आ खाए लगली त लइका कहे लागल, ‘लोलो रे लोलो, अपने बे टया के मास-

भात खइले रे लोलो !’

jʌb buɽ̊iɑ kʰɑe lʌɡli tʌ lʌikɑ
jʌb buɽ̊iɑ kʰɑ-e lɑɡ-ʌl-i tʌ lʌikɑ
when old woman eat-SIM continue-PP-3.PST.F.MH COMP boy
kʌɦe lɑɡʌl lolo re lolo ʌpne beʈiɑ
kʌɦ-e lɑɡ-ʌl lolo re lolo ɑpʌn-e beʈi-ɑ
say-SIM continue-3SG.PST hush VOC hush GEN-EMPH daughter-DET
ke mɑsb̤ ɑt kʰʌile re lolo
ke mɑs-b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-il-e re lolo
GEN meat & rice eat-PP-2.PST VOC hush
'When the old woman started eating, the boy began to say, "Hush! eat with
pleasure, it's your own daughter's meat and rice."' (05.055)
With another nearly synonymous phasal predicate सु कर /suru kʌr/ 'start' the
verbal noun strategy is also possible, as shown in (18).
(18) ऊ चारे आदमी कौनो ना कौनो एगो पाट सु करे ।
u cɑre ɑdmi kɔno nɑ kɔno eɡo pɑʈ suru
u cɑr-e ɑdmi kɔno nɑ kɔno ek-ɡo pɑʈ suru
DIST four-EMPH man some EMPH some one-CLF drama begin
kʌre

450
kʌr-e
do-3.PST.NH
'Only the four people used to perform a drama.' (03.298)
There is also evidence that the phasal notion of continuation can be expressed
through two less usual strategies for purpose with the complement taking predicate रह
/rʌɦ/ 'remain', one being a participial and the other a co-predicative particle, as
presented in (19a-b) respectively.
(19) a. साँप आ नेउर एक-दोसरा के देखते रह गइलन ।
sɑ̃p ɑ neur ek-dosrɑ ke dekʰte rʌɦ
sɑ̃p ɑ neur ek-dosrɑ ke dekʰ-ʌt-e rʌɦ
snake and mongoose one another ACC see-SIM-EMPH live
ɡʌilʌn
jɑ-il-ʌn
go-PP-3.PST.MH
'The snake and the mongoose remained looking at each other.' (13.082)
b. लइका मुँह बावते रह गइल ।
lʌikɑ mũɦ bɑote rʌɦ ɡʌil
lʌikɑ mũɦ bɑ-wʌt-e rʌɦ jɑ-il
boy mouth yawn-SIM-EMPH live go-3SG.PST
'The boy remained yawning the mouth.' (13.083)
d) Desiderative predicates
The verbal noun strategy is also put to use in subject-controlled complements
of desiderative predicates, as shown in (20a-c).
(20) a. बाँ कर भोजपुरी के उ ित, भोजपुरी के िवकास होखो, ई हमर चाहना ह ।
bɑ̃kir b̤ ojpuri ke unnʌti b̤ ojpuri ke bikɑs
bɑ̃kir b̤ ojpuri ke unnʌti b̤ ojpuri ke bikɑs
but Bhojpuri GEN promotion Bhojpuri GEN development
ɦokʰo i ɦʌmʌr cɑɦnɑ ɦʌ
ɦokʰ-o i ɦʌm-ʌr cɑɦnɑ ɦʌ
be-OPT PROX 1SG- GEN will be.3SG.PRES
'But may Bhojpuri promote and prosper, it is my motto.' (03.042)

b. ऊ भोजपुरी के श दकोश भी बनेके चाह कहके काम सु करे के चाहले रहे ।

451
u b̤ ojpuri ke sʌbdʌkos b̤ i bʌneke cɑɦĩ
u b̤ ojpuri ke sʌbdʌkos b̤ i bʌn-e-ke cɑɦ-ĩ
3SG Bhojpuri GEN dictionary also make-PUR-OBL want-OPT
kʌɦke kɑm suru kʌreke cɑɦle rʌɦe
kʌɦ-ke kɑm suru kʌr-e-ke cɑɦ-ʌl-e rʌɦ-e
say-SEQ work begin do-PUR-OBL want-PP-SEQ live-3.PST
'S/he wanted to start works thinking a dictionary of Bhojpuri should be
compiled.' (03.075)
c. अपने के हम थोड़ा सा रोके के चाहतानी ।
ʌpne ke ɦʌm tʰoɽɑ sɑ rokeke cɑɦʌtɑni
ʌpne ke ɦʌm tʰoɽɑ sɑ rok-e-ke cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni
2SG.H GEN 1SG little as stop-PUR-OBL want-IMPF be.PRES.H
'I want you to halt for a while.' (01.051)
Finally, some utterance predicates that have already been pointed out, using
the क /ki/ strategy, especially those concerning "thinking", can equally well be
considered desiderative, as shown in (21).
(21) अ ाव सोचल क जनक के सभागार म एकोगो िव ान नइखन ।
ʌsʈɑbʌkrʌ soclẽ ki jʌnʌk ke sʌb̤ ɑɡɑr mẽ
ʌsʈɑbʌkrʌ soc-ʌl-ẽ ki jʌnʌk ke sʌb̤ ɑɡɑr mẽ
Astavakra think-PP-3.PST.MH comp Janak GEN meeting hall LOC

ekoɡo bidwɑn nʌikʰʌn

ek-o-ɡo bidwɑn nʌikʰ-ʌn
one-EMPH-CLF learned person be.3.NEG.PRES-3PL
'Astabakra thought that there were no intellectuals in King Janak's meeting
hall.' (13.085)
13.1.3 Complement-taking manipulation predicates
a) Permissive predicates
When the verb दे /de/ 'give' is used as complement-taking verb 'let', it occurs in
two different constructions, both with permissive semantics. One is the verbal noun
strategy, also occurring in various other complement clauses, followed by the
postposition के /ke/ 'to', as shown in (22a-b). This is used in the indicative.

(22) a. कउअन के आम ना खाए देवे खाितर ऊ हरदम गुलेती चलावत रहेला ।

452
kʌuʌn ke ɑm nɑ kʰɑe dewe kʰɑtir u
kʌuɑ-ʌn ke ɑm nɑ kʰɑ-e de-e kʰɑtir u
crow-PL ACC mango NEG eat-PUR give-PUR for 3SG
ɦʌrdʌm ɡuleti cʌlɑwʌt rʌɦelɑ
ɦʌrdʌm ɡuleti cʌlɑ-wʌt rʌɦ-elɑ
always catapult target-SIM live-3SG.PRES
'He targets catapult all the time at crows not to let them eat mangoes.' (13.086)
b. का साँझ के के हमनी के अपना घरे रहे दी ?
kɑ sɑ̃ȷ̈ ke keɦu ɦʌmni ke ʌpnɑ
kɑ sɑ̃ȷ̈ ke keɦu ɦʌm-ni ke ʌpnɑ
what evening GEN somebody 1SG-PL DAT GEN

ɡ̈ʌre rʌɦe di
ɡ̈ʌr-e rʌɦ-e de-i
house-LOC live-PUR give.3.FUT
'Will someone let us stay at his/her home in the evening?' (13.087)
The other strategy that involves the particle त /tʌ/ is used in the imperative,
with the literal rendering 'let x (out), and x will do y'. However, the complement
clause in the strategy above is embedded, the complement clause in this construction
is S-like and extraposed. The main verb does not assign case to the
manipulee/complement clause agent in this construction.
(23) ओके जाए त द ।
oke jɑe tʌ dĩ
u-ke jɑ-e tʌ de-ĩ
3SG-DAT go-PUR COND give-IMP.H
'Let him/her go first.' (13.088)
b) Causative predicates
While the most important means of expressing causativity is morphological –
a matter we will return to shortly – manipulation that involves a lower degree of
agentive control (Givón 2001b:45) is often expressed through what is basically
utterance predicates, also using the same strategies. Hereby the manner of causation
or persuation is also made explicit (Noonan 1985:126). The complement clause is
either imperative or hortative, as shown in (24a-c).
(24) a. एक दन मातारी अपना बेटा सब से कहली, ‘बउआ, अब घरही रहला से काम ना चली ।

453
बड़का, तू जो पंजाब कमाए, छोटका रही घरे के कामधंधा देखी ।’
ek din mɑtɑri ʌpnɑ beʈɑ sʌb se kʌɦli
ek din mɑtɑri ʌpnɑ beʈɑ sʌb se kʌɦ-ʌl-i
one day mother SG.GEN son PL DAT say-PP-3.PST.F.MH
bʌuɑ ʌb ɡ̈ʌrɦi rʌɦlɑ se kɑm nɑ
bʌbuɑ ʌb ɡ̈ʌr-ɦi rʌɦ-ʌl-ɑ se kɑm nɑ
boy now house-EMPH live-PP-SEQ caus work NEG

cʌli bʌɽkɑ tu jo pʌnjɑb kʌmɑe

cʌl-i bʌɽ-kɑ tu jɑ-o pʌnjɑb kʌmɑ-e
walk-3SG.FUT elder-SPEC 2SG go-IMP Punjab work-PUR
cʰoʈkɑ rʌɦi ɡ̈ʌre ke kɑmd̤ ʌnd̤ ɑ dekʰi
cʰoʈ-kɑ rʌɦ-i ɡ̈ʌr-e ke kɑm-d̤ ʌnd̤ ɑ dekʰ-i
small-SPEC live-3SG.FUT house-LOC GEN work see-3SG.FUT
'One day the mother said to her sons, "My sons, we can gain nothing living
at home. My elder son, go to Punjab for earning, the younger will look after
the household works."' (10.006)
b. ओतहाँ प च
ँ के गु जी लइकन के अपना लगे बोलइनी ।
otʌɦɑ̃ pʌɦũcke ɡuru-ji lʌikʌn ke ʌpnɑ lʌɡe bolʌini
otʌɦɑ̃ pʌɦũc-ke ɡuru-ji lʌikɑ-n ke ʌpnɑ lʌɡe bolɑ-ini
there reach-SEQ teacher-H child-PL ACC SG.GEN with call-PST.H
'Having reached there, the teacher called the children towards him.' (13.089)
c. नेपाल हरी के खेलाड़ी सश हरी के अपना से मुकाबला के नेवता देलख ।
nepɑl prʌɦʌri ke kʰelɑɽi sʌsʌstrʌ prʌɦʌri ke ʌpnɑ se
nepɑl prʌɦʌri ke kʰelɑɽi sʌsʌstrʌ prʌɦʌri ke ʌpnɑ se
Nepal police GEN player armed police DAT self with
mukɑblɑ ke neotɑ delʌkʰ
mukɑblɑ ke neotɑ de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
competition GEN invitation give-PP-3.PST
'Players of the Nepal Police invited ones from the Armed Police for a
competetion.' (13.090)
However, when the agent control is strong, the preferred strategy is to utilize the
morphological causative construction. This can either be in the form of direct causation,
in essence deriving a transitive verb from an intransitive such as बइठा /bʌiʈʰɑ/ 'make sit

454
down, seat' from बइठ /bʌiʈʰ/ 'sit down', लटका /lʌʈkɑ/ 'hang (something)' from लटक /lʌʈʌk/

'hang (by itself)'; or in the form of indirect causation such as िपआ /piɑ/ 'have (someone)

drink' from िप /pi/ 'drink', कहवा /kʌɦwɑ/ 'have (someone) tell' from कह /kʌɦ/ 'tell' and

मरवा /mʌrwɑ/ 'have (someone) kill' from मार /mɑr/ 'kill', as shown in (25a-d).

(25) a. हमरा के बइठा देहले ऊ िसिडयो साहेब ।

ɦʌmrɑ ke bʌiʈʰɑ deɦlẽ u siɖio sɑɦeb
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ke bʌiʈʰ-ɑ de-ʌl-ẽ u siɖio sɑɦeb
1SG-GEN-SPEC ACC sit-CAUS give-PP-3.PST.MH DIST CDO sir
'The CDO detained me there.' (04.075)
b. राणा लोग िव ोिहअन के फाँसी लटका देत रहे ।
rɑnɑ loɡ bidroɦiʌn ke pʰɑ̃si lʌʈkɑ det
rɑnɑ loɡ bidroɦi-ʌn ke pʰɑ̃si lʌʈʌk-ɑ de-ʌt
Rana PL rebel-PL ACC execution hang-CAUS give-IMPF
rʌɦe
rʌɦ-e
live-3.PST
'Ranas used to hang the rebels.' (13.091)
c. हरी अिभयु से सबकु छ कहवा लेलख ।
prʌɦʌri ʌb̤ iyukt se sʌbkucʰ kʌɦwɑ lelʌkʰ
prʌɦʌri ʌb̤ iyukt se sʌbkucʰ kʌɦ-wɑ le-ʌl-ʌkʰ
police suspect source everything say-CAUS take-PP-3.PST
'The police had the suspect tell everything.' (13.092)
d. तानाशाह िवरोिधअन के मारवा देला ।
tɑnɑsɑɦ birod̤ iʌn ke mɑrwɑ delɑ
tɑnɑsɑɦ birod̤ i-ʌn ke mɑr-wɑ de-lɑ
dictator opponent-PL ACC kill-CAUS give-3SG.PRES
'The dictator gets the opponents killed.' (13.093)
In this form, clause union is complete, and we can also define it as a total
lexical union (Noonan, 1985:75) or co-lexicalization of the "cause" and the "caused
event". This is therefore not, in a strict sense, an instance of complementation.
13.2 Adverbial subordinate clauses
As Thompson and Longacre (1985:200-1) describes, the clauses using

455
participial construction, either in same-subject or in different-subject clause chaining
would certainly qualify as "absolute" adverbial clause, because of their wide scope
and their lack of explicit signals as to the exact semantic relationship between non-
final and final clauses. Their function in the discourse is often inferred from the
context. As already pointed out, it is not always very obvious where to draw the line
between such partially independent chained clauses and clauses that to a larger extent
are interpretable as adverbial and dependent vis-à-vis one particular main clause.
As mentioned in Chitoniya Tharu (2013:362), Maithili (Yadav 2014:107),
Hindi (Koul 2008:198) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:384), a number of different
construction types are available in Bhojpuri for clauses functioning adverbially as
observed in Shukla (1981:203-6), Tripathy (1987:165-6), Shrivastava (1999:115-6),
Sharma and Ashk (2007:77), Thakur (2011:140-3) and Singh (2013:164-5). Among
them, Shukla and Tripathy are structural and Thakur is funtional-typological while
others are traditional. In my observation, some of the adverbial subordinate clauses
appear in a more general application, and others more restricted to certain
subfunction, examined as follows:
13.2.1 Temporal adverbial clauses
Givón (2001b:330) notes a large number of grammaticalized connectives to
specify the temporal relation of an adverbial clause to its main clause. Some of the
most common ones are as follows:
a) Precedence
In the temporal clauses mentioned so far, there is either an implied
simultaneity or a sequence of events where the subordinate (or cosubordinate) जब
/jʌb/ 'when'-clause refers to an event taking place before the event named main clause.
On the other hand, according to Givón (2001b:327), the event in the पिहले /pʌɦile/
'before'-clause has not yet been realised in so-called precedence clauses in relation to
the event mentioned in the main clause (Thompson & Longacre, 1985:182). In
Bhojpuri, precedence is denoted by से पिहले /se pʌɦile/ 'before' as shown in (26a-c).

(26) a. भीतर जाए से पिहले जूता-च पल िनकाल द ।

b̤ itʌr jɑe se pʌɦile jutɑ-cʌppʌl nikɑl dĩ
b̤ itʌr jɑ-e se pʌɦil-e jutɑ-cʌppʌl nikɑl de-ĩ
inside go-PUR ABL first-DET shoes & sandals extract give-IMP.H
'Please take your shoes and sendals off befoure stepping in.' (13.057)

456
b. कु छ करे से पिहले सोच , पाछे ना ।
kucʰ kʌre se pʌɦile socĩ pɑcʰe nɑ
kucʰ kʌr-e se pʌɦil-e soc-ĩ pɑcʰe nɑ
something do-PUR ABL first-DET think-IMP.H lately NEG

'Look before you do something, not later.' (13.058)

c. तोहरा कहला से पिहलही हम जानत रहनी ।
toɦrɑ kʌɦlɑ se pʌɦilʌɦi ɦʌm jɑnʌt
toɦ-ʌr-ɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-ɑ se pʌɦil-ɦi ɦʌm jɑn-ʌt
2SG-GEN-SPEC say-PP-SEQ ABL first-EMPH 1SG know-SIM
rʌɦni
rʌɦ-ni
live-PST.H
'I had already known it before you said.' (13.059)
b) Subsequence
Several dependent clauses with an obvious temporal reading are in fact not
much different from the sequential chaining discussed in preceding section. But when
it is a matter of subsequence, and the subject remains the same, the participial
construction is used, as shown in (27a-b).
(27) a. जब हमनी एक-दोसरा के इयाद कइनी त फे र आ गइनी ।
jʌb ɦʌmni ek-dosʌrɑ ke iyɑd kʌini tʌ
jʌb ɦʌm-ni ek-dosʌr-ɑ ke iyɑd kʌr-ini tʌ
when 1SG-PL one another-SPEC DAT memory do-PST.H COND

pʰer ɑ ɡʌini
pʰer ɑ jɑ-ini
again come go-PST.H
'When we remembered each other, we came to be together.' (03.030)
b. जब हमनी के हड़बड़ी रही, ओह समय म कहेम, ‘समय तू धीरे -धीरे चल ।’
jʌb ɦʌmni ke ɦʌɽbʌɽi rʌɦi oɦ sʌmɛ mẽ
jʌb ɦʌm-ni ke ɦʌɽbʌɽi rʌɦ-i oɦ sʌmɛ mẽ
when 1SG-PL GEN haste live-3.SG.FUT DIST time LOC

kʌɦem sʌmɛ tu d̤ ire d̤ ire cʌl

457
kʌɦ-em sʌmɛ tu d̤ ire d̤ ire cʌl
say-FUT time 2SG slowly slowly walk.IMP
'When we are in haste, we utter, 'O Time, walk slowly.'' (03.388)
As was the case in clause chaining, the corresponding construction when the
subject in the dependent clause is different from the subject in the main clause is a
finite clause, as shown in (28a-c).
(28) a. हम जब पि का लेके गइनी त िसिडयो हमरा पर बड़ा बोलल, बड़ा िखिसअइल ।
ɦʌm jʌb pʌtrikɑ leke ɡʌini tʌ siɖio
ɦʌm jʌb pʌtrikɑ le-ke jɑ-ini tʌ siɖio
1SG when newspaper bring-SEQ go-PST.H COND CDO
ɦʌmrɑ pʌr bʌɽɑ bollẽ bʌɽɑ
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ pʌr bʌɽ-ɑ bol-ʌl-ẽ bʌɽ-ɑ
1SG-GEN-SPEC LOC much-SPEC speak-PP-3.PST.MH much-SPEC
kʰisiʌilẽ
kʰis-iɑ-il-ẽ
anger-CAUS-PP-3.PST.MH
'When I went to him carrying the magazine, the CDO lost his temper on
me.' (04.068)
b. आिखर जब घरे प च
ँ ली त धोकरी म लइका त रहले ना रहे ।
ɑkʰir jʌb ɡ̈ʌre pʌɦũcli tʌ d̤ okʌri mẽ
ɑkʰir jʌb ɡ̈ʌr-e pʌɦũc-ʌl-i tʌ d̤ okʌri mẽ
lastly when house-LOC reach-PP-3.PST.F.MH COND bag LOC

lʌikɑ tʌ rʌɦle nɑ rʌɦe

lʌikɑ tʌ rʌɦ-ʌl-e nɑ rʌɦ-e
boy COND live-INF-EMPH NEG live-3SG.PST
'When she reached home, the boy was not found in the bundle.' (05.030)
c. बु ढ़आ जब नहा-धोआके अइली, तब ओकरा आगु मास-भात परोसके लइका अपने

छाऩी पर चढ़ गइल ।
buɽ̊iɑ jʌb nʌɦɑ d̤ oɑke ʌili tʌb
buɽ̊iɑ jʌb nʌɦɑ d̤ o-ɑ-ke ɑ-il-i tʌb
old woman when bathe wash-PASS-SEQ come-PP-3.PST.F.MH then
okrɑ ɑɡu mɑsb̤ ɑt pʌroske lʌikɑ ʌpne

458
u-ʌr-ɑ ɑɡu mɑs-b̤ ɑt pʌros-ke lʌikɑ ʌpne
3SG-GEN-SPEC front meat & rice serve-SEQ boy self
cʰɑn̥ i pʌr cʌɽ̊ ɡʌil
cʰɑn̥ i pʌr cʌɽ̊ jɑ-il
thatched roof LOC climb go-3SG.PST
'When the old woman returned after bathing, the boy himself climbed on
the thatched roof after serving meat and rice before her.' (05.054)
While the subsequential reading is contextually implicit rather than explicit in
the examples given so far, a separate temporal conjunction जब /jʌb/ or जब क /jʌb ki/

'when' can also be added to त /tʌ-/ construction to make this reading obvious, and also
distinguish it more clearly from simple clause chaining, as shown in (29a-b).
(29) a. जब बु ढ़आ खाए लगली त लइका कहे लागल, ‘लोलो रे लोलो, अपने बे टया के मास-

भात खइले रे लोलो !’

jʌb buɽ̊iɑ kʰɑe lʌɡli tʌ lʌikɑ
jʌb buɽ̊iɑ kʰɑ-e lɑɡ-ʌl-i tʌ lʌikɑ
when old woman eat-SIM continue-PP-3.PST.F.MH COMP boy
kʌɦe lɑɡʌl lolo re lolo ʌpne beʈiɑ
kʌɦ-e lɑɡ-ʌl lolo re lolo ʌpne beʈ-i-ɑ
say-SIM continue-3SG.PST hush VOC hush self issue-F-SPEC
ke mɑsb̤ ɑt kʰʌile re lolo
ke mɑs-b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-il-e re lolo
GEN meat & rice eat-PP-2SG.PST VOC hush
'When the old woman started eating, the boy began to say, 'Hush! Eat with
pleasure, it's your own daughter's meat and rice.' (05.055)
b. द यराज बिल जब सयगो य पूरा करके वग के राज िछने के य न कइलन तब इं आ द

देवता सब भगवान िव णु से जाके ाथना करे लगलन ।

dɛt̃ yʌrɑj bʌli jʌb sɛɡo yʌɡyʌ purɑ kʌrke
dɛt̃ yʌrɑj bʌli jʌb sɛ-ɡo yʌɡyʌ purɑ kʌr-ke
demon king Bali when hundred-CLF oblation complete do-SEQ
swʌrɡ ke rɑj cʰine ke prʌyʌtnʌ kʌilʌn
swʌrɡ ke rɑj cʰin-e ke prʌyʌtnʌ kʌr-il-ʌn
heaven GEN kingdom seize-PUR GEN effort do-PP-3.PST.MH

459
tʌb indrʌ ɑdi deotɑ sʌb b̤ ʌɡwɑn bisnu se jɑke
tʌb indrʌ ɑdi deotɑ sʌb b̤ ʌɡwɑn bisnu se jɑ-ke
then Indra etc god PL Lord Vishnu DAT go-SEQ
prɑrtʰnɑ kʌre lʌɡlʌn
prɑrtʰnɑ kʌr-e lɑɡ-ʌl-ʌn
prayer do-SIM continue-PP-3.PST.MH
'When the demon king Bali completed hundred oblations (yagyas) and
made efforts to confiscate heaven, Indra and his all ally gods went to Lord
Vishnu and commenced His prayers.' (07.038)
Such construction seems like a relative clause, like a number of similar temporal
adverbial constructions in the world's languages (Thompson & Longacre, 1985:180-1),
as shown in (30a-b).
(30) a. जब बइठक के दन होखे त लोग कथा-पतुतर कहे ।
jʌb bʌiʈʰki ke din ɦokʰe tʌ loɡ kʌtʰɑ pʌtutʌr
jʌb bʌiʈʰki ke din ɦokʰ-e tʌ loɡ kʌtʰɑ pʌtutʌr
when leisure GEN day be-3.PST COND people story dialogue
kʌɦe
kʌɦ-e
say-3.PST.M
'When it was leisure-time, people used to tell stories and folk-tales.' (03.251)
b. अपने जब ई बात कह रहल बानी त हमरा इयाद आवता ।
ʌpne jʌb i bɑt kʌɦ rʌɦʌl bɑni tʌ
ʌpne jʌb i bɑt kʌɦ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑni tʌ
2SG.H when PROX matter say live-INF be.PRES.H COND

ɦʌmrɑ iɑd ɑwʌtɑ

ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ iɑd ɑ-wʌt bɑ
1SG-GEN-DAT memory come-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'While you are revealing this, I am remembering.' (03.205)
Perfective participle clauses with an adverb such as बाद /bɑd/, पर /pʌr/ 'after'
are also used in temporal subsquence, as shown in (31a-b).
(31) a. बटैया हक के कानूनी करार देला के बाद कसान लोग म एगो उ साह आइल रहे ।
bʌʈʌiɑ ɦʌk ke kɑnuni kʌrɑr delɑ ke bɑd

460
bʌʈʌiɑ ɦʌk ke kɑnuni kʌrɑr de-ʌl-ɑ ke bɑd
tenential right GEN legal declaration give-PP-SEQ GEN later
kisɑn loɡ mẽ eɡo utsɑɦ ɑil rʌɦe
kisɑn loɡ mẽ ek-ɡo utsɑɦ ɑ-il rʌɦ-e
peasant PL LOC one-CLF enthusiasm come-PP live-3SG.PST
'Following declaration of legal tenantial rights, enthusiasm was observed
among peasants.' (02.039)
b. शा ीय संगीत तान पर प च
ँ ला पर िनमन लागेला ।
sɑstrie sʌŋɡit tɑn pʌr pʌɦũclɑ pʌr nimʌn
sɑstrʌ-ie sʌŋɡit tɑn pʌr pʌɦũc-ʌl-ɑ pʌr nimʌn
classics-ADJ music pitch LOC reach-PP-SEQ LOC good
lɑɡelɑ
lɑɡ-elɑ
feel-3SG.PRES
'Classical music gets attraction when it reaches on its high pitch.' (09.007)
c) Subsequence cum instrument
The temporal subsequence reading of converbal construction shades off into
expressing instrument or supplying the main verb with a manner specification and is
especially relevant for participials formed from transitive verbs of motion, such as ले

/le/ 'take', दे /de/ 'give', िनकाल /nikɑl/ 'take out', पकड़ /pʌkʌɽ/ 'catch/grab', फक /pʰẽk/
'throw'; as shown in (32a-e):
(32) a. ... ओह ह सा के साथ म लेके चलेके पड़ी ।
oɦ ɦĩssɑ ke sʌtʰ mẽ leke cʌleke pʌɽi
oɦ ɦĩssɑ ke sʌd mẽ le-ke cʌl-e-ke pʌɽ-i
DIST share ACC true LOC bring-SEQ walk-PUR-OBL fall-3SG.FUT
'... we should go ahead with such portions.' (03.345)
b. ... एगो आदमी के देह पर से पाँच हजार रोपेया देके उतरवाके िमलल ह ई कु िछयो

कु िछयो ।
eɡo ɑdmi ke deɦ pʌr se pɑ̃c ɦʌjɑr ropeɑ
ek-ɡo ɑdmi ke deɦ pʌr se pɑ̃c ɦʌjɑr ropeɑ
one-CLF man GEN body LOC ABL five thousand rupee
deke utʌrwɑke milʌl ɦʌ i

461
de-ke utɑr-wɑ-ke mil-ʌl ɦʌ i
give-SEQ take off-CAUS-SEQ find-PP be.3SG.PRES this
kucʰio kucʰio
kucʰ-io kucʰ-io
something-EMPH something-EMPH
'… this something was obtained in five thousand rupees making a man
putting this dress off his body.' (10.103)
c. ... बोरा के बोरा खाद नेपाल सरकार िवदेश से लेआके लोग के देत रहे ।
borɑ ke borɑ kʰɑd nepɑl sʌrkɑr bides
borɑ ke borɑ kʰɑd nepɑl sʌrkɑr bides
sack GEN sack fertilizer Nepal government foreign country
se leɑke loɡ ke det rʌɦe
se le-ɑ-ke log ke de -ʌt rʌɦ-e
ABL take-CAUS-SEQ people DAT give-SIM live-3.PST
'… Government of Nepal used to distribute sacks of chemical ferlilizer
among people importing from foreign countries.' (02.066)
d. बड़कु कमाइल ढेउवा म से दस हजार रोपेया देत कहलख्, ...
bʌɽku kʌmɑil ɖ̈euɑ mẽ se dʌs ɦʌjɑr
bʌɽ-ku kʌmɑ-il ɖ̈euɑ mẽ se dʌs ɦʌjɑr
elder-CLF earn-PP penny LOC source ten thousand
ropeɑ det kʌɦlʌkʰ
ropeɑ de-ʌt kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
rupee give-SIM say-PP-3.PST
'The elder gave ten thousand rupees from his earning and said, ...' (10.045)
e. ... भरमुठी कसके पकड़ले बा लोग ... ।
b̤ ʌrmuʈʰi kʌske pʌkʌɽle bɑ loɡ
b̤ ʌr-muʈʰi kʌs-ke pʌkʌɽ-ʌl-e bɑ loɡ
full-fist tighten-SEQ grab-INF-SIM be.3SG.PRES people
'... they have caught it tightening their fist …' (07.101)
d) Simultaneity
Simultaneity involves two overlapping events and includes what Givón
(2001b:330) refers to as 'point coincidence'. Like Chantyal (Noonan 1999), Bhujel
(Regmi 2007) and Maithili (Yadava 2005), Bhojpuri also employs simultaneous

462
participials to express an activity that is simultaneous or temporally overlapping
with another activity expressed by the matrix predicate (Lohar 2012:218).
According to Thompson and Longacre (1985:188-9), the backgrounded event is
usually expressed with a verbal noun. Sometimes Bhojpuri also presents this form
functionally. If the subject in the foregrounded and backgrounded events is the same,
the verbal noun occurs alone as shown in (33a), or with a postposition म /mẽ/ 'in', सङे

/sʌŋe/ 'with' or बेरा /berɑ/ 'while' and the simultaneity is expressed by suffix ओ /-o/,

-अत /-ʌt/ or -वत /-wʌt/ with the verbal root as presented in (33b-e).

(33) a. पु वास आपन बिहन के देहल वचन के स मान करत िसकं दर के जीवन दान दे देल ।
puruwɑs ɑpʌn bʌɦin ke deɦʌl bʌcʌn ke sʌmmɑn
puruwɑs ɑpʌn bʌɦin ke de-ʌl bʌcʌn ke sʌmmɑn
Puruwas GEN sister GEN give-PP pledge GEN honour
kʌrʌt sikʌndʌr ke jiwʌn dɑn de delẽ
kʌr-ʌt sikʌndʌr ke jiwʌn dɑn de de-ʌl-ẽ
do-SIM Alexander GEN life donation give give-PP.3.PST.MH
'Puruwas left Alexander alive abiding by the pledge he had offered to his
sister.' (07.066)
b. हम रे िडयो सुनत िहसाब बनावेनी ।
ɦʌm reɖio sunʌt ɦisɑb bʌnɑweni
ɦʌm reɖio sun-ʌt ɦisɑb bʌnɑ-weni
1SG Radio listen -SIM mathematics make-PRES.H
'I do Mathematics while listening to Radio.' (13.048)
c. अपने डेली िबनाई सङे गीतो गावेनी ।
ʌpne ɖeli binɑi sʌŋe ɡito ɡɑweni
ʌpne ɖeli bin-ɑi sʌŋ-e ɡit-o ɡɑ-weni
2SG.H grass-container knit-NML with-DEF song-EMPH sing-PRES.H
'Even you sing a song while knitting grass-container.' (13.049)
d. होरी खेलत म झोरी भुला गइल ।
ɦori kʰelʌt mẽ ȷ̈ ori b̤ ulɑ ɡʌil
ɦori kʰel-ʌt mẽ ȷ̈ ori b̤ ul-ɑ jɑ-il
holi play-SIM LOC purse forget-PASS go-3SG.PST
'My bag was lost while playing Holi, the festival of colour.' (13.050)

463
e. ऊ खात बेरा पानी ना िपए ।
u kʰɑt berɑ pɑni nɑ pie
u kʰɑ-ʌt berɑ pɑni nɑ pi-e
3SG eat-SIM time water NEG drink-PRES
'He dosn't drink water while eating.' (13.051)
But if there is a subject shift between the foregrounded and the backgrounded
events, Bhojpuri participials show simultaneity by emphatic suffix or clitic -ए /-e/. But

sometimes this emphasis is shown by either duplicating the converb or by adding मातर
/mɑtʌr/ 'immediately as' as an adverb after the participial, as shown in (34a-c).
(34) a. बैलगड़ी जङल म प च
ँ ते मातर बाघ मुँह बावत झपटल ।
bɛlɡʌɽi jʌŋʌl mẽ pʌɦũcte mɑtʌr bɑɡ̈ mũɦ
bɛlɡʌɽi jʌŋʌl mẽ pʌɦũc-ʌt-e mɑtʌr bɑɡ̈ mũɦ
bullock-cart jungle LOC reach-SIM-EMPH just tiger mouth
bɑwʌt ȷ̈ ʌpʈʌl
bɑ-wʌt ȷ̈ ʌpʌʈ-ʌl
open-SIM pounce-3SG.PST
'The tiger pounced opening its mouth immediately as the bullock-cart
entered into jungle.' (13.052)
b. हमरा िगरते मातर बाबुजी दउरत अइनी ।
ɦʌmrɑ ɡirte mɑtʌr bɑbuji dʌurʌt ʌini
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ɡir-ʌt-e mɑtʌr bɑbu-ji dʌur-ʌt ɑ-ini
1SG-GEN-SPEC fall-SIM-EMPH just father-H run-SIM come-PST.H
'Immediately as I fell down, father came running.' (13.053)
c. जाना के खेत म प च
ँ ते प च
ँ ते हम पनिपआई लेके गइनी ।
jɑnɑ ke kʰet mẽ pʌɦũcte pʌɦũcte ɦʌm
jɑnɑ ke kʰet mẽ pʌɦũc-ʌt-e pʌɦũc-ʌt-e ɦʌm
labourer GEN farm LOC reach-SIM-EMPH reach-SIM-EMPH 1SG
pʌnpiɑi leke ɡʌini
pʌnpiɑi le-ke jɑ-ini
refreshment take-SEQ go-PST.H
'Just the labourers reached in the farm, I went there with refreshment.' (13.054)

464
There is a parallel strategy to use an agentive verbal noun and हो /ɦo/ or रह
/rʌɦ/ 'become' meant 'to be an onlookers or goers', etc. But with these constructions, it
is not always clear which event is backgrounded and which one is foregrounded, as
shown in (35a-b).
(35) a. जब ऊ दा िपअत घरे गइल, ओकर बेटा देखिनहार रहे ।
jʌb u dɑru piʌt ɡ̈ʌre ɡʌil okʌr beʈɑ
jʌb u dɑru pi-ʌt ɡ̈ʌr-e jɑ-il u-ʌr beʈɑ
when 3SG wine drink-SIM house-LOC go-3SG.PST 3SG-GEN son
dekʰniɦɑr rʌɦe
dekʰ-niɦɑr rʌɦ-e
see-doer live-3.PST
'When he came home drinking wine, his son was the witness.' (13.055)
b. जब लोग लौटिनहार भइल, त मेघ बरसे लागल ।
jʌb loɡ lɔʈniɦɑr b̤ ʌil tʌ meɡ̈
jʌb loɡ lɔʈ-niɦɑr b̤ ʌ-il tʌ meɡ̈
when people return-doer become-3.PST cond rain
bʌrse lɑɡʌl
bʌrʌs-e lɑɡ-ʌl
rain-SIM continue-3SG.PST
'When the people got ready to return, It started raining.' (13.056)
e) Point coincidence
The point coincidence adverbial clause encodes the semantics that two
events/states occur almost at the same time; however, there is a narrow interval
between them. Givόn (2001b:330) exemplifies point coincidence with an English
example 'when he opened the door, she shot him.' In Bhojpuri, this situation is
encoded as the temporal complementizer क /ki/ and जब /jʌb/ 'when'-clause as initial
one, as shown in (36a-b):
(36) a. ... जब लइका नीचा लभल क बु ढ़आ ओके पकड़के धोकरी म कस लेली ... ।
jʌb lʌikɑ nicɑ lʌb̤ ʌl ki buɽ̊iɑ oke
jʌb lʌikɑ nicɑ lʌb̤ -ʌl ki buɽ̊-i-ɑ u-e
when boy down bow-3SG.PST COMP old-F-DET 3SG-ACC
pʌkʌɽke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs leli

465
pʌkʌɽ-ke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs le-ʌl-i
catch-SEQ bag LOC place and tighten take-PP-3.PST.F
'…when the boy bowed down, the old woman pulled him down and
tightened him in the bag…' (05.039)
b. जब हम बजार जात रहनी, एगो िभखमाङा िमलल ।
jʌb ɦʌm bʌjɑr jɑt rʌɦni eɡo b̤ ikʰmɑŋɑ
jʌb ɦʌm bʌjɑr jɑ-ʌt rʌɦ-ni ek-ɡo b̤ ikʰmɑŋɑ
when 1.SG market go-IMPF live-PST.H one-CLF beggar
milʌl
mil-ʌl
meet-3SG.PST
'While I was going to market, I met a beggar.'
f) Accompnaying circumstance
The participials can also express an accompanying circumstance, or a means
specification with reference to the same subject and the same event, as shown in (37a-c):
(37) a. ... रा ता पर कु िछयो, कु िछयो कनके खात जइहे ।
rɑstɑ pʌr kucʰio kucʰio kinke kʰɑt
rɑstɑ pʌr kucʰ-io kucʰ-io kin-ke kʰɑ-ʌt
way LOC something-EMPH something-EMPH buy-SEQ eat-SIM
jʌiɦe
jɑ-iɦe
go-IMP
'… having bought some thing, you will go eating it.' (10.045)
b. ओही म समय िनकालके कु छ िलखता ।
oɦi mẽ sʌmɛ nikɑlke kucʰ
o-ɦi mẽ sʌmɛ nikɑl-ke kucʰ
DIST-EMPH LOC time extract-SEQ something
likʰʌtɑ
likʰ-ʌt bɑ
write-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
'They are writing something getting leisure from the that.' (04.268)
c. ... िवदेश जाके कु छ कमाके ले आ ... ।

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bides jɑke kucʰ kʌmɑke le ɑĩ
bides jɑ-ke kucʰ kʌmɑ-ke le ɑ-ĩ
foreign country go-SEQ something earn-SEQ bring come-OPT.H
'... having gone to foreign countries, I should earn and bring back at home.' (02.011)
Moreover, an accompanying circumstance, or further specification of the
action carried out by the subject, is sometimes, expressed with the more restricted co-
predicative participle, as shown in (38a-c).
(38) a. ऊ एह छोटकु के क रया काठी पेऩल देखते समझ गइल, ... ।
u eɦ cʰoʈku ke kiriɑ kɑʈʰi pen̥ ʌl
u eɦ cʰoʈ-ku ke kiriɑ kɑʈʰi pen̥ -ʌl
3SG PROX small-DET ACC death ritual cloth wear-PP
dekʰte sʌmʌȷ̈ ɡʌil
dekʰ-ʌt-e sʌmʌȷ̈ jɑ-il
see-SIM-EMPH understand go-3SG.PST
'When he found him in funeral dress, he understood, …' (10.067)
b. बेटी मोटड़ी खोलते खुस हो गइल ।
beʈi moʈʌɽi kʰolte kʰus ɦo ɡʌil
beʈi moʈʌɽi kʰol-ʌt-e kʰus ɦo jɑ-il
daughter bundle open-SIM-EMPH happy be go-3SG.PST
'The daughter became happy when she opened the bundle.' (05.044)
c. एतना कहते ऊ दउरत गइल अपना ममहर आ मामा के बोलवले चल आइल ।
etnɑ kʌɦte u dʌurʌt ɡʌil ʌpnɑ
etnɑ kʌɦ-ʌt-e u dʌur-ʌt jɑ-il ʌpnɑ
this much say-SEQ-EMPH 3SG run-SIM go-3SG.PST GEN

mʌmɦʌr ɑ mɑmɑ ke bolɔle cʌl ɑil

mʌmɦʌr ɑ mɑmɑ ke bolɑ-wʌl-e cʌl ɑ-il
maternal home and uncle ACC call-INF-SIM walk come-3SG.PST
'Saying this, he ran away to his maternal home and came callling his uncle
with him.' (10.075)
g) Terminal boundary
Terminal boundary in temporal adverbial clauses functions as termination of
an action continuing from the past. In Bhojpuri it is expressed with particles जौले

467
/jɔle/ or जब ले /jʌb le/ or जब तक /jʌb tʌk/ 'till/until' or simply with जब /jʌb/ 'when', as
shown in (39a-b):
(39) a. जौले गु जी लास ना छोड़नी, िव ाथ लोग िहसाब बनावत रहल ।
jɔle ɡuruji klɑs nɑ cʰoɽni bidyɑrtʰi loɡ ɦisɑb
jɔle ɡuru-ji klɑs nɑ cʰoɽ-ni bidyɑrtʰi loɡ ɦisɑb
until teacher-H CLF NEG leave-PST.H student PL mathematics
bʌnɑwʌt rʌɦʌl
bʌnɑ-wʌt rʌɦ-ʌl
make-SIM live-3.PST
‘Till the teacher left the class, the students continued doing mathematics.’ (13.239)
b. जब रङल सुध जाई, हमे किहह ।
jʌb rʌŋʌl sudʰ jɑi ɦʌme kʌɦiɦʌ
jʌb rʌŋ-ʌl sudʰ jɑ-i ɦʌm-e kʌɦ-iɦʌ
when colour-PP finish go-3SG.FUT 1SG-DAT say-IMP.MH
‘When the painting is finished, tell me.’ (13.240)
h) Initial boundary
Initial boundary in temporal adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri is expressed with
particles जब से /jʌb se/ or जिहआ से /jʌɦiɑ se/ 'from when' or simply with a starting
point of an action or state, as shown in (40a-b):
(40) a. हम जब से अइनी, तू मह टआवते बाड़ऽ ।
ɦʌm jʌb se ʌini tu mʌɦʈiɑwʌte bɑɽʌ
ɦʌm jʌb se ɑ-ini tu mʌɦʈiɑ-wʌt-e bɑɽʌ
1SG when ABL come-PST.H 2SG ignore-SIM-EMPH be.2.PRES.MH
‘From the moment I came, you are ignoring me.’ (13.232)
b. जब कु छ िसखल शु करऽ, लागले रहऽ ।
jʌb kucʰ sikʰʌl suru kʌrʌ lɑɡle
jʌb kucʰ sikʰ-ʌl suru kʌr-ʌ lɑɡ-ʌl-e
when something learn-INF begin do-IMP.MH continue-INF-EMPH
rʌɦʌ
rʌɦ-ʌ
live-IMP.MH
‘When you start learning, just keep going.’ (13.233)

468
i) Intermediacy
Intermediacy in the temporal adverbial clauses denotes an action or state
between the other two functions or states, as shown in (41a-b):
(41) a. िचतवा के गाँव म आवे से लेके जाए तक ले के रात म चैन से ना सुतल ।
citwɑ ke ɡɑ̃o mẽ ɑwe se leke jɑe tʌk
citwɑ ke ɡɑ̃o mẽ ɑ-we se le-ke jɑ-e tʌk
leopard GEN village LOC come-SEQ source till-SEQ go-SEQ till
le keɦu rɑt mẽ cɛn se nɑ sutʌl
le keɦu rɑt mẽ cɛn se nɑ sut-ʌl
till anybody night LOC peace with NEG sleep-3SG.PST
'Between entrance of the leopard in the village and its fleeing away, nobody
slept peacefully at night.' (13.234)
b. जब मङ आपन काम ओरा लेवे आ ढ ढ़ाई अिभन शु ओ ना कइले रहे, ओही बेरा

मािलक के देखे आवेके चाह ।

jʌb mʌŋru ɑpʌn kɑm orɑ lewe ɑ ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ʌb̤ in
jʌb mʌŋru ɑpʌn kɑm orɑ le-e ɑ ɖ̈õɽ̊ɑi ʌb
when Mangru GEN work empty take-SEQ and Dhondhai now
suruo nɑ kʌile rʌɦe oɦi berɑ mɑlik ke
suru-o nɑ kʌr-ile rʌɦ-e o-ɦi berɑ mɑlik ke
start-EMPH NEG do-SEQ live-SEQ DIST-EMPH time master GEN

dekʰe ɑweke cɑɦĩ

dekʰ-e ɑ-we-ke cɑɦ-ĩ
see-PUR come-PUR-OBL want-OPT
'When Mangru has accomplished and Dhondhai has not yet started, that's
when master should come to inspect.' (13.235)
13.2.2 Conditional adverbial clauses
As many languages have the case (Thompson and Longacre 1985:193), Bhojpuri
also has no absolute distinction between temporality and conditionality. Although there
are some distinct morphological or complemental markings available to signal
conditionality, there might be some overlap in coding between clauses with an implied
temporality, or to some extent causality, vis-à-vis clauses with conditional semantics.
Givón (2001b:330) classifies conditional adverbial clauses as irrealis and counter-fact.
As observed in its close neighbours Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:371), Maithili

469
(Yadav 1996:369), Hindi (Koul 2008:256) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:372), Bhojpuri
has the conditional adverbial clauses as also displayed in Tiwari (1960:175 and
1984:512), Nirbhik (1975:94), Sharma and Ashk (2007:41), Thakur (2011:105) and
Singh (2013:97). In this study they are discussed as follows:
a) Irrealis conditionals
Irrealis conditional clauses do not have truth values, so, they fall under the
scope of non-fact modality. Besides, their truth value relies upon the truth value of
their associated main clause that itself is also under irrealis scope and thus has no
truth value either.
Typically, irrealis conditionals have an implied futurity, with the main clause
itself marked by either future, modal or some other irrealis operator (Givón,
2001b:331). In Bhojpuri, the main clause and the irrealis conditional are both in
future. Generally the irrealis conditionals start from अगर /ʌɡʌr/ or य द /yʌdi/ or ज द

/jʌdi/ 'if' as well as from जब /jʌb/ 'when', as shown in (42a-c):

(42) a. अगर एकर उ टा के करता त ओकरा के िपटे म कवनो हरज नइखे ।

ʌɡʌr ekʌr ulʈɑ keɦu kʌrʌtɑ tʌ
ʌɡʌr e-ʌr ulʈɑ keɦu kʌr-ʌt bɑ tʌ
if PROX-GEN reverse anyone do-.IMPF be.3SG.PRES COND

okʌrɑ ke piʈe mẽ kɔno ɦʌrʌj nʌikʰe

u-ʌr-ɑ ke piʈ-e mẽ kɔno ɦʌrʌj nʌikʰ-e
3SG-GEN-SPEC ACC beat-SIM LOC any objection be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'If someone is doing reverse of it, there is no objection to beat him/her.' (03.196)
b. जब कसान के घर से िनकल जाई त ओकर भाव दोबर हो जाई ।
jʌb kisɑn ke ɡ̈ʌr se nikʌl jɑi tʌ
jʌb kisɑn ke ɡ̈ʌr se nikʌl jɑ-i tʌ
when farmer GEN house source come out go-3SG.FUT COND

okʌr b̤ ɑo dobʌr ɦo jɑi

u-ʌr b̤ ɑo dobʌr ɦo jɑ-i
3SG-GEN rate double be go-3SG.FUT
'When it is out of the farmers' houses, its rate will again be doubled.' (02.123)
c. जब तू सामान देबऽ, तब हम भु ानी देहम
े ।
jʌb tu sɑmɑn debʌ tʌb ɦʌm bʰuktɑni deɦem

470
jʌb tu sɑmɑn de-bʌ tʌb ɦʌm bʰuktɑni de-em
when 2SG material give-IMP.MH then 1SG payment give-FUT.H
'When you give me the commodity, I will pay.' (13.236)
b) Counter-fact ('hypothetical') conditionals
As Thompson & Longacre (1985:195) classifies, hypothetical conditionals
belong mainly to imaginary type. They describe a condition that is probable or
possible, although to a certain extent imagined. Most conditionals that refer to the
future are also coded this way.
But Givón (2001b:332) classifies counter-fact conditionals to fall under the
firmer, negative epistemic scope of non-fact unlike the irrealis conditionals whose
truth value is pending. It involves propositions that could, would or should have been
true – if other propositions were also true, as shown in (43a-c):
(43) a. कृ िष अथ- व था के जब तक सुधार ना होई तब तक देश के भी सुधार ना होई ।
krisi ʌrtʰ-bewʌstʰɑ ke jʌb tʌk sud̤ ɑr nɑ ɦoi
krisi ʌrtʰ-bewʌstʰɑ ke jʌb tʌk sud̤ ɑr nɑ ɦo-i
agro-economy GEN when till improvement NEG be-3SG.FUT
tʌb tʌk des ke b̤ i sud̤ ɑr nɑ ɦoi
tʌb tʌk des ke b̤ i sud̤ ɑr nɑ ɦo-i
then till country GEN also improvement NEG be-3SG.FUT
'Unless the agro-economy is improved, improvement can't be seen in the
country.' (02.003)
b. एक टु कड़ा जमीन अगर रिहत त हम ओ म ... कु छ उबजाके खइती ... ।
ek ʈukɽɑ jʌmin ʌɡʌr rʌɦit tʌ ɦʌm o mẽ
ek ʈukɽɑ jʌmin ʌɡʌr rʌɦ-it tʌ ɦʌm o mẽ
one piece land if live-3.IPST COND 1SG DIST LOC

kucʰ ubjɑke kʰʌiti

kucʰ ubjɑ-ke kʰɑ-iti
something grow-SEQ eat-IPST.H
'… if I had a piece of land, I would have lived on growing something on it ...' (02.032)
c. लइका खाइत त ब रआर रिहत ।
lʌikɑ kʰɑit tʌ bʌriɑr rʌɦit
lʌikɑ kʰɑ-it tʌ bʌriɑr rʌɦ-it
boy eat-3.IPST COND strong live-3.IPST

471
'If the boy had taken meal, he would have been strong.'
c) Conditionals with intermediate truth value
As noted by Thompson and Longacre (1985:190-1), as well as by Givón
(2001b:333-4), in addition to the two extreme modal points on the semantic
dimension of conditionals – irrealis ('possibly true') and counter-fact ('not true') –
Bhojpuri has a third gradation, most particularly of events/states that are are judged to
be unlikely but not altogether impossible.
Under this heading, conditionals partly match what Thompson & Longacre
(1985:190-1) refers to as reality conditionals whereas Givón (2001b:334) refers to as
low-probability conditionals, generally marked with past-time reference किहओ /kʌɦio/

'whenever' along with जब /jʌb/ 'if'-clause and तब /tʌb/ 'then'-clause or अगर /ʌɡʌr/ or

य द /yʌdi/ 'if'-clause and त /tʌ/ 'then'-clause occur with the conditionality in

counterfactual expressions, as shown in (44a-c).
(44) a. किहओ कमाए जाए त ऊ बिनहारी जौले ओरावे ना तौले फे र कमाए ना जाए ।
kʌɦio kʌmɑe jɑe tʌ u bʌniɦɑri jɔle
kʌɦio kʌmɑ-e jɑ-e tʌ u bʌniɦɑri jɔle
some day work-PUR go-3.PST COND 3SG wages until
orɑwe nɑ tɔle pʰer kʌmɑe nɑ jɑe
orɑ-we nɑ tɔle pʰer kʌmɑ-e nɑ jɑ-e
empty-3.PST NEG till then again work-PUR NEG go-3.PST
'Whenever he earned something, he didn't go to earn again until the wages
finished completely.' (13.004)
b. मधेश अगर भारत के भूखंड रिहत त का जहाँ बा ह लागल बा उहाँ बाऩ लािगत ?
mʌd̤ es ʌɡʌr b̤ ɑrʌt ke b̤ ukʰʌnɖ rʌɦit tʌ kɑ
mʌd̤ es ʌɡʌr b̤ ɑrʌt ke b̤ ukʰʌnɖ rʌɦ-it tʌ kɑ
Madhesh if India GEN territory live-3.IPST COND what
jʌɦɑ̃ bɑn̥ lɑɡʌl bɑ uɦɑ̃ lɑɡit
jʌɦɑ̃ bɑn̥ lɑɡ-ʌl bɑ uɦɑ̃ lɑɡ-it
where barrage erect-PP be.3SG.PRES there erect-3.IPST
'If Madhesh was an Indian territory, would the barrage be erected where it
has been now?' (02.080)
c. ओकर बाबा अगर िजअत रहत त अब तक सय बरीस के भइल रहत ।

472
okʌr bɑbɑ ʌɡʌr jiʌt rʌɦtẽ tʌ
u-ʌr bɑbɑ ʌɡʌr ji-ʌt rʌɦ-tẽ tʌ
3SG-GEN grandfaher if live-SIM live-3.IPST.MH COND

ʌb tʌk sɛ bʌris ke b̤ ʌil rʌɦtẽ

ʌb tʌk sɛ bʌrʌs ke b̤ ʌ-il rʌɦ-tẽ
now till hundred year GEN become-PP live-3.IPST.MH
'If his grand father had been alive, he would have been a hundred years old.' (13.063)
The proposition in the 'if'-clause in (44a-c) is contrary to the fact. In (44a) the
person speaking knows for sure that s/he has no land, in (44b) the speaker clearly
knows neither Madhesh belongs to India nor even the positive answer of his question
makes any difference in the barrage location, similarly in (44c) the speaker knows for
sure that the person referred to is dead; therefore the 'then'-clauses here express what
would have been the case if that had been otherwise, whereas if the verisimilitude value
is pending (Givón, 2001b:332), as is the case with the hypothetical conditionality
already exemplified, the proposition of the 'then'-clause may still be true.
A hypothetical conditionality on the contrary to the counterfactuality in (44) can be
seen in the almost parallel sentence in (45).
(45) ओकर बाबा अगर िजअत बानी त अब सय बरीस के भइल होखेम ।
okʌr bɑbɑ ʌɡʌr jiʌt bɑni tʌ ʌb sɛ
okʌr bɑbɑ ʌɡʌr ji-ʌt bɑni tʌ ʌb sɛ
3SG.GEN.NH grandfaher if live-SIM be.PRES.H cond now hundred
bʌris ke b̤ ʌil ɦokʰem
bʌrʌs ke b̤ ʌ-il ɦokʰ-em
year GEN become-PP be-FUT.H
'If his grand father is alive, he will have been a hundred years old.' (13.064)
d) Concessive conditionals
Concessive conditionality is almost identical with hypothetical conditionality
but the conditional clause is infinite in Bhojpuri in participle form with emphasis -ओ

/-o/ followed by postposition पर pʌr 'afterwards', as shown in (46):

(46) हमरा रोकलो पर ऊ ना कल ।

ɦʌmrɑ roklo pʌr u nɑ rukʌl

473
ɦʌm-ʌrɑ rok-lo pʌr u nɑ ruk-ʌl
1SG-GEN-SPEC block-SEQ.EMPH LOC 3SG NEG stop-3SG.PST
'He didn't stop even I tried a lot.' (13.065)
Influenced by Hindi, the emphasis can be expressed by भी /b̤ i/ 'also' following पर
/pʌr/ 'after' the participle form of the verb in conditional infinite clause, as shown in (47):
(47) ओकरा कहला पर भी हम के वाला ना भइनी ।
okrɑ kʌɦlɑ pʌr b̤ i ɦʌm rukewɑlɑ nɑ
u-ʌr-ɑ kʌɦ-lɑ pʌr b̤ i ɦʌm ruk-e-wɑlɑ nɑ
3SG-GEN-DEF say-SEQ LOC also 1SG stop-PUR-able NEG

b̤ ʌini
b̤ ʌ-ini
become-PST.H
'I wasn't able to stop even he had told me.' (13.066)
Moreover, Bhojpuri has tradition of emphasizing the agent of the conditional
clause in concessive conditionality, as shown in (48):
(48) अंगर को के सुर ा देला पर ऊ सुरि त होखेवाला ना रहे ।
ʌŋrʌkcʰʌko ke surʌkcʰɑ delɑ pʌr u
ʌŋrʌkcʰʌk-o ke surʌkcʰɑ de-ʌl-ɑ pʌr u
bodyguard-EMPH GEN protection give-PP-SEQ LOC 3SG
surʌkcʰit ɦokʰewɑlɑ nɑ rʌɦe
surʌkcʰɑ-it ɦokʰ-e-wɑlɑ nɑ rʌɦ-e
protection-ADJ be-PUR-able NEG live-3SG.PST
'He wasn't able to be safe, even his bodyguard had guaranteed safty.' (13.067)
Likewise, Bhojpuri has an adverbial phrase जब क /jʌb ki/ 'even if' to mark
concessive conditionality, as shown in (49):
(49) जब क ऊ िनमन से सजल रहली, लोग के िच पर चढ़ेवाली ना रहली ।
jʌb ki u nimʌn se sʌjʌl rʌɦli loɡ
jʌb ki u nimʌn se sʌj-ʌl rʌɦ-ʌl-i loɡ
when COMP 3SG good with adorn-PP live-PP-3.PST.F.MH people
loɡ ke citt pʌr cʌɽ̊e wɑli nɑ rʌɦli
loɡ ke citt pʌr cʌɽ̊-e wɑlɑ-i nɑ rʌɦ-ʌl-i
people GEN mind LOC climb-PUR able-F NEG live-PP-3.PST.F.MH

474
'Though she was well adorned, she had not been attractive among people.' (13.068)
13.2.3 Cause or reason adverbial clauses
As noted by Thompson & Longacre (1985:181), it is no surprise that causal
relationship is expressed in the same way as temporal relationship, or rather than the
constructions themselves are neutral between a time and a cause interpretation.
As Givón (2001b:335) further points out, cause (along with reason) can itself
be subdivided as agentive external, non-agentive external, eventive external, non-
eventive external, eventive internal and non-eventive internal.
Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:368), Maithili (Yadav 1996:364 and Yadav
2010:119), Hindi (Koul 2008:54) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:375) display cause or
reason clauses in similar ways. Cause or reason clauses in Bhojpuri are examined as
shown in (50a-f):
(50) a. agentive external cause for event
... एह से क हम देखले बानी त हमरा इयाद बा ।
eɦ se ki ɦʌm dekʰle bɑni tʌ
eɦ se ki ɦʌm dekʰ-ʌl-e bɑni tʌ
PROX with COMP 1SG see-PP-SEQ be.PRES.H COND

ɦʌmrɑ iɑd bɑ
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ iɑd bɑ
1SG-GEN-DAT memory be.3SG.PRES
'… because I have observed, so, I can remember.' (03.246)
b. Non-agentive external cause for event
दू-चार ितशत श द भोजपुरी से फरक बा, ओही से ऊ भोजपु रए के भाषा ह ।
du cɑr prʌtisʌt sʌbd b̤ ojpuri se pʰʌrʌk bɑ
du cɑr prʌtisʌt sʌbd b̤ ojpuri se pʰʌrʌk bɑ
two four percent word Bhojpuri abl different be.3SG.PRES
oɦi se u b̤ ojpurie ke b̤ ɑsɑ ɦʌ
o-ɦi se u b̤ ojpuri-e ke b̤ ɑsɑ ɦʌ
DIST-EMPH source 3SG Bhojpuri-EMPH GEN language be.3SG.PRES
'There are nearly two to four percent of words different from Bhojpuri,
therefore, it is a variety of Bhojpuri itself.' (04.202-3)
c. Eventive external reason for action
नाचवाला बेसी तामझाम करे लागल त हम चल देनी ।

475
nɑcwɑlɑ besi tɑmjʰɑm kʌre lɑɡʌl tʌ
nɑc-wɑlɑ besi tɑmjʰɑm kʌr-e lɑɡ-ʌl tʌ
dance-owner more overpreparation do-SIM continue-3SG.PST COND

ɦʌm cʌl deni

ɦʌm cʌl de-ni
1SG walk give-PST.H
‘Because the theatre started lingering, I left.’ (13.237)
d. Non-eventive external reason for action
एह से क बड़ा गम रहे, पंखा खोलके बैठ गइनी ।
eɦ se ki bʌɽɑ ɡʌrmi rʌɦe pʌŋkʰɑ kʰolke
eɦ se ki bʌɽ-ɑ ɡʌrmi rʌɦ-e pʌŋkʰɑ kʰol-ke
prox CAUS COMP big-DEF heat live-3.PST fan open-SEQ
bʌiʈʰ ɡʌini
bʌiʈʰ jɑ-ini
sit go-PST.H
‘Because it was extremely hot, I sat switching the fan on.’ (13.238)
e. Eventive internal reason for action
ओकरा भरमुठी होखेके चाह , ओही से भरमुठी कसके पकड़ले बा ... ।
okʌrɑ b̤ ʌrmuʈʰi ɦokʰeke cɑɦĩ oɦi se
u-ʌr-ɑ b̤ ʌr-muʈʰi ɦokʰ-e-ke cɑɦ-ĩ o-ɦi se
3.SG-GEN-DAT full-fist be-PUR-OBL want-OPT DIST-EMPH caus
b̤ ʌrmuʈʰi kʌske pʌkʌɽle bɑ
b̤ ʌr-muʈʰi kʌs-ke pʌkʌɽ-ʌl-e bɑ
full-fist place and tighten-SEQ grab-INF-SIM be.3SG.PRES
'S/he wants to have complete handful, therefore s/he has tightened his/her
fist …' (07.100-1)
f. Non-eventive internal reason for action
मङ पढ़े ना पाके घरे चल आइल ।
mʌŋru pʌɽ̊e nɑ pɑke ɡ̈ʌre cʌl ɑil
mʌŋru pʌɽ̊- e nɑ pɑ-ke ɡ̈ʌr-e cʌl ɑ-il
Mangru read-SEQ NEG get-SEQ home-LOC walk come-3SG.PST
'Having not allowed to study, Mangru returned home.' (Lohar, 2012:218)

476
13.2.4 Concessive adverbial clauses
There is no unique strategy probably for forming concessive clauses. It is
almost similar to that of concessive conditionality already presented. A conjunction
with "adversative" reading can, for instance, be used for this purpose with or without
the contrary-to-expectation particles meant 'also, even'. As displayed in Chitoniya
Tharu (Paudyal 2013:273), Maithili (Yadav 1996:373 and Yadav 2014:131) and
Hindi (Koul 2008:205), concessive adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri has been presented
as shown in (51a-b).
(51) a. शादा खाना खाइओके ऊ िनरोग ना रहल ।
sɑdɑ kʰɑnɑ kʰɑioke u niroɡ nɑ rʌɦʌl
sɑdɑ kʰɑnɑ kʰɑ-io-ke u niroɡ nɑ rʌɦ-ʌl
simple food eat-EMPH.SEQ 3SG healthy NEG live-3SG.PST
'He didn't keep healthy in spite of having plain food.' (13.069)
b. लोक सेवा त देनी, बाँ कर नाम ना िनकली ।
lok sewɑ tʌ deni bɑ̃kir nɑm nɑ nikli
lok sewɑ tʌ de-ni bɑ̃kir nɑm nɑ nikʌl-i
public service COND give-PST.H but name NEG release-3.FUT
'I competed in the Public Service Commission, though my name won't be
published.' (13.070)
13.2.5 Substitutive adverbial clauses
Substitutive clause is the one in which the action is completed by one instead
of the other. Givón (2001b:336) describes it as closely akin to concessive ones,
coding an event or state that is expected, via some pragmatic presupposition, however
subtle, to be the case but it isn't. As discussed in Maithili (Yadav 2014:133), the
substitutive functions in Bhojpuri are expressed with phrase के /ke/ or का /kɑ/ followed

by साँितर /sɑ̃tir/ or जगे /jʌɡe/ or बदले /bʌdle/ equivalent to 'at the place of' or 'instead
of', as shown in (52a-c).
(52) a. हम रात म भात का साँितर रोटी खानी ।
ɦʌm rɑt mẽ b̤ ɑt kɑ sɑ̃tir roʈi kʰɑni
ɦʌm rɑt mẽ b̤ ɑt kɑ sɑ̃tir roʈi kʰɑ-ni
1SG.NOM night LOC boiled rice GEN SUB chapatti eat-PRES.H
'I have chapattis in stead of rice in the evening.'
b. कलेया का जगे हम गौर चल गइनी ।

477
kʌleyɑ kɑ jʌɡe ɦʌm ɡʌur cʌl ɡʌini
kʌleyɑ kɑ jʌɡe ɦʌm ɡʌur cʌl jɑ-ini
Kalaiya GEN place 1SG.NOM Gaur walk go-PST.H
'Instead of Kalaiya, I went to Gaur.' (13.071)
c. खेती- कसानी कइला के बदले ई खेतोत बचके सहर म बइठे के िमलो ।
kʰeti kisɑni kʌilɑ ke bʌdle i kʰetot

kʰeti kisɑni kʌr-il-ɑ ke bʌdle i kʰet-ot

farming peasantry do-PP-SEQ GEN instead of PROX farm-ONM
bẽcke sʌɦʌr mẽ bʌiʈʰe ke milo
bẽc-ke sʌɦʌr mẽ bʌiʈʰ-e ke mil-o
sell-SEQ town LOC live-PUR OBL get-OPT
'We may live in a town selling all the farm-land, instead of being involved
in farming.' (02.010)
Besides, a comparative form 'X-ing a, is better than X-ing b' to express
substitutive function is also possible to be used. In Bhojpuri, the conjunction of
comparision से /se/ 'that' is used to perform the very function, as shown in (53):

(53) लोग के कहलऽ से हमरा के कहतऽ ।

loɡ ke kʌɦlʌ se ɦʌmrɑ ke kʌɦtʌ
loɡ ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌ se ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ke kʌɦ-tʌ
people GEN say-PP-2.PST.MH CAUS 1SG-GEN-DEF DAT say-2.IPST.MH
'What you told people, you would have told me that.' (13.072)
A substitutive reading of an utterance-complement with direct-quote marker
क /ki/ is also possible and may very well be the preferred way of expressing

substitution. This interpretation is also supported by उ टा /ulʈɑ/ 'on the contrary to', as
shown in (54a-b):
(54) a. जइसे हम कहनी क ढ ढ़ाइ के जाएके रहे काठमाड़ो, प च
ँ गइल द ली ।
jʌise ɦʌm kʌɦni ki ɖ̈oɽ̊ɑi ke jɑeke rʌɦe
jʌise ɦʌm kʌɦ-ni ki ɖ̈oɽ̊ɑi ke jɑ-eke rʌɦ-e
as 1SG say-PST.H COMP Dhondhai GEN go-OBL live-3.PST
kɑʈʰmɑɽo pʌɦũc ɡʌil dilli

478
kɑʈʰmɑɽo pʌɦũc jɑ-il dilli
Kathmandu reach go-3SG.PST Delhi
'As I said that Dhondhai had to go to kathmandu, he reached Delhi.' (13.073)
b. गाँव म प रवार के लोग िश ड आ मेडल के पड़ा ताकत रहे, उ टा खेलािड़यन के लाश

देखे के परल ।
ɡɑ̃o mẽ pʌriwɑr ke loɡ silɖ ɑ meɖʌl ke pɛɽ̃ ɑ
ɡɑ̃o mẽ pʌriwɑr ke loɡ silɖ ɑ meɖʌl ke pɛɽ̃ ɑ
village LOC family GEN people shield and medal GEN way
tɑkʌt rʌɦe ulʈɑ kʰelɑɽiʌn ke lɑs dekʰeke
tɑk-ʌt rʌɦ-e ulʈɑ kʰelɑɽi-ʌn ke lɑs dekʰ-eke
seek-IMPF live-3.PST reverse player-PL GEN corpse see-OBL
pʌrʌl
pʌr-ʌl
fall-3SG.PST
'The family members in the village ware waiting for shield and meddal, on
the contrary, they had to see dead bodies of the players.' (13.074)
13.2.6 Additive adverbial clauses
There is not much evidence of any entirely unique form expressing additive
semantics. Moreover, as displayed in Maithili (Yadav 2014:132), Bhojpuri has additive
clause marker अलावा /ʌlɑwɑ/ 'besides/in addition to' and साथे /sɑtʰe/ 'in addition to' as

well as the conjunction आ /ɑ/ 'and' occurs with inclusive emphatic marker -ओ /-o/
before and after the conjunction to function additive clause, as shown in (55a-c):
(55) a. त मुड़ी पर हाँथ धके रोए के अलावा बाँक कु िछयो ना रही ।
tʌ muɽi pʌr ɦɑ̃tʰ d̤ ʌke roe ke ʌlɑwɑ
tʌ muɽ pʌr ɦɑ̃tʰ d̤ ʌr-ke ro-e ke ʌlɑwɑ
COND head LOC hand put-SEQ weep-SIM COM ADD
,

bɑ̃ki kucʰio nɑ rʌɦi

bɑ̃ki kucʰ-i-o nɑ rʌɦ-i
remaining some-EMPH-EMPH NEG live-3SG.FUT
'Then nothing willl remain except hue and cry.' (03.217)
b. ओकर खाइल का साथे िपअलो देखनी ।
okʌr kʰɑil kɑ sɑtʰe piʌlo dekʰni

479
u-ʌr kʰɑ-il kɑ sɑtʰe pi-ʌl-o dekʰ-ni
3SG-GEN eat-INF GEN ADD drink-INF-EMPH see-PST.H
'I saw her/him not eating only but drinking also.'
c. ओह पाट के किहयोके आ गाइयोके सुना देवे ।
oɦ pɑʈ ke kʌɦioke ɑ ɡɑioke sunɑ
oɦ pɑʈ ke kʌɦ-io-ke ɑ ɡɑ-io-ke sun-ɑ
DIST drama ACC say-EMPH-SEQ and sing-EMPH-SEQ listen-CAUS
dewe
de-we
give-3.PST
'They used to perform it by conversating as well as by singing.' (03.299)
Besides, the emphasis is expressed by भी /b̤ i/ 'also' in Bhojpuri in Hindi
influence, as shown in (56).
(56) आ ा म अपने वाता भी सुनेम आ गीत भी सुनेम ।
ɑl̥ ɑ mẽ ʌpne bɑrtɑ b̤ i sunem ɑ ɡit b̤ i
ɑl̥ ɑ mẽ ʌpne bɑrtɑ b̤ i sun-em ɑ ɡit b̤ i
Alha LOC 2SG.H talk also listen-FUT.H and song also
sunem
sun-em
listen-FUT.H
'You can enjoy pieces of dialogues as well as songs.' (03.271)
Moreover, Bhojpuri has an adverbial phrase के बादो /ke bɑdo/ 'besides' to
express additive cluase but with adversality.
(57) मायू मुसलमान भइला के बादो राखी के लाज रखल ।
ɦumɑyu musʌlmɑn b̤ ʌilɑ ke bɑdo rɑkʰi
ɦumɑyu musʌlmɑn b̤ ʌ-il-ɑ ke bɑd-o rɑkʰi
Humayu Muslim become-PP-SEQ GEN later-EMPH Raxabandhan
ke lɑj rʌkʰlẽ
ke lɑj rɑkʰ-ʌl-ẽ
GEN prestige keep-PP-3.PST.MH
'Besides he was a Muslim, Humayu expressed high regard to the sacred thread
or Rakhi.' (07.063)

480
13.2.7 Purpose clauses
Dependent clauses expressing the purpose for an event to be carried out
usually have an implicit human subject coreferential with the (normally) explicit
subject of the main clause (Givón, 2001b:337). Such clauses are seen to have been
displayed variably as in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:369), Maithili (Yadav
2014:115-6), Hindi (Koul 2008:202) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:378-9), the purpose
in Bhojpuri is denoted by clitic -ए /-e/ suffixed with the verbal root. The finite verb in

sentences is almost invariably an intransitive motion verb आ /ɑ/ 'come', जा /jɑ/ 'go',
etc, as shown in (58a-b):
(58) a. एक दन बु ढ़आ खेत देखे गइली ।
ek din buɽ̊iɑ kʰet dekʰe ɡʌili
ek din buɽ̊-i-ɑ kʰet dekʰ-e jɑ-il-i
one day old-F-DEF farm see-PUR go-PP-3.SG.PST.F.MH
'One day, the old woman went to see her farm.' (05.007)
b. चलऽ बैर खाए ।
cʌlʌ bʌir kʰɑe
cʌl-ʌ bʌir kʰɑ-e
walk-IMP.MH plum eat-PUR
'Let's go to eat plums.' (09.502)
Sometimes, the purposive clitic -ए /-e/ is also followed by -के /-ke/ as shown in (59):

(59) डाढ़ खेले चलेके बा ।

ɖɑɽ̊ kʰele cʌleke bɑ
ɖɑɽ̊ kʰel-e cʌl-e-ke bɑ
pig-cry play-PUR walk-PUR-OBL be.3SG.PRES
'We have to go to play pig-cry.' (03.233)
Moreover, postpositions used to mark benefactive case such as ला /lɑ/ or लािग

/lɑɡi/ or खाितर /kʰɑtir/ or वा ते /wɑste/ 'for' are also used to express purpose in
Bhojpuri, as shown in (60a-c):
(60) a. त ए सब चीज ला कृ ित म दूनू िवक प बा ।
tʌ e sʌb cij lɑ prʌkriti mẽ dunu bikʌlp
tʌ e sʌb cij lɑ prʌkriti mẽ du-nu bikʌlp
COND PROX PL matter for nature LOC two-EMPH option

481
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'For such sufferings, the nature has both options.' (07.113)
b. सब से पिहले िस ांत तय करे के पड़ेला संघीयता के कौनो व प बनावे खाितर ।
sʌb se pʌɦile sidd̤ ɑnt tɛ kʌreke pʌɽelɑ

sʌb se pʌɦil-e sidd̤ ɑnt tɛ kʌr-e-ke pʌɽ-elɑ

all source first-DEF princiPLe fix do-PUR-OBL lie-3SG.PRES
sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke kɔno swʌrup bʌnɑwe kʰɑtir
sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke kɔno swʌrup bʌnɑ-e kʰɑtir
federalism GEN any model make-PUR for
'First of all, a principle should be finalized to fix a certain model of
federalism.' (01.033)
c. तोहरा के िजआन करे खाितर ना िमली ।
toɦrɑ ke jiɑn kʌre kʰɑtir nɑ mili
tu-ʌr-ɑ ke jiɑn kʌr-e kʰɑtir nɑ mil-i
2SG-GEN-SPEC GEN spoil do-PUR for NEG get-3SG.FUT
'You won't be given for spoiling.' (02.045)
13.3 Participial adverbial clauses
Givón (2001b:238) exhibits that "Like complements of modality and
manipulation verbs, participial adverbial clauses are tightly integrated with their main
clause. Functionally first, this integration involves two majorc omponents of
coherence: in terms of referential coherence, they tend to have the same-subject as
their main clause; and in terms of temporal coherence, they tend to exhibit rigid tense-
aspect-modal restrictions vis-a-vis their main clause, most commonly either
simuntaneity or anteriourity."
As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:376), Maithili (Yadav 2005:443-9 and
Yadav 2014:137), Hindi (Koul 2008:194-5) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:361-2) display
participial clauses variably, the sequential (anterior) and simultaneous participial
clauses in Bhojpuri are discussed as follows:

482
13.3.1 Sequential participial clause
Sequential participial clauses are extensively used in narrative and
procedural discourses. A sequential participial clause basically refers to
'anteriority', i. e., the event occurring immediately prior to the event encoded in
the following verb, which may be another sequential participial or a finite verb in
the matrix clause (Yadava, 2005). In other words, the major function of the
sequential participial clause is to encode the event that is assumed to have
occurred prior to the event coded in the matrix predicate (Noonan, 1999), as
shown in (61a-b):
(61) a. हम पानी पीके रात कटनी ।
ɦʌm pɑni pike rɑt kʌʈni
ɦʌm pɑni pi-ke rɑt kɑʈ-ni
1SG water drink-SEQ night pass-PRES.H
'I passed the night having taken water.' (13.241)
b. माई खाएक कके हमनी के िखआके सुतेली ।
mɑi kʰɑek kʌke ɦʌmni ke kʰiɑke suteli
mɑi kʰɑek kʌr-ke ɦʌm-ni ke kʰiɑ-ke sut-eli
mother food do-SEQ 1SG-PL DAT feed-SEQ sleep-3SG.PRES.F.MH
'Mother sleeps having food cooked and fed us.' (13.242)
The participial पीके /pike/ 'drunk' happens prior to the finite verb of the

matrix clause कटनी /kʌʈni/ 'passed' in (61a) and कके /kʌke/ 'done' happens prior to

the other participial िखआके /kiɑke/ 'fed' before the finite verb सुतेली /suteli/ 'sleep'
of the matrix clause in (61b).
Apart from the core meaning, i. e., anteriority or temporal priority as
shown in (61a-b), in common with other South Asian languages (Yadava, 2005
and Regmi, 2008), Bhojpuri employs non-specialized sequential clauses exploring
a variety of extra-contextual meanings including cause as shown in (62a) and
manner as shown in (62b):
(62) a. मङ पढ़े ना पाके घरे चल आइल ।
mʌŋru pʌɽ̊e nɑ pɑke ɡ̈ʌre cʌl ɑil
mʌŋru pʌɽ̊-e nɑ pɑ-ke ɡ̈ʌr-e cʌl ɑ-il
Mangru read-PUR NEG get-SEQ house-LOC walk come-3SG.PST

483
'Having not allowed to study, Mangru returned home.' (13.243)
b. हम सारा रात रोके िबतइनी ।
ɦʌm sɑrɑ rɑt roke bitʌini
ɦʌm sɑrɑ rɑt ro-ke bit-ɑ-ini
1SG.NOM whole night weep-SEQ pass-CAUS-PST.H
'I passed the whole night weeping.' (13.244)
13.3.2 Simultaneous participial clause
Like Chantyal (Noonan, 1999), Bhujel (Regmi, 2007) and Maithili
(Yadava, 2005), Bhojpuri also employs simultaneous participial clause to express
an activity that is simultaneous with, or temporally overlapping with, another
activity expressed by the matrix predicate, as shown in (63a-b):
(63) a. ऊ देवास गावत घरे आइल ।
u dewɑs ɡɑwʌt ɡ̈ʌre ɑil
u dewɑs ɡɑ-ʌt ɡ̈ʌr-e ɑ-il
3SG prayers sing-SIM house-LOC come-3SG.PST
'He came home while chanting prayer.' (13.245)
b. लइका िब कु ट खात इ कू ल गइल ।
lʌikɑ biskuʈ kʰɑt iskul ɡʌil
lʌikɑ biskuʈ kʰɑ-ʌt iskul jɑ-il
boy biscuit eat-SIM school go-3SG.PST
'The boy went to school eating biscuits.' (13.246)
Bhojpuri also employs double simultaneity except the matrix predicate,
especially to mark a particular behavior, as shown in (64):
(64) तू त खऱवा खात पिनआ िपअत चलेलऽ ।
tu tʌ kʰʌr̥ wɑ kʰɑt pʌniɑ piʌt cʌlelʌ
tu tʌ kʰʌr̥ -wɑ kʰɑ-ʌt pɑni-ɑ pi-ʌt cʌl-elʌ
2SG COND grass-SPEC eat-SIM water-SPEC drink-SIM walk-2.PRES.MH
'You walk very slowly.' (13.247)
(Literally: 'You walk eating grass and drinking water.')
Sometimes, simultaneous converbal suffix adds a further clitic -ए /-e/ as
emphatic marker to emphasize the situation, as shown in (65):
(65) लइक रोअते चल आइल ।

484
lʌiki roʌte cʌl ɑil
lʌiki ro-ʌt-e cʌl ɑ-il
girl weep-SIM-EMPH walk come-3SG.PST
'The girl came weeping.' (13.248)
Normally Bhojpuri verb roots take suffix -अल /-ʌl/ to express infinitive as

well as past participle aspect. But there are some verbs, that further take clitic -ए
/-e/ as emphatic marker, to express simultaneous participial clause. Sometimes
both the suffixes are grammaticalized into -ले /-le/, as shown in (66):

(66) बाबुजी चोर के पकड़ले अइनी ।

bɑbuji cor ke pʌkʌɽle ʌini
bɑbu-ji cor ke pʌkʌɽ-ʌl-e ɑ-ini
father-H thief ACC catch-PP-SEQ come-PST.H
'Father came catching the thief.' (13.249)
Moreover, the simultaneous participial clause gives meaning of the
sequential one making too narrow escape between the converb and the verb of the
matrix predicate, as shown in (67):
(67) लइका खाते सुत गइल ।
lʌikɑ kʰɑte sut ɡʌil
lʌikɑ kʰɑ-ʌt-e sut jɑ-il
boy eat-SIM-EMPH sleep go-3SG.PST
'The boy slept as soon as he ate.' (13.250)
13.4 Relative clauses
As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:379-88), Maithili (Yadav 2014:82-106),
Hindi (Koul 2008:187-98) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:381-8) exhibit relative clauses
in the similar ways, Bhojpuri also exhibits relative clauses as observed in Tripathy
(1987:267), Shrivastava (1999:114-5), Sharma and Ashk (2007:77), Thakur
(2011:109). This section attempts to discuss the morphosyntax of relativization in
Bhopuri with functional-typological perspective. It follows the three parameters
Payne (1997:326) proposes:
(i) The position of the relative clause vis-à-vis its head;
(ii) The mode of expression of the relativized noun phrase, and;
(iii)The very grammatical relations that can be relativized.

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13.4.1 Non-finite and finite relative clauses
(68) a. ख टआ पर बइठल आदमी ।
kʰʌʈiɑ pʌr bʌiʈʰʌl ɑdmi
kʰʌʈiɑ pʌr bʌiʈʰ- ʌl ɑdmi
cot LOC sit-PP man
'The man who is sitting on the cot.' (Lohar, 2010:84)
b. मङ के कनल हँसुआ ।
mʌŋru ke kinʌl ɦʌ̃suɑ
mʌŋru ke kin-ʌl ɦʌ̃suɑ
Mangru GEN buy-PP sickle
'The sickle that Mangaru bought.' (Lohar, 2010:84)
c. जौन िवषय म हम शोध करे के चाहतानी ऊ बा भोजपुरी ाकरण ।
[jɔn bisɛ mẽ ɦʌm sod̤ kʌreke
jɔn bisɛ mẽ ɦʌm sod̤ kʌr-e-ke
REL subject LOC 1SG research do-PUR-OBL
cɑɦʌtɑni] u bɑ b̤ ojpuri byɑkʌrʌn
cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni u bɑ b̤ ojpuri byɑkʌrʌn
want-IMPF be.PRES.H COR be.3SG.PRES Bhojpuri grammar
'The topic of my research is Bhojpuri Grammar.' (03.094)
d. जेकर के स उ र बा ऊ आदमी हमर बाबा हउअन ।
jekʌr kes ujjʌr bɑ u ɑdmi ɦʌmʌr
[je-ʌr kes ujjʌr bɑ] u ɑdmi ɦʌm-ʌr
REL-GEN hair white be.3SG.PRES COR man 1SG-GEN
bɑbɑ ɦʌuʌn
bɑbɑ ɦʌuʌn
grandfather be.3.PRES
'The man whose hair is white is my grand-father.' (Lohar, 2010:84)
The clauses in (68a-b) are considered non-finite participial relative clauses as
the verb in each clause is inflected with participial marker suffix -अल /-ʌl/. They
either restrict or modify the head noun. But the clauses in brackets in (68c-d) are
initiated by correlative relative clauses with relative pronouns जौन /jɔn/ 'who' and

जेकर /jekʌr/ 'whose', so, they are considered finite relative clauses. As in both the

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cases the relative clauses modify the head noun, non-finite or participial and finite or
correlative relative clauses are nominal modifiers in Bhojpuri.
13.4.2 The position of the relative clause vis-à-vis its head
In Bhojpuri, there are three types of relative clauses in terms of their positions
with respect to the head noun: externally headed, internally headed and headless.
a. Externally headed relative clause
In Bhojpuri, there are two types of externally headed relative clauses: pre-
nominal and post-nominal relative clauses.
i. Pre-nominal relative clause
The pre-nominal relative clause precedes the head noun:
(69) जेकरा से हम रा ता पुछनी ऊ हमर सारी िहअ ।
jekrɑ se ɦʌm rɑstɑ pucʰni u ɦʌmʌr
[je-ʌr-ɑ se ɦʌm rɑstɑ pucʰ- ni] u ɦʌm-ʌr
REL-GEN-DEF DAT 1SG way ask-PST.H COR 1SG-GEN
sɑri ɦiʌ
sɑri ɦiʌ
sister-in-law be.3SG.PRES.F
'The woman whom I asked the way is my sister-in-law.' (Lohar, 2010:84)
The clause in brackets that is placed before the head noun and "normally"
modifies ऊ /u/ 'she' and restricts the head NP हमर सारी /ɦʌmʌr sɑri/ 'my sister-in-law'
is a correlative relative clause.
ii. Post-nominal relative clause
In Bhojpuri, the correlative relative clause can also succeed the head NP:
(70) ले कन कसान के सम या लेके ऊ आवता जे कवनो संघ म नइखे ।
lekin kisɑn ke sʌmʌsyɑ leke u ɑwʌtɑ
lekin kisɑn ke sʌmʌsyɑ le-ke u ɑ-ʌt bɑ
but peasant GEN problem take-SEQ COR come-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
je kɔno sʌŋ̊ mẽ nʌikʰe
[je kɔno sʌŋ̊ mẽ nʌikʰ-e]
REL any association LOC be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'But those who are coming ahead with peasants' problems do not belong to any
of the organizations.' (02.125)

487
The clause in brackets that is placed after the head noun and has "nominally"
modified and restricted the head NP ऊ /u/ 's/he' is a correlative relative clause.
b. Internally headed relative clause
The head noun can also occur within the relative clause in Bhojpuri:
(71) ओ लोग के जेतना भी यास बा, सराहनीय बा ।
[o loɡ ke jetnɑ b̤ i prʌyɑs bɑ]
3SG.DIST PL GEN how much.REL also effort be.3SG.PRES
sʌrɑɦnie bɑ
praiseworthy be.3SG.PRES
'Whatever the efforts they have made are all praiseworthy.' (03.324)
In this example, the head noun यास /prʌyɑs/ 'efforts' is within the relative clause.
c. Headless relative clause
We also find some relative clauses in Bhojpuri, which themselves refer to the
noun that they modify. They are considered headless Bhojpuri relative clauses, as
shown in (72)
(72) a. िबहने जे पाछे उठी, तीनगो खाई ।
biɦʌne je pɑcʰe uʈʰi tinɡo kʰɑi
[biɦʌne je pɑcʰe uʈʰ-i] tin-ɡo kʰɑ-i
tomorrow REL lately wake-3SG.FUT three-CLF eat-3SG.FUT
'Whoever wakes up later in the morning will eat the three.' (13.011)
b. जे रही, रहो ।
je rʌɦi rʌɦo
je rʌɦ-i rʌɦ-o
REL live-3SG.FUT live-OPT
'Whoever will live here, let him/her live.' (Lohar, 2010:86)
The clauses िबहने जे पाछे उठी /biɦʌne je pɑcʰe uʈʰi/ 'whoever wakes up later in

the morning' in (72a) and जे रही /je rʌɦi/ 'whoever will live here' in (72b) are the
headless relative clauses.
13.4.3 The mode of expression of the relativized NP
The grammatical role of the relativized noun phrase can be different from the
role of its head noun within the relative clause. Such role can be identified in a natural
language by using different syntactic strategies. In this sub-section, the main

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strategies that can be used in Bhojpuri relative clauses will be discussed. They include
gap, pronoun retention and the use of different correlative pronouns.
a) The gap strategy
The relativized noun phrase can be left out in a relative clause or we can say,
there can be a 'gap' after the correlative pronoun in a relative clause. This strategy helps
identify the grammatical relation of the 'left out' noun phrase within the relative clause:
(73) ऊ जे िसिडओ का लगे देखल हमरा के त कहले जे ई त कृ ित के बात बा ।
u je siɖio kɑ lʌɡe dekʰlẽ ɦʌmrɑ ke
u [je siɖio kɑ lʌɡe dekʰ-ʌl-ẽ ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ke]
COR REL CDO GEN with see-PP-3.PST.MH 1SG-GEN-SPEC ACC

tʌ kʌɦlẽ je i tʌ prʌkriti ke bɑt

tʌ kʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ je i tʌ prʌkriti ke bɑt
COND say-PP-3.PST.MH COMP PROX COND nature GEN matter
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'He, who saw me there near the CDO, said, "It is the matter of nature."' (04.084)
Hence a gap is created after the relativizer जे /je/ 'that' for the relativized NP ऊ
/u/ 'it'. The grammatical role of this NP is the subject.
b) The pronoun retention strategy
In this strategy, a pronoun that explicitly references the grammatical relation of
the relativized NP by its position, its form, or both is retained within the relative clause:
(74) ऊ उहे लइका ह जे हम ओकर चेहरा किहओ ना िबसरे म ।
u uɦe lʌikɑ ɦʌ je ɦʌm okʌr ceɦrɑ kʌɦio
u uɦe lʌikɑ ɦʌ je ɦʌm o-ʌr ceɦrɑ kʌɦio
3SG COR boy be.3SG.PRES REL 1SG 3SG-GEN face any time
nɑ bisʌrem
nɑ bisʌr-em
NEG forget-FUT.H
'That is the boy whose face I can never forget.' (Lohar 2010:87)
The relative clause in the brackets has retained the possessive pronoun ओकर
/okʌr/ 'his/her'. This pronoun indicates the grammatical relation of the relativized NP.
However, this type of strategy is not very frequently used in Bhojpuri.

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c) The correlative strategy
The correlative pronouns जे /je/ … से /se/ or जौन /jɔn/ … तौन /tɔn/ (human

singular), जेकनी /jekʌni/ … तेकनी /tekni/ (human plural) and जे /je/ … से /se/ or जथी

/jʌtʰi/ … तथी /tʌtʰi/ (non-human); correlative adjectives जइसन /jʌisʌn/ … तइसन

/tʌisʌn/ (condition), जेतना /jetna/ … तेतना /tetna/ (quantity); and correlative adverbs

जहाँ /jʌɦɑ̃/ … तहाँ /tʌɦɑ̃/ (place), जिहआ /jʌɦiɑ/ … तिहआ /tʌɦiɑ/ 'time', जइसे /jʌise/ …

तइसे /tʌise/ (manner) are used as relativeizer in the relative clauses in Bhojpuri:

(75) a. जौने हँड़लगनी तौने भंिसआ ।

jɔne ɦʌ̃ɽlʌɡʌni tɔne b̤ ʌnsiɑ
[jɔn-e ɦʌ̃ɽlʌɡʌni] tɔn-e b̤ ʌnsiɑ
REL-EMPH the woman eating in cooking pot COR-EMPH cook
'The wo/man who eats in the cooking pot is the cook.' (Lohar, 2010:88)
b. घर म जे लोग सुन रहल बानी ऊ लोग भी पसन करे म ।
ɡ̈ʌr mẽ je loɡ sun rʌɦʌl bɑni u loɡ b̤ i
[ɡ̈ʌr mẽ je loɡ sun rʌɦ-ʌl] bɑni u loɡ b̤ i
house LOC REL PL listen live-INF be.PRES.H COR PL also
pʌsʌn kʌrem
pʌsʌn kʌr-em
choice do-FUT.H
'Those who are hearing us at home will also like it.' (03.088)
c. जे/जथी खाएके मन लागे से/तथी खा ।
je/jʌtʰi kʰɑe ke mʌn lɑɡe se/tʌtʰi kʰɑĩ
[je/jʌtʰi kʰɑ-e ke mʌn lɑɡ-e] se/tʌtʰi kʰɑ-ĩ
whatever.REL eat-PUR GEN mind wish-3SG.PRES COR eat-IMP.H
'Whatever you like, please eat.' (Lohar 2010:88)
d. जइसन परह क तइसन वीक । (Vidyapati verse 129)
[jʌisʌn pʌrʌɦõk] tʌisʌn bik
REL first sale COR whole sale
'Morning shows the day. Lit: The sale is how the first sale starts.' (Gupt
1910:67)
e. जइसे डगमग नलिनक नीरे । तइसे डगमग धिनक शरीरे । (Vidyapati verse 148)

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jʌise ɖʌɡmʌɡ nʌlnik nire tʌise ɖʌɡmʌɡ d̤ ʌnik
jʌise ɖʌɡmʌɡ nʌlni-k nir-e tʌise ɖʌɡmʌɡ d̤ ʌni-k
REL shaking pond-GEN water-EMPH COR shaking lady-GEN
sʌrire
sʌrir-e
body-EMPH
'The body of the lady is shaking how the water in the pond is tiding.' (Gupt
1910:76)

f. जहाँ जहाँ नयन िवकाश । तँिह तँिह कमल परकाश ।। (Vidyapati verse 55)
jʌɦɑ̃ jʌɦɑ̃ nʌyʌn bikɑs tʌ̃ɦi tʌ̃ɦi kʌmʌl pʌrkɑs
REL REL eye development COR COR lily light
'The lily blossoms where the eyes behold.' (Gupt 1910:30)
The relativizer जौने /jɔne/ 'who' in (75a) presents the grammatical role of the

relativized NP as the subject (human singular). Similarly in (75b) the relativizer जे /je/

'who' shows the relativized NP is the subject (human plural) and in (75c) जे/जथी

/je/jʌtʰi/ 'whatever' is the direct object of the honorific imperative verb खा /kʰɑĩ/

'please eat'. Likewise, the relativizer जइसन /jʌisʌn/ 'how' in (75d) is modifier of the

relativised NP वीक /bik/ 'sale', the relativizer जइसे /jʌise/ 'how' in (75e) modifies the

verb डगमग /ɖʌɡmʌɡ/ 'shaking' and जहाँ जहाँ /jʌɦɑ̃ jʌɦɑ̃/ 'wherever' modifies the eye's
development to correlate with the lady's beholding in (75f).
13.4.4 Grammatical relations that can be relativized
Most of the grammatical relations such as subject, object (direct and indirect),
oblique, possessive, instrument, source and locative can be relativized in Bhojpuri.
a) Subject
The NP in the subject position can be relativized:
(76) जे करी से पाई ।
je kʌri se pɑi
je kʌr-i se pɑ-i
REL do-3SG.FUT COR get-3SG.FUT
'The one who works will be benefited.' (09.378)
The relativized NP is जे /je/ 'who' placed in the subject position.

491
b) Direct object
The NP in the direct object position can be relativized:
(77) जेके हम आपन बुझनी, ऊ हमे िबरान बुझलख ।
jeke ɦʌm ɑpʌn buȷ̈ ni u ɦʌme birɑn
je-ke ɦʌm ɑpʌn buȷ̈ -ni u ɦʌm-e birɑn
REL-DAT 1SG own think-PST.H COR 1SG-DAT alien
buȷ̈ lʌkʰ
buȷ̈ -ʌl-ʌkʰ
think-PP-3SG.PST
'The one who I believed ignored me.' (Lohar, 2010:89)
The NP जेके /jeke/ 'whom' is relativized in the direct object position.
c) Indirect object
The NP in the indirect object position can be relativized:
(78) जेके तू हँसुआ देलऽ ओके हम हँथउड़ी देनी ।
jeke tu ɦʌ̃suɑ delʌ oke ɦʌm ɦʌ̃tʰʌuɽi
[je-ke tu ɦʌ̃suɑ de-ʌl-ʌ] o-ke ɦʌm ɦʌ̃tʰʌuɽi
REL-DAT 2SG sickle give-PP-2SG.PST.MH COR-DAT 1SG hammer
deni
de-ni
give-PST.H
'Who you gave a sickle; I gave him/her a hammer.' (Lohar, 2010:89)
The NP जेके /jeke/ 'whom' is relativized in the indirect object position.
d. Oblique
The NP in oblique position can be relativized in Bhojpuri:
(79) जे पुरान बा ओकरे िनरं तरता म कौनो नया चीज के ज म होई ।
je purɑn bɑ okre nirʌntʌrtɑ mẽ kɔno
je purɑn bɑ u-ʌr-e nirʌntʌrtɑ mẽ kɔno
REL old be.3SG.PRES COR-GEN-EMPH continue-NML LOC any
nʌyɑ cij ke jʌnm ɦoi
nʌyɑ cij ke jʌnm ɦo-i
new matter GEN birth be-3SG.FUT
'Something new can be born only as a continuity of the old one.' (03.330)

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The NP जे पुरान /je puran/ 'the one which is old' is in the oblique case and is
relativized in (79).
e) Possessive
The NP in the possessive position can be relativized in Bhojpuri:
(80) जेकर उदय सेकर अ त ।
jekʌr udʌy sekʌr ʌst
je-ʌr udʌy sekʌr ʌst
REL-GEN rise COR-GEN set
'The one who rises sets too.' (09.367)
The NP जेकर उदय /jekʌr udʌy/ 'the one whose rise' is in the possessive position
and is relativized.
f) Instrument
The NP in the case of instrument can be relativized:
(81) जथी से काटाए तथी से काट ।
jʌtʰi se kɑʈɑe tʌtʰi se kɑʈ
[jʌtʰi se kɑʈ-ɑe] tʌtʰi se kɑʈ
REL INS cut-OBL COR INS cut.IMP
'Cut it with whatever it can be.' (Lohar, 2010:90)
The NP जथी से /jʌtʰi se/ 'with whatever' is relativized in the position of instrument.
g) Source
The NP in the case of source can be relativized:
(82) जहाँ से आइल ओतह जाई ।
jʌɦɑ̃ se ɑil otʌɦẽ jɑi
[jʌɦɑ̃ se ɑ-il] otʌɦɑ̃-e jɑ-i
where.REL SOU come-3SG.PST there.COR-EMPH go-3SG.FUT
'Where it came from will go there.' (Lohar, 2010:90)
The NP जहाँ से /jʌɦɑ̃ se/ 'from where' is in in the case of source and is relativized.
h) Locative
The NP in the locative case can be relativized in Bhojpuri.
(83) जहाँ िजअन उहाँ मरन ।
[jʌɦɑ̃ jiʌn] ũɦɑ̃ mʌrʌn
where.REL life there.COR death

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'Where there is life, there is death. (09.510)
The NP /jʌɦɑ̃ jiʌn/ 'where there is life' is in the locative case and is relativized.
Table 13.1 presents relatives and correlatives with consecutive interrogative
counterparts in Bhojpuri in a parallel way.
Table 13.1 Interrogatives, relatives and correlatives in Bhojpuri
Interrogatives Relatives Correlatives
के /ke/, कौन /kɔn/, के कनी जे /je/, जौन /jɔn/, जेकनी से /se/, सेकनी /sekni/, तौन
/kekni/ 'who' /jekni/ /tɔn/, तेकनी /tekni/ ऊ /u/,

ओकनी /okni/

कथी /kʌtʰi/ 'what' जथी /jʌtʰi/ तथी /tʌtʰi/

के कर /kekʌr/, कनकर जेकर /jekʌr/, िजनकर सेकर /sekʌr/, तेकर /tekʌr/,

/kinkʌr/ 'whose' /jinkʌr/ ओकर /okʌr/, उनकर /unkʌr/,

ितनकर /tinkʌr/

कखनी /kʌkʰni/, कखुनी जखनी /jʌkʰni/, जखुनी तखनी /tʌkʰni/, तखुनी

/kʌkʰuni/ 'when' /jʌkʰuni/ /tʌkʰuni/, ओखनी /okʰni/

कहाँ /kʌɦɑ̃/, कहवाँ जहाँ /jʌɦɑ̃/, जहवाँ /jʌɦʌwɑ̃/, तहाँ /tʌɦɑ̃/, तहवाँ /tʌɦʌwɑ̃/,

/kʌɦʌwɑ̃/, के ने /kene/ जेने /jene/ तेने /tene/, उहाँ /uɦɑ̃/, ओने

'where' /one/, उहवाँ /uɦʌwɑ̃/,

कब /kʌb/, किहआ /kʌɦiɑ/ जब /jʌb/, जिहआ /jʌɦiɑ/ तब /tʌb/, तिहआ /tʌɦiɑ/

'when'
कइसन /kʌisʌn/ 'how' जइसन /jʌisʌn/ तइसन /tʌisʌn/, ओइसन
/oisʌn/
13.5 Clause chaining
The use of clause chaining is one of the more salient features of Bhojpuri
discourse and the feature fits it into the category of chaining languages as Thompson
and Longacre (1985:175-6) and Longacre (1985:238-9) describe. Such clause chains
express sequences of events or actions carried out and consist of one or several non-
final clauses, followed by the final one. Each non-final clause is relating to the one
immediately preceding it and the one following it, but not necessarily to the final
clause. Such circumstance is somewhat intermediate between coordination and
subordination, which Liljegren (2008:310) terms as cosubordinate clause.

494
13.5.1 Same-subject chaining
The construction used in the non-final clauses in the same-subject chaining is
a non-finite participial, a verb form without any participant agreement, and the subject
left implicit.
(84) a. माई खाएक कके हमनी के िखआके सुतेली ।
mɑi kʰɑek kʌke ɦʌmni ke kʰiɑke suteli
mɑi kʰɑek kʌr-ke ɦʌm-ni ke kʰiɑ-ke sut-eli
mother food do-SEQ 1.SG-PL DAT feed-SEQ sleep-3SG.PRES.F.MH
'Mother sleeps having food cooked and fed us.' (Lohar, 2012:218)
b. तू त खऱवा खात पिनआ िपअत चलेलऽ ।
tu tʌ kʰʌr̥ wɑ kʰɑt pʌniɑ piʌt
tu tʌ kʰʌr̥ -wɑ kʰɑ-ʌt pɑni-ɑ pi-ʌt
2.SG COND grass-DEF eat-SIM water-DEF drink-SIM
cʌlelʌ
cʌl-elʌ
walk-2SG.PRES.M.MH
'You walk very slowly.' Lit: 'You walk eating grass and drinking water.'
(Lohar, 2012:218)
c. खेती छोड़ द , टुकुर-टु कुर ताकत रह आ ई िव सा ा यवादी लोग के ारा उबजावल

गइल सामान हमनीका योग करत रह ।

kʰeti cʰoɽ dĩ ʈukur-ʈukur tɑkʌt rʌɦĩ ɑ
kʰeti cʰoɽ dĩ ʈukur-ʈukur tɑk-ʌt rʌɦ-ĩ ɑ
farming leave give.HORT worthlessly seek-SIM live-HORT and
i biswʌ sɑmrɑjyʌbɑdi loɡ ke dwɑrɑ ubjɑwʌl ɡʌil
i biswʌ sɑmrɑjyʌbɑd-i loɡ ke dwɑrɑ ubjɑ-wʌl jɑ-il
PROX world imperialism-ADJ PL GEN by grow-PP go-PP
sɑmɑn ɦʌmnikɑ prʌyoɡ kʌrʌt rʌɦĩ
sɑmɑn ɦʌm-ni-kɑ prʌyoɡ kʌr-ʌt rʌɦ-ĩ
material 1SG-PL-DEF use do-SIM live-HORT
'Let's abandon farming, continue looking at them worthlessly and using
products of these global imperialists.' (02.108)
d. बु ढ़आ ओके पकड़के धोकरी म कस लेली आ चल देली ।

495
buɽ̊iɑ oke pʌkʌɽke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
buɽ̊-i-ɑ o-e pʌkʌɽ-ke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
old-F-DEF 3SG-DAT catch -SEQ bag LOC place and tighten
leli ɑ cʌl deli
le-ʌl-i ɑ cʌl de-ʌl-i
take-PP-3.PST-F.MH and walk give-PP-3.PST-F.MH
'The old woman pulled him down, tightened him in the bag and went.' (05.039)
13.5.2 Different-subject chaining
While the chaining exemplified in the preceding section expresses sequencing
of events or actions with one and the same subject, another construction type is being
used when there is a subject switch after a non-final clause: a non-final clause as the
ones found in (84a-c), in which a finite verb is followed by the particle आ /ɑ/, is in
turn followed by another (non-final or final) clause.
(85) a. बन राखे बाघ आ बाघ राखे बन ।
bʌn rɑkʰe bɑɡ̈ ɑ bɑɡ̈ rɑkʰe bʌn
bʌn rɑkʰ-e bɑɡ̈ ɑ bɑɡ̈ rɑkʰ-e bʌn
jungle keep-PRES tiger and tiger keep-PRES jungle
'The jungle protects tiger and the tiger protects jungle.' (09.118)
b. लइका जइसही िप ी देवे तिनका नीचा उतरके लभल, बु ढ़आ ओके पकड़के धोकरी म

कस लेली आ घरे चल देली ।

lʌikɑ jʌisʌɦi piʈʈʰi dewe tʌnikɑ nicɑ utʌrke
lʌikɑ jʌise-ɦi piʈʈʰi de-we tʌnikɑ nicɑ utʌr-ke
boy as fast as-EMPH cake give-PUR little down descend-SEQ
lʌb̤ ʌl buɽ̊iɑ oke pʌkʌɽke d̤ okʌri mẽ
lʌb̤ -ʌl buɽ̊-i-ɑ o-e pʌkʌɽ-ke d̤ okʌri mẽ
bow-3SG.PST old-F-DEF 3SG-DAT catch-SEQ bag LOC

leli ɑ ɡ̈ʌre cʌl deli

le-ʌl-i ɑ ɡ̈ʌr-e cʌl de-ʌl-i
take-PP-3.PST.F.MH and house-LOC walk give-PP-3.PST-F.MH

'As the boy descended a little and bowed to give her the cake, the old
woman pulled him down, tightened him in a bag and went home.' (05.019)
c. चल हम ओखरी म मुड़ी लगावतानी आ तू ढक चलाके सज दे ।

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cʌl ɦʌm okʰʌri mẽ muɽi lʌɡɑwʌtɑni ɑ tu
cʌl ɦʌm okʰʌri mẽ muɽi lʌɡɑ-ʌt bɑni ɑ tu
walk 1SG mortar LOC head set-SIM be.PRES.H and 2SG
ɖ̈ẽki cʌlɑke sʌj de
ɖ̈ẽki cʌl-ɑ-ke sʌj de
pounding appliance walk-CAUS-SEQ trim give.IMP
'I'm placing my head in the mortar and trim it by pounding.' (05.052)
13.6 Conjoined clauses
Languages often have morphosyntactic means of linking two clauses of equal
grammatical status, i.e. coordination, distinct from subordination in that in
subordination, one clause is grammatically dependent on the other (Payne 1997:336).
But Givón (2001b:348) rejects the traditional independent-dependent
dichotomy between the subordinate and co-ordinate clauses, arguing that the
dichotomy is unrealistic both functionally and syntactically. It further postulates
"while the different types of conjoined clauses may vary among themselves in the
degree and type of their connectivity, their pragmatic links tend to be local (narrow
scoped). In this, they contrast with pre-posed adverbials but resemble the post-posed
ones." Haspelmath (2007: 34) suggests the term 'coordination' as syntactic
constructions in which two or more units of the same type are combined into a larger
unit and still have the same semantic relations with other surrounding elements.
The coordinator, which is further subcategoraized as conjunction, disjunction,
adversative coordination and causal coordination; described in Bhojpuri as follows:
13.6.1 Conjunctive coordinator (conjunction)
As attested in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal :2013:346-8), Maithili (Yadav
2014:148-55), Hindi (Koul 2008:241-44) and Nepali (Upadhyay 2010:68 and
Adhikari 2016:117), Bhojpuri has two ways of expressions of conjunctions: suffix - ँ

/ɦũ/, -हो /-ɦo/, -ओ /-o/ 'too/also', and particle आ /ɑ/ 'and', as shown in (86a-d).

(86) a. ओह बीच म हम ँ त रह , अपन ँ लोग के तता रहल होई ।

oɦ bic mẽ ɦʌmɦũ byʌst rʌɦĩ ʌpnʌɦũ loɡ
oɦ bic mẽ ɦʌm-ɦũ byʌst rʌɦ-ĩ ʌpne-ɦũ loɡ
DIST middle LOC 1SG-EMPH busy live-PST.H 2SG.H-EMPH PL

ke byʌstʌtɑ rʌɦʌl ɦoi

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ke byʌst-tɑ rʌɦ-ʌl ɦo-i
GEN busy-NML live-PP be-3SG.FUT
'I was also busy those days, you might have busy schedule too.' (03.027-28)
b. आ हमनी के सहकम भी बानी, इहो इनकर प रचय बा ।
ɑ ɦʌmni ke sʌɦkʌrmi b̤ i bɑni iɦo
ɑ ɦʌm-ni ke sʌɦkʌrmi b̤ i bɑni i-ɦo
and 1SG-PL GEN colleague also be.PRES.H PROX-EMPH

inkʌr pʌricɛ bɑ
in-ʌr pʌricɛ bɑ
PROX-GEN introduction be.3SG.PRES
'And he is our colleague too, this is also his introduction.' (03.017-19)
c. भोजपुरी नेपालो म बोलल जाला, भारतो म बोलल जाला ।
b̤ ojpuri nepɑlo mẽ bolʌl jɑlɑ b̤ ɑrʌto
b̤ ojpuri nepɑl-o mẽ bol-ʌl jɑ-ilɑ b̤ ɑrʌt-o
Bhojpuri Nepal-EMPH LOC speak-INF go-3SG.PRES India-EMPH
mẽ bolʌl jɑlɑ
mẽ bol-ʌl jɑ-ilɑ
LOC speak-INF go-3SG.PRES
'Bhojpuri is spoken in Nepal also, in India too.'
d. खास कके भोजपुरी के ाकरण आ श दकोश पर ब त कम काम भइल बा ।
kʰɑs kʌke b̤ ojpuri ke byɑkʌrʌn ɑ sʌbdʌkos pʌr
kʰɑs kʌr-ke b̤ ojpuri ke byɑkʌrʌn ɑ sʌbdʌkos pʌr
special do-SEQ Bhojpuri GEN grammar and dictionary LOC

bʌɦut kʌm kɑm b̤ ʌil bɑ

bʌɦut kʌm kɑm b̤ ʌ-il bɑ
very less work become-PP be.3SG.PRES
'Particulary there have been several works done on grammar and dictionary
of Bhojpuri.' (03.060)
13.6.2 Disjunctive coordination (disjunction)
As displayed in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:348-51), Maithili (Yadav
2014:164-7), Hindi (Koul 2008:285) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:114), Bhojpuri has
several ways of expressions of disjunctions: suffix -हे /-ɦe/, -ही /-ɦi/, -ए /-e/ 'only' and

particle ना /nɑ/ 'no' together or particles भा /b̤ ɑ/, चाहे /cɑɦe/ 'or' as shown in (87a-f):
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(87) a. तूहे अइहऽ, हम ना ।
tuɦe ʌiɦʌ ɦʌm nɑ

tu-ɦe ɑ-iɦʌ ɦʌm nɑ

2SG-EMPH come-IMP.MH 1SG NEG

'You will only come, not I.' (13.045)

b. हमही जाएम, ऊ ना जाई ।
ɦʌmɦi jɑem u nɑ jɑi
ɦʌm-ɦi jɑ-em u nɑ jɑ-i
1SG-EMPH go-FUT.H 3SG NEG go-3SG.FUT
'I will only go, he won't go.' (13.046)
c. रउए भात खा , हम ना खाएम ।
rʌue b̤ ɑt kʰɑĩ ɦʌm nɑ kʰɑem
rʌuɑ-e b̤ ɑt kʰɑ-ĩ ɦʌm nɑ kʰɑ-em
2SG.H-EMPH rice eat-IMP.H 1SG NEG eat-FUT.H
'Please eat rice yourself, I won't eat.' (13.047)
d. ओ म बाभनो के ना छोड़लक आ डोमो के ना छोड़लख लोग ।
o mẽ bɑb̤ no ke nɑ cʰoɽlʌk ɑ
o mẽ bɑb̤ ʌn-o ke nɑ cʰoɽ-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɑ
DIST LOC Brahmin-EMPH ACC NEG leave-PP-3.PST and
ɖomo ke nɑ cʰoɽlʌkʰ loɡ
ɖom-o ke nɑ cʰoɽ-ʌl-ʌkʰ loɡ
scavenger-EMPH ACC NEG leave-PP-3.PST PL

'… neither the Brahmins nor the Doms (Hindu scavengers) were
exceptions.' (03.347)
e. ... रउआ अगर काट लेतानी भा खेत से उखाड़ लेतानी ... ।
rʌuɑ ʌɡʌr kɑʈ letɑni b̤ ɑ kʰet se ukʰɑɽ
rʌuɑ ʌɡʌr kɑʈ le-ʌt bɑni b̤ ɑ kʰet se ukʰɑɽ
2SG.H if cut take-IMPF be.PRES.H or farm source uproot
letɑni
le-ʌt bɑni
take-IMPF be.PRES.H

499
'... if you are cutting or uprooting from the farm ...' (02.115)
f. भोजपुरी के लोक-सािह य कहल जाओ चाहे लोकवाता कहल जाओ ।
b̤ ojpuri ke lok sɑɦityʌ kʌɦʌl jɑo cɑɦe lokbɑrtɑ
b̤ ojpuri ke lok sɑɦityʌ kʌɦ-ʌl jɑ-o cɑɦe lokbɑrtɑ
Bhojpuri GEN folk literature say-INF go-OPT or folklore
kʌɦʌl jɑo
kʌɦ-ʌl jɑ-o
say-INF go-OPT
'Let's say folk-literature or folklore of Bhojpuri.' (03.190)
13.6.3 Adversative coordination
As Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:352), Maithili (Yadav 2014:164-7), Hindi
(Koul 2008:284-5) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:114) exhibit adversative coordination,
Bhojpuri has particle बा कर /bɑkir/ 'but' that conjoins two noun phrases or clauses that

are adverse from each other, as shown in (88a-c). The बा कर /bɑkir/ particle is also

somewhere बाँ कर /bɑ̃kir/ but in Hindi influence, ले कन /lekin/ is also being used
contemporarily.
(88) a. ... उहो नेपािलए रहल बा कर भोजपुरी े के रहल ।
uɦo nepɑlie rʌɦlẽ bɑkir b̤ ojpuri cʰetrʌ
u-o nepɑl-i-e rʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ bɑ̃kir b̤ ojpuri cʰetrʌ
DIST-EMPH Nepal-ADJ-EMPH live-PP-3PST.MH but Bhojpuri region
ke rʌɦlẽ
ke rʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ
GEN live-PP-3PST.MH
'... he was also Nepali but belonged to the Bhojpuri speaking zone.' (04.078)
b. बनल नहर बाँ कर ओ म पानी नइखे ।
bʌnʌl nʌɦʌr bɑ̃kir o mẽ pɑni nʌikʰe
bʌn-ʌl nʌɦʌr bɑ̃kir o mẽ pɑni nʌikʰ-e
make-3SG.PST canal but DIST LOC water be.NEG.PRES-3SG
'The canal was prepared but there is no water in it.' (02.076)
c. आजो बा ले कन ... ब त कम हो गइल बा ।
ɑjo bɑ lekin bʌɦut kʌm ɦo ɡʌil

500
ɑj-o bɑ lekin bʌɦut kʌm ɦo jɑ-il
today-EMPH be.3SG.PRES but very less be go-PP
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'It still exists but highly endangered.' (03.278)
13.6.4 Rejection
As displayed in Maithili (Yadav 2014:168-9) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:114-
5), rejection can be expressed simply with a phrase- or clause-initial negation ना nɑ ...

ना nɑ 'neither ... nor' in Bhojpuri, as shown in (89a-b).

(89) a. पूरे-पूरे कवनो भी ि अपन परं परा के भूला ना सके ला ना कवनो नया परं परा के ऊ

पूरा िसख सके ला ।

pure pure kɔno b̤ i byʌkti ʌpʌn pʌrʌmpʌrɑ
purɑ-e purɑ-e kɔno b̤ i byʌkti ɑpʌn pʌrʌmpʌrɑ
full-EMPH full-EMPH any also individual GEN tradition
ke b̤ ulɑ nɑ sʌkelɑ nɑ kɔno nʌyɑ
ke b̤ ul-ɑ nɑ sʌk-elɑ nɑ kɔno nʌyɑ
ACC forget-CAUS NEG can-3SG.PRES NEG any new
pʌrʌmpʌrɑ ke u purɑ sikʰ sʌkelɑ
pʌrʌmpʌrɑ ke u purɑ sikʰ sʌk-elɑ
tradition ACC 3SG full learn can-3SG.PRES
'Any person can neither forget his/her tradition outright nor can s/he learn a
new one completely.' (03.329)
b. ना िनमन गीत गाएम ना दरबार देखे जाएम ।
nɑ nimʌn ɡit ɡɑem nɑ dʌrbɑr dekʰe jɑem
nɑ nimʌn ɡit ɡɑ-em nɑ dʌrbɑr dekʰ- e jɑ-em
NEG good song sing-FUT.H NEG palace see-PUR go-FUT.H
'Neigher I sing well nor I'll go to visit Royal Palace.'
13.6.5 Causal coordination
As attested in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:353-4), Bhojpuri has also some
particles such as कारण क /kɑrʌn ki/ or काहे क /kɑɦe ki/, एह से क /eɦ se ki/ 'because'
or 'because of' or 'for' that coordinate the cause clauses. They are simply known as

501
causal coordination, as shown in (90a-c).
(90) a. काहे क कम े ह, ज म ना ।
kɑɦe ki kʌrmʌ sresʈʰ ɦʌ jʌnm nɑ
why COMP work superior be.3SG.PRES birth NEG

'Because the work is superior, not the birth one.' (07.082)

b. एह से क हम देखले बानी त हमरा इयाद बा ।
eɦ se ki ɦʌm dekʰle bɑni tʌ ɦʌmrɑ
eɦ se ki ɦʌm dekʰ-ʌl-e bɑni tʌ ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ
PROX with COMP 1SG see-PP-SEQ be.PRES.H COND 1SG-GEN-DAT
iɑd bɑ
iɑd bɑ
memory be.3SG.PRES
'Because I have observed, so, I can remember.' (03.246)
c. मोबाइल के कारण िच ी िलखल बन हो गइल ।
mobɑil ke kɑrʌn ciʈʈʰi likʰʌl bʌn ɦo ɡʌil
mobɑil ke kɑrʌn ciʈʈʰi likʰ-ʌl bʌn ɦo jɑ-il
mobile GEN cause letter write-INF closed be go-3SG.PST
'Letter-writing was closed because of mobile phones.' (09.267)
13.7 Summary
In this chapter, we examined the inter-clausal coherence in Bhojpuri. The
complement clauses in Bhojpuri are in the form of complement-taking PCU
(Perception-Cognition-Utterance) predicates that include propositional attitude
predicates, commentative predicates, knowledge acquision predicates and immediate
perception predicates; complement-taking modality predicates including modal
predicates, achievement predicates, phasal predicates and desiderative predicates;
complement-taking manipulation predicates that include permissive predicates and
causative predicates. The subordinate adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri are either marked
through the subordinating morphemes attached to the dependent clause or through the
special non-finite verb forms. Temporal adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri include
precedence, subsequence, subsequence cum instrument, simultaneity, point
coincidence, accompanying circumstance, terminal boundary, initial boundary and
intermediacy. Bhojpuri conditional adverbial clauses are irrealis, counter-fact,
conditionals with intermediate value and concessive conditionals. Bhojpuri also

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exhibits cause and reason adverbial clauses, concessive adverbial clauses, additive
adverbial clauses, substitutive adverbial clauses and purpose adverbial clauses.
Participial adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri encode the sequential and simultaneous
temporal senses. The sequential adverbial clause indicates a temporal sequence in
clause chains whereas the simultaneous adverbial clause expresses an activity that is
simultaneous with or temporally overlapping with another activity expressed by the
matrix predicate.
Relative clauses in Bhojpuri include relativization of the grammatical relations
such as subject, direct object and indirect object as we observe cross-linguistically. But
Bhojpuri also exhibits oblique, possessive, instrument, source and locative cases
relativized. Clause chaining in Bhojpuri includes chains of same and different subjects of
the clauses. Coordinated or conjoined clauses in Bhojpuri exhibit conjunctive,
disjunctive and adversative relationships among the conjoined clauses. The concepts
of rejection and clausal coordination are also found to be conjoined in Bhojpuri.

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CHAPTER 14
REFERENTIAL COHERENCE
14.0 Outline
This chapter deals with the devices of referential coherence in Bhojpuri. It
consists of eight sections. In section 14.1, we discuss the morphosyntactic devices that
are commonly used for referential coherence in languages. In section 14.2, the
pronominal system in Bhojpuri is described. In section 14.3, we deal with the
anaphoric reference in Bhojpuri and section 14.4 deals with the reference and
definiteness. In section 14.5, we deal with topic continuity and section 14.6 deals with
action continuity. The thematic continunity in discourse is examined in section 14.7
and we present the summary of the findings of the chapter in section 14.8.
14.1 Major morpho-syntactic devices
Referential coherence – how referents (participants) are introduced or re-
introduced into the discourse, and how they may be continued or terminated – is a
vast topic that intersects with many domains of the grammar (Givón 2011:156). "The
grammar of independent pronouns and grammatical agreement lies at the intersection
of two functional domains: covering semantic domain of classifying the participants
in terms of person (speaker/hearer), number, gender/class, deixis and case-role; and
discourse pragmatic domain of clitic, inflectional or zero-anaphors to play a crucial
role to determine the grammatical subject and object as well as the reference and
definiteness of the participant" (Givón 2001b:399).
Therefore, while dealing with the referential coherence in Bhojpuri, we first
observe the grammar of pronouns and grammatical agreement based on the semantic
domain and then we discuss the grammar of anaphoric reference, a sub-domain of
referential coherence.
14.2 Pronominal system
As attested in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:136-56), Maithili (Yadav
1996:103-23), Awadhi (Saksena 1937/1971:157-211), HIndi (Koul 2008:75-80) and
Nepali (Upadhyay 2010:48-53 and Adhikari 2016:40-61), we have dealt with personal,
reflexive1, reciprocal2, demonstrative, interrogative, indefinite, possessive3, relative
and correlative pronouns in Bhojpuri pronominal system.

1. Explained in Chapter 11.3.1.

2. Explained in Chapter 11.3.2.
3. Explained under paradigms of personal pronouns in this section.

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14.2.1 Personal pronouns
Person, number, honorificity and case roles are categories of the Bhojpuri
pronouns (Grierson 1884a:14-7, Ojha 1915[1982]:18-9, Tiwari 1960:126-32 and
1984:440-7, Nirbhik 1975:48, Tripathy 1987:92-3, Shrivastava 1999:48-9, Sharma and
Ashk 2007:10-1, Thakur 2011:66-8 and Singh 2013:55). There are three persons: first,
second and third; two numbers: singular and plural and three degrees of honorificity:
non-honorific, mid-honorific and honorific. Regarding the gender, pronouns are not
suffixed or take any other particles for gender, rather, the gender of a personal pronoun
is fixed by gender suffix with the finite verbs. Likewise, the case roles are generally
classified by suffixing the nominative/agentive case for other case roles. Such suffixes
are also attached with the pronouns in nominative case to change them into accusative,
dative and possessive cases only. The other case roles are fixed by postpositional
morphemes in Bhojpuri, as nominals do, already described in Chapter 6. The personal
pronouns in Bhojpuri refer deictically to the speech-act participants. Personal pronouns
are free standing and take case markers and postpositions in the same way as do the full
noun phrases. Personal pronouns in Bhojpuri in nominative, accusative, dative and
possessive case roles are presented in the tables below:
Table 14.1 Personal pronouns in Bhojpuri: First person
Case Singular Plural
Nominative हम /ɦʌm/ हमनी /ɦʌmni/, ह मन /ɦʌmmʌn/
Accusative हमे /ɦʌme/, हम के /ɦʌm ke/, हमनी के /ɦʌmni ke/, ह मन के /ɦʌmmʌn

हमरा के /ɦʌmrɑ ke/ ke/, हमरनी के /ɦʌmrʌni ke/

Dative हमे /ɦʌme/, हम के /ɦʌm ke/, हमनी के /ɦʌmni ke/, ह मन के /ɦʌmmʌn

हमरा के /ɦʌmrɑ ke/, हमरा ke/, हमनी ला/खाितर /ɦʌmni lɑ/kʰɑtir/,

ला/खाितर /ɦʌmrɑ lɑ/kʰɑtir/ ह मन ला/खाितर /ɦʌmmʌn lɑ/kʰɑtir/

Possessive हमार /ɦʌmɑr/, हमर /ɦʌmʌr/ हमनी के /ɦʌmni ke/, ह मन के /ɦʌmmʌn ke/
Going through Table 14.1, we observe that first person pronouns in Bhojpuri are
irrespective of honorificity because the finite verb in a clause is always take full honorific
marker. Likewise, they never take any gender-marker ulike Hindi, as shown in (1a-b):
(1) a. हम कसान के बेटा बानी ।
ɦʌm kisɑn ke beʈɑ bɑni
1SG farmer GEN son be.PRES.H

505
‘I am a son of the farmer.’ (14.251)
b. हम कसान के बेटी बानी ।
ɦʌm kisɑn ke beʈi bɑni
1SG farmer GEN daughter be.PRES.H
‘I am a daughter of the farmer.’ (14.252)
Table 14.2 Personal pronouns in Bhojpuri: Second person
Case Hon. Singular Plural
Nominative NH त /tẽ/, तू /tu/ तोहनी /toɦni/, तोहन /toɦʌn/, तू लोग /tu
MH तू /tu/ loɡ/

H रउआ /rʌuɑ/, अपने रउनी /rʌuni/, रउअनी /rʌuʌni/, रउआ लोग

/ʌpne/, आप /ɑp/ /rʌuɑ loɡ/, अपने लोग /ʌpne loɡ/, आप लोग

/ɑp loɡ/
Accusative NH/MH तोहे /toɦe/, तो/तोह तोहनी के /toɦni ke/, तोहन के /toɦʌn ke/, तू

के /to/toɦ ke/ लोग के /tu loɡ ke/

तोहरा के /toɦrɑ
ke/
H रउआ के /rʌuɑ ke/, रउनी के /rʌuni ke/, रउअनी के /rʌuʌni ke/,

अपने के /ʌpne रउआ लोग के /rʌuɑ loɡ ke/, अपने लोग के

ke/, आप के /ɑp ke/ /ʌpne loɡ ke/, आप लोग के /ɑp loɡ ke/
Dative NH/MH तोहे /toɦe/, तोहरा तोहनी के /toɦni ke/, तोहनी ला/खाितर

के /toɦrɑ ke/, /toɦni lɑ/kʰɑtir/, तोहन के /toɦʌn ke/, तू

तोहरा ला/खाितर लोग के /tu loɡ ke/, तोहन ला/खाितर /toɦʌn

/toɦrɑ lɑ/kʰɑtir/ lɑ/kʰɑtir/, तू लोग ला/खाितर /tu loɡ
lɑ/kʰɑtir/
H रउआ के /rʌuɑ ke/, रउनी के /rʌuni ke/, रउअनी के /rʌuʌni ke/,

अपने के /ʌpne ke/, रउआ लोग के /rʌuɑ loɡ ke/, अपने लोग के

रउआ ला/खाितर /ʌpne loɡ ke/, आप लोग के /ɑp loɡ ke/

/rʌuɑ lɑ/kʰɑtir/, रउनी ला/खाितर /rʌuni lɑ/kʰɑtir/, रउअनी
अपने ला/खाितर ला/खाितर /rʌuʌni lɑ/kʰɑtir/, रउआ लोग
/ʌpne ला/खाितर /rʌuɑ loɡ la/kʰɑtir/, अपने लोग

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ला/खाितर /ʌpne loɡ lɑ/kʰɑtir/, आप लोग

ला/खाितर /ɑp loɡ lɑ/kʰɑtir/

Possessive NH/MH तोर /tor/, तोहार तोहनी के /toɦni ke/, तोहन के /toɦʌn ke/, तू

/toɦɑr/, तोहर लोग के /tu loɡ ke/

/toɦʌr/
H राउर /rɑur/, अपने रउनी के /rʌuni ke/, रउअनी के /rʌuʌni ke/,

के /ʌpne ke/ रउआ लोग के /rʌuɑ loɡ ke/, अपने लोग के

/ʌpne loɡ ke/, आप लोग के /ɑp loɡ ke/

Like the first person pronouns, the second person Bhojpuri pronouns also do
not take any gender marker but they differ in terms of honorificity. त /tẽ/ is the special
non-honorific second person singular nominative in Bhojpuri, otherwise, non-
honorific or mid-honorific second person pronouns are the same. Similarly, the
gender is marked with the suffix attached to the finite verb, as shown in (2a-b):
(2) a. तू कसान के बेटा बाड़ऽ ।
tu kisɑn ke beʈɑ bɑɽʌ
2SG farmer GEN son be.2.PRES
‘You are a son of the farmer.’ (14.253)
b. तू कसान के बेटी बाड़ू ।
tu kisɑn ke beʈi bɑɽu
2SG farmer GEN daughter be.2.PRES.F.MH
‘You are a daughter of the farmer.’ (14.254)
Table 14.3 Personal pronouns in Bhojpuri: Third person
Case Hon. Singular Plural
Proximal Distant Proximal Distant
Nominative NH/MH ई /i/ ऊ /u/ एकनी /ekni/, ओकनी /okni/,

हेकनी /ɦekni/ होकनी /ɦokini/

H इहाँका उहाँका इहाँ सभन /iɦɑ̃ उहाँ सभन /uɦɑ̃
/iɦɑ̃kɑ/ /uɦɑ̃kɑ/ sʌb̤ ʌn/, ई लोग sʌb̤ ʌn/, ऊ लोग
/I loɡ/ /u loɡ/
Accusative NH/MH एके /eke/, ओके /oke/, एकनी के /ekni ओकनी के /okni

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हेके /ɦeke/, होके /ɦoke/, ke/, हेकनी ke/, होकनी

एकरा के ओकरा के /ɦekni ke/ /ɦokini ke/

/ekrɑ ke/, /okrɑ ke/,

हेकरा के होकरा के
/ɦekrɑ ke/ /ɦokra ke/
H इनका के उनका के इनकनी के उनकनी के
/inkɑ ke/, /unkɑ ke/, /inkʌni ke/, /unkʌni ke/,
िहनका के नका के िहनकनी के नकनी के
/ɦinkɑ ke/ /ɦunkɑ ke/ /ɦinkʌni ke/, ए /ɦunkʌni ke/,

लोग के /e loɡ ओ लोग के /o

ke/ loɡ ke/

Dative NH/MH एके /eke/, ओके /oke/, एकनी के /ekni ओकनी के /okni

एकरा के ओकरा के ke/, हेकनी के ke/, होकनी के

/ekra ke/, /okrɑ ke/, /ɦekni ke/, /ɦokini ke/,
एकरा ओकरा एकनी ओकनी

ला/खाितर ला/खाितर ला/खाितर ला/खाितर

/ekrɑ /okrɑ /ekni /okni
lɑ/kʰɑtir/, lɑ/kʰɑtir/, lɑ/kʰɑtir/, lɑ/kʰɑtir/,
हेकरा के होकरा के हेकनी होकनी
/ɦekrɑ ke/, /ɦokrɑ ke/, ला/खाितर ला/खाितर
हेकरा होकरा /ɦekni /ɦokini
ला/खाितर ला/खाितर lɑ/kʰɑtir/ lɑ/kʰɑtir/

/ɦekrɑ /ɦokrɑ
lɑ/kʰɑtir/ lɑ/kʰɑtir/
H इनका के उनका के इनकनी के उनकनी के
/inkɑ ke/, /unkɑ ke/, /inkʌni ke/, /unkʌni ke/,
िहनका के नका के िहनकनी के नकनी के
/ɦinkɑ ke/, /ɦunkɑ ke/, /ɦinkʌni ke/, ए /ɦunkʌni ke/,
इनका उनका लोग के /e loɡ ओ लोग के /o

ला/खाितर ला/खाितर ke/, इनकनी loɡ ke/,

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/inkɑ /unkɑ ला/खाितर उनकनी
lɑ/kʰɑtir/, lɑ/kʰɑtir/, /inkʌni ला/खाितर
िहनका नका lɑ/kʰɑtir/, /unkʌni
ला/खाितर ला/खाितर िहनकनी lɑ/kʰɑtir/,
/ɦinkɑ /ɦunkɑ ला/खाितर नकनी
lɑ/kʰɑtir/ lɑ/kʰɑtir/ /ɦinkʌni ला/खाितर
lɑ/kʰɑtir/, ए /ɦunkʌni
लोग ला/खाितर lɑ/kʰɑtir/, ओ
/e loɡ लोग ला/खाितर
lɑ/kʰɑtir/ /o loɡ lɑ/kʰɑtir/
Possessive NH/MH एकर /ekʌr/, ओकर /okʌr/, एकनी के /ekni ओकनी के /okni

हेकर /ɦekʌr/ होकर /ɦokʌr/ ke/, हेकनी के ke/, होकनी के

/ɦekni ke/ /ɦokini ke/
H इनकर उनकर इनकनी के उनकनी के
/inkʌr/, /unkʌr/, /inkʌni ke/, /unkʌni ke/,
िहनकर नकर िहनकनी के नकनी के

/ɦinkʌr/, इहाँ /ɦunkʌr/, /ɦinkʌni ke/, ए /ɦunkʌni ke/,

के /iɦɑ̃ ke/ उहाँ के /uɦɑ̃ लोग के /e loɡ ओ लोग के /o

ke/ ke/, loɡ ke/

Similar to the second person pronouns, the third person Bhojpuri pronouns
differ from each other in terms of honorificity either as non-honorific/mid-honorific
and full honorific. But they also follow the same trend as first and second person
pronouns do in terms of gender, as shown in (3a-b):
(3) a. ऊ कसान के बेटा ह ।
u kisɑn ke beʈɑ ɦʌ
3SG farmer GEN son be.3SG.PRES
‘He is a son of the farmer.’ (14.255)
b. ऊ कसान के बेटी िहअ ।
u kisɑn ke beʈi ɦiʌ
3SG farmer GEN daughter be.3SG.PRES.F
‘She is a daughter of the farmer.’ (14.256)

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Moreover, the third person Bhojpuri pronouns differ from each other in terms
of spatial distance. They are either proximal or distant, as shown in (4a-b):
(4) a. ई एकर बेटी िहअ ।
i ekʌr beʈi ɦiʌ
i e-ʌr beʈi ɦiʌ
PROX PROX-GEN daughter be.3SG.PRES.F
‘This is his/her (prox) daughter.’ (14.257)
b. ऊ ओकर बेटी िहअ ।
u okʌr beʈi ɦiʌ
u u-ʌr beʈi ɦiʌ
DIST DIST-GEN daughter be.3SG.PRES.F
‘That is his/her (dist) daughter.’ (14.258)
Going through Table 14.1-14.3, we conclude that Bhojpuri exhibits the
distinction between three persons (first vs. second vs. third), two numbers (singular
vs. plural) and three degrees of honorificity (non-honorific vs. mid-honorific vs.
honorific) in nominative personal pronouns. They are suffixed by -नी /-ni/ or -अन /-

ʌn/ or postposition लोग /loɡ/ or सभन /sʌb̤ ʌn/ as plural marker. Similarly, they are

suffixed by -ए /-e/ or followed by के /ke/ for their accusative case roles. They retain

with these accusative marker suffixes and along with postposition ला /lɑ/ or खाितर

/kʰɑtir/ for their dative case roles, as well as, suffixed by -आर /-ɑr/ or -अर /-ʌr/ or with

postposition के /ke/ for their possessive case roles in Bhojpuri. Moreover, the

possessive suffix -आर /-ɑr/ is observed only with first and second person but -अर /-ʌr/

with all three persons. Diachronically, it signals -आर /-ɑr/ is the later development.
14.2.2 Demonstrative pronouns
Bhojpuri has demonstrative pronouns (Grierson 1884a:18-22, Tiwari
1960:132-7 and 1984:447-53, Nirbhik 1975:49-50, Tripathy 1987:93, Shrivastava
1999:49, Sharma and Ashk 2007:11-2, Thakur 2011:68-9 and Singh 2013:55-6)
almost similar to what we have described third person singular non-honorific
nominative ones. But while we discuss demonstrative pronouns, they appear in three
forms: proximant, distal and remote spatially. They are used to refer to both animate
and inanimate entities. The animate entity may be human or non-human.
Demonstrative pronouns are also used to code the definiteness of the referent in

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discourse.4 Table 14.4 presents the demonstrative pronouns in terms of
proximal/distal/remote contrast.
Table 14.4: Demonstrative pronouns in Bhojpuri
Proximant Distal Remote
ई /i/ ऊ /u/ हऊ /ɦʌu/
Demonstrative pronouns listed in Table 14.4 show that Bhojpuri exhibits
proximate and distal in terms of distance and remote, both for a far distant object as
well as for deictic reference. In discourse, these pronouns also take part in referential
coherence and definiteness of the referent. Referential definiteness encoded in
demonstrative pronouns is discussed further below in this chapter.
14.2.3 Interrogative pronouns
The interrogative pronouns in Bhojpuri also observed in Grierson (1884a:25-
6), Tiwari (1960:141-4 and 1984:458-62), Nirbhik (1975:53-5), Tripathy (1987:93),
Shrivastava (1999:50), Sharma and Ashk (2007:13), Thakur (2011:69) and Singh
(2013:56) are shown in Table 14.5.
Table 14.5: Interrogative pronouns in Bhojpuri
का /kɑ/ or कथी /kʌtʰi/ 'what'

के /ke/ or कौन /kɔn/ 'who'

कौन /kɔn/ 'which'

The interrogative pronouns in Bhojpuri can be exemplified, as in (5a-e):

(5) a. राउर संघीयता बनावे के उ े य का ह ?
rɑur sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ bʌnɑwe ke uddesyʌ kɑ ɦʌ
rɑur sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ bʌnɑ-e ke uddesyʌ kɑ ɦʌ
2SG.GEN.H federalism make-PUR GEN purpose what be.3SG.PRES
‘... WHAT is the motto of your federal structure?’ (01.031)
b. धनपत कथी के मुअइलख ?
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌtʰi ke muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌtʰi ke mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat what ACC die-CAUS-PP-3SG.PST
‘WHAT did Dhanpat kill?’ (06.057)
c. कु ा के के मुअइलख ?

4. Givón (2011: 162) notes that the distal pre-nominal demonstratives are often used as definite articles
in natural discourse in the Ute language, .

511
kuttɑ ke ke muʌilʌkʰ
kuttɑ ke ke mu-ɑ-il-ʌkʰ
dog ACC who die-CAUS-PP-3SG.PST
‘WHO killed the dog?’ (06.056)
d. किहआ कौन कथी लेके कथी करे इहाँ आइल रहे ?
kʌɦiɑ kɔn kʌtʰi leke kʌtʰi kʌre iɦɑ̃ ɑil
kʌɦiɑ kɔn kʌtʰi le-ke kʌtʰi kʌr-e iɦɑ̃ ɑ-il
when who what take-SEQ what do-PUR here come-PP
rʌɦe
rʌɦ-e
live-3SG.PST
‘Who came here what to do with WHICH means and when?’ (14.183)
e. तोहरा कौन िवषय म चाव बा ?
tu-ʌr-ɑ kɔn bisɛ mẽ cɑw bɑ
2SG-GEN-DAT which subject LOC interest be.3SG.PRES
‘WHICH subject do you have your interest in?’ (09.162)
The interrogative pronoun का /kɑ/ has also been observed in Apabhransh in the
14th Cenury A. D. as shown in (6). But it has been grammaticalized to be genitive case
marker postposition in Bhojpuri, already discussed in Chapter 8.
(6) का प ढ़अ काहां ?
kɑ pʌɽ̊iʌ kɑɦɑ̃
kɑ pʌɽ̊-iʌ kɑɦɑ̃
what read-3SG.FUT where
'What will be studied and where?' (Jyotirīśwara 1940:27, early 14th century)
The demonstrative pronouns shown in table 14.5 are variable according to number,
honorificity and case roles already presented in table 13.1 in the preceding chapter.
14.2.4 Indefinite pronouns
The interrogative pronouns in Table 14.5 may also be used as indefinite
pronouns when they are followed by the inclusive emphatic particle - /-ɦu/ or -ओ /-
o/ 'also/even'. Table 14.6 shows the indefinite/non-referring pronouns in Bhojpuri.

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Table 14.6: Indefinite/non-referring pronouns in Bhojpuri
के /keɦu/, कौनो /kɔno/ ‘whoever’

कु िछओ /kucʰio/ ‘whatever’

कौनो /kɔno/ ‘whichever’

The indefinite/non-referring pronouns in Table 14.6 are illustrated in (6):

(7) a. अगर एकर उ टा के करता त ओकरा के िपटे म कवनो हरज नइखे ।
ʌɡʌr ekʌr ulʈɑ keɦu kʌrʌtɑ tʌ
ʌɡʌr ekʌr ulʈɑ keɦu kʌr-ʌt bɑ tʌ
if PROXGEN reverse anyone do-.IMPF be.3SG.PRES COND

okʌrɑ ke piʈe mẽ kɔno ɦʌrʌj nʌikʰe

u-ʌr-ɑ ke piʈ-e mẽ kɔno ɦʌrʌj nʌikʰe
3SG-GEN-DAT ACC beat-PUR LOC any objection not to be
‘If ANYONE is doing reverse of it, there is no objection to beat him/her.’ (09.373)
b. तोहरा बात के कौनो इतवार नइखे ?
toɦrɑ bɑt ke kɔno itwɑr nʌikʰe
tu-ʌr-ɑ bɑt ke kɔn-o itwɑr nʌikʰe
2SG-GEN-SPEC saying GEN who-EMPH trust not to be
‘There is NO trust in your utterance.’ (09.373)
c. एह दुिनआ म कु िछओ अटल नइखे ।
eɦ duniɑ mẽ kucʰio ʌʈʌl nʌikʰe
eɦ duniɑ mẽ kucʰ-io ʌʈʌl nʌikʰe
prox world LOC something-EMPH unaffected not to be
‘NOTHING remains unaffected in this world.’ (09.478)
d. जा खेते, कौनो अऱै या नइखे ।
jɑ kʰete kɔno ʌr̥ ʌiɑ nʌikʰe
jɑ kʰet-e kɔno ʌr̥ ʌiɑ nʌikʰe
go farm-LOC any master not to be
‘Go to the farm, there is NOBODY master there.’ (09.156)
14.2.5 Relative and correlative pronouns
As attested in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:155-6), Awadhi (Saksena
1937/1971:185-91), Maithili (Yadav 1996:116-9), Hindi (Koul 2008:77) and Nepali
(Upadhyay 2010:52 and Adhikari 2016:52-53), Bhojpuri has relative pronouns

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beginning wth ज् /j/ parallet to the interrogative pronouns beginning with क् /k/. But

the correlative pronouns start with either of स् /s/ or त् /t/ or उ /u/ or ओ /o/.5
14.3 Anaphoric coherence
Cross-linguistically, according to Givón (2001a: 417), the anaphoric
coherence is mostly represented by the following four grammatical devices:
(8) a. Anaphoric zero
b. Unstressed anaphoric pronouns
c. Stressed independent pronouns
d. Definite (vs. indefinite) full-NPs
The topic/participant refers to an argument of a clause, co-referential with an
argument of a clause which is immediately (or almost immediately) preceding or
following (Dixon, 2010a:171).6 A natural language may employ one or more devices
for marking an argument as topic. The most common devices include constituent
order, special particle or clitic, a bound pronoun, noun classifier, case marking, voice
alternations and switch reference (Dixon, 2010a:174). There are a number of
different means which languages may employ to mark an argument as
topic/participant (Payne, 1997:345).
(8) a. Anaphoric zeros
b. Verb coding (or anaphoric/grammatical agreement)
c. Unstressed (clitic) pronouns
d. Stressed independent pronouns
e. Demonstrative pronouns
f. Full noun phrase
g. Specific noun phrases
h. Special constituent order
i. Voice alternations
j. Switch reference system
Givón (1983: 17) presents a scale of cross-linguistic coding devices that are employed
to indicate topic continuity in discourse and grades them from the most continuous to
the most discontinuous as follows:

5. Relatives and correlatives have functionally been displayed in Chapter 13.4.3.

6. Dixon (2010a:171-2) further suggests that in some languages any core argument may be topic in
each clause, but a fair number of languages have grammatical conditions on what may be topic.

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(9) Most continuous/ accessible topic
Zero anaphora
Unstressed anaphoric pronouns/bound pronouns or grammatical agreement
Stressed independent pronouns
R-dislocated DEF-NPs
Neutral ordered DEF-NPs
L-dislocated DEF-NPs
Y-moved NPs (‘contrastive topicalization’)
Cleft/focus constructions
Referential indefinite NPs
Most discontinuous/inaccessible topic
In this section, we discussed the specific discourse contexts in which the
coding devices given in (9) are employed to indicate topic continuity in Bhojpuri
discourse, ranking from the most continuous to the most discontinuous.
14.3.1 Zero anaphora
Zero anaphora or anaphoric zero is used in the contexts of maximal referential
continuity (Givón 1983:17). The antecedents of the anaphoric zero may be a full-NP,
anaphoric zero or pronoun, are found significantly in the immediately preceding
clauses (Givon 2001a:418). As attested in Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:408),
Bhojpuri also attests this divece. Consider the following examples:
(10) a. कवनो गाँव म एगो बु ढ़आ रहली ।
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ eɡo buɽ̊iɑ rʌɦli
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ ek-ɡo buɽ̊-i-ɑ rʌɦ-ʌl-i
some village LOC one-CLF old-F-DEF live-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'There was an old woman in a village.' (05.001)
b. ऊ सुभाव से तिनका खुसराह रहली ।
u sub̤ ɑo se tʌnikɑ kʰusrɑɦ rʌɦli
u sub̤ ɑo se tʌnikɑ kʰusrɑɦ rʌɦ-ʌl-i
3SG nature means little wicked live-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'She (the old woman) was wicked by nature. (05.002)
The topic/participant in (10b) is coded by anaphoric zero, which is used for the
most continuous tipic. The referent of this zero is full-NP which has been expressed
as बु ढ़आ /buɽ̊iɑ/ 'old woman' in (10a).

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14.3.2 Unstressed anaphoric pronouns
Like anaphoric zero, the unstressed anaphoric pronouns are also in the context
of maximal referential continuity. The antecedents of such pronouns are found in the
immediately preceding clauses. Consider the following examples:
(11) a. लइका जइसही िप ी देवे तिनका नीचा उतरके लभल,
lʌikɑ jʌisʌɦi piʈʈʰi dewe tʌnikɑ nicɑ utʌrke
lʌikɑ jʌise-ɦi piʈʈʰi de-we tʌnikɑ nicɑ utʌr-ke
boy as fast as-EMPH cake give-PUR little down descend-SEQ
lʌb̤ ʌl
lʌb̤ -ʌl
bow-3SG.PST
'As the boy climbed down a little and bowed to give her the cake,' (05.019)
b. बु ढ़आ ओके पकड़के धोकरी म कस लेली आ घरे चल देली ।
buɽ̊iɑ oke pʌkʌɽke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
buɽ̊iɑ u-e pʌkʌɽ-ke d̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
old-F-DEF 3SG-ACC grab-SEQ bag LOC place and tighten
leli ɑ ɡ̈ʌre cʌl deli
le-ʌl-i ɑ ɡ̈ʌr-e cʌl de-ʌl-i
take-PP-3.PST.F.MH and house-LOC walk give-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'The old woman pulled him down, tightened him in a bag and went home.' (05.019)
The unstressed anaphoric third person pronoun ओके oke in (11b) is co-referent to

लइका lʌika 'boy', which is in (11a), the immediately preceding clause. In (11b) the choice
of the anaphoric pronoun rather than an anaphoric zero is prompted by the clause-rank
discontinuity, viz., subordinate-main clause switch. Such choice may also be prompted by
the thematic discontinuity (i.e., end of the clause chain) and grammatical-role
discontinuity (i.e., subject-object switch) in a language (Givón, 2001a:418).
14.3.3 Stressed independent pronouns
Zero anaphora and independent pronouns are used in the contexts of maximal
referential continuity whereas the stressed independent pronouns are used in the
contexts of referential discontinuity. The stressed independent pronouns are used
when there is potential ambiguity because of the occurrence of two or more referents
of the equal rank.
(12) a. बाबुजी मेहमान के खाए बोलइनी ।

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bɑbuji meɦmɑn ke kʰɑe bolʌini
bɑbu-ji meɦmɑn ke kʰɑ-e bol-ɑ-ini
father-H guest DAT eat-PUR tell-CAUS-PST.H
'Father called the guest for meal.' (14.153)
b. उहाँका नहाए चल गइनी ।
uɦɑ̃kɑ nʌɦɑe cʌl ɡʌini
uɦɑ̃-kɑ nʌɦɑ-e cʌl jɑ-ini
there-SPEC bathe-PUR walk go-PST.H
'He went to bathe.' (14.154)
In (12a) there are two potential referents, बाबुजी /bɑbuji/ 'father' and मेहमान

/meɦmɑn/ 'guest' for the third person pronoun उहाँका /uɦɑkɑ/ 'he (honorific)' in (12b).
Thus, in (12b) the personal pronoun has been stressed so that it refers to 'father', not
the 'guest'.
14.3.4 R-dislocation, neutral word order and L-dislocation
Word-order, viz., the order of definite noun phrases, is one of the major
coding devices for topic continuity. A natural language may employ two devices: R-
dislocation vs. L-dislocation. These two devices are particularly applicable to the rigid
word-order such as English (SVO) or Japanese (SOV). Such languages present the
specific scalar prediction for the continuity or discontinuity of the topics as in (13).
(13) R-dislocation > neutral word-order> L-dislocation
The scale in (13) predicts that the left-most on the scale codes more
continuous and right-most more discontinuous ones (Givón, 1983:19). Almost
similar type of scale of prediction given in (13) can be made in the languages with
pragmatically controlled flexible word-order language as in (14).
(14) a. VS > SV

b. vo > ov
The scale in (14a-b) implies that the left-most element codes the more
continuous topics and right-most the less ones.
Before we discuss whether the implicational scale in (14a-b) can apply in
Bhojpuri, we examine the word order phenomena in the language. The order of the
constituents of simple transitive clause, viz. S, O and v as in (15a) may be permuted
from their stipulated places, e.g.,
(15) a. प वाहा गाछ पाङे ला । (SOV)

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pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋelɑ
pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-elɑ
shortener tree trim-3SG.PRES
'A trimmer trims a tree.' (09.363)
b. प वाहा पाङे ला गाछ । (SVO)
pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋelɑ ɡɑcʰ
pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-elɑ ɡɑcʰ
shortener trim-3SG.PRES tree
'As for a trimmer, he certainly trims a tree.'
c. गाछ पाङे ला प वाहा । (OVS)
ɡɑcʰ pɑŋelɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ
ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-elɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ
tree trim-3SG.PRES shortener
'As for a tree, a trimmer trims it, he does not do anything else.'
d. गाछ प वाहा पाङे ला । (OSV)
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋelɑ
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-elɑ
tree shortener trim-3SG.PRES
'As for tree, he is a trimmer, who trims it.'
e. पाङे ला गाछ प वाहा । (VOS)
pɑŋelɑ ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ
pɑŋ-elɑ ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ
trim-3SG.PRES tree shortener
'It is a tree, as for trimming, which a trimmer did.'
f. पाङे ला प वाहा गाछ । (VSO)
pɑŋelɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ
pɑŋ-elɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ
trim-3SG.PRES shortener tree
'He is a trimmer, as for trimming a tree, he does it.'
It is to be noted that all the six logically possible clauses (15a-f) are acceptable in
Bhojpuri. However, we can argue that SOV in (15a) is the neutral or basic constituent order
in the language. To support for this argument, we can present the following two reasons:

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(a) SOV is a common neutral word-order in other Indo-Aryan languages,
especially the close neighbours of Bhojpuri such as Chitoniya Tharu, Maithili
and Awadhi7 with Hindi (Koul 2008:216) and Nepali (Upadhyay 2010:88)
including some Tibeto-Burman languages like Chapang (Caughley, 1982),
Newar (Malla, 1985), Gurung (Glover, 1974), Dolkha Newar (Genetti, 2007),
Kham (Watters, 2001), Khwopa Newar (Regmi, 2012), Bhujel (Regmi, 2012)
and Kaike (Regmi, 2013) and Dhimal (Khatiwada 2016).
(b) The native speakers have a strong feeling that SOV is the basic constituent
order in Bhojpuri. Moreover, it is the most frequent, least marked and
pragmatically neutral (Whaley, 1997:106).
The clauses in (15b-f) show the permutation of the constituents in the simple
transitive clause. However, the change in order generally triggers a change in the
meaning of the permutated elements from its stipulated place, already exemplified.
Moreover, Table 14.7 shows the permutation of the constituents and its semantic and
pragmatic effects:
Table 14.7: Permutations of the constituents of the clauses
Permutations of the Functional Pragmatic effects
constituents elements
pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-e-lɑ SOV 'A trimmer trims a tree.'
pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-e-lɑ ɡɑcʰ SVO As for a trimmer, he certainly trims a
tree.
ɡɑcʰ pɑŋ-e-lɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ OVS As for a tree, a trimmer trims it, he does
not do anything else.
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-e-lɑ OSV As for tree, he is a trimmer, who trims it.
pɑŋ-e-lɑ ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ VOS It is a tree, as for trimming, which a
trimmer does.
pɑŋ-e-lɑ pʌŋwɑɦɑ ɡɑcʰ VSO He is a trimmer, as for trimming a tree,
he does it.
Table 14.7 exhibits mainly two types of pragmatic effects of the permutation of
constituents in (15b-f). They are topicalization and focusing. The topicalized constituent
is placed clause initially. In (15b) subject is topicalized. In (15c) and (15d) verb has
been topicalized. Similarly in (15e) and (15f) object is topicalized. The focused

7. Please see Chapter 8.2.

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constituent is placed clause medially. The subject is focused in (15c) and (15e) whereas
the object is focused in (15d). The verb is similarly focused in (15b) and (15f).
Let us examine the implicational predictions given in (14a) in the clauses presented in (16a-b).
(16) a. बाबुजी अइनी ... । (SV)
bɑbuji ʌini
bɑbu-ji ɑ-ini
father-H come-PST.H
'Father came ....' (09.505)
b. अइनी बाबुजी । (VS)
ʌini bɑbuji
ɑ-ini bɑbu-ji
come-PST.H father-H
'The one who came is father.' (09.505)
Certainly, the constituents in (16a) are in normal order but the subject is in
position of R-dislication in (16b). Hence clause (16b) codes the more continuous
topics than clause in normal order in (16a).
Likewise, let us examine the implicational predictions given in (14b) in the
clauses presented in (17a-b).
(17) a. प वाहा पाङे ला गाछ । (SVO)
pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋelɑ ɡɑcʰ
pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-elɑ ɡɑcʰ
shortener trim-3SG.PRES tree
'As for a trimmer, he certainly trims a tree.'
b. गाछ प वाहा पाङे ला । (OSV)
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋelɑ
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-elɑ
tree shortener trim-3SG.PRES
'As for tree, he is a trimmer, who trims it.'
By examining the implicational prediction given in (14b) in the clauses
presented in SVO and OSV order in (16a-b) respectively, it is clear that the VO order in
(17a) codes the more continuous topics than OV order in (17b).

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14.3.5 Pronouns and zero anaphors vs. R-dislocated definite full-NPs
The antecedents of zero or bound pronouns are found most commonly in the
directly preceding clause, as aleady noted (in 14.3.1). The antecedent co-referent of the
stressed independent pronoun is found within two to three clauses back. In contrast, the
antecedent co-referent of definite full-NPs is found much further away in the preceding
discourse, often not even in the same chain or paragraph, as shown in (18a-i).
(18) a. कवन देश म एगो गाँव रहे ।
kɔno des mẽ eɡo ɡɑ̃o rʌɦe
kɔno des mẽ ek-ɡo ɡɑ̃o rʌɦ-e
some country LOC one-CLF village live-3.PST
‘Once upon a time there was a village in a country.’ (10.001)
b. गाँव म एगो गरीब प रवार रहे ।
ɡɑ̃o mẽ eɡo ɡʌrib pʌriwɑr rʌɦe
ɡɑ̃o mẽ ek-ɡo ɡʌrib pʌriwɑr rʌɦ-e
village LOC one-CLF poor family live-3.PST
‘There was a poor family in the village.’ (10.002)
c. प रवार म एगो मुसमात के दूगो बेटा रहे ।
pʌriwɑr mẽ eɡo musmɑt ke duɡo beʈɑ rʌɦe
pʌriwɑr mẽ ek-ɡo musmɑt ke du-ɡo beʈɑ rʌɦ-e
family LOC one-CLF widow GEN two-CLF son live-3.PST
‘In the family, a wido had two sons.’ (10.003)
d. दूनू बेटन के शादी हो गइल रहे आ पुतोह सब बसत रहली ।
dunu beʈʌn ke sɑdi ɦo ɡʌil rʌɦe ɑ
du-nu beʈɑ-ʌn ke sɑdi ɦo jɑ-il rʌɦ-e ɑ
two-EMPH son-PL GEN marriage be go-PP live-3.PST and
putoɦ sʌb bʌsʌt rʌɦli
putoɦ sʌb bʌs-ʌt rʌɦ-ʌl-i
daughter-in-law PL live-IMPF live-PP-3.PST.F.MH
‘Both the sons were married and the daughter-in-laws were living in the
family.’ (10.004)
e. बाँ कर प रवार के सभे लोग बागड़े रहे ।
bɑ̃kir pʌriwɑr ke sʌb̤ e loɡ bɑɡʌɽe rʌɦe

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bɑ̃kir pʌriwɑr ke sʌb̤ -e loɡ bɑɡʌɽ-e rʌɦ-e
but family GEN all-EMPH PL deaf & dumb-EMPH live-3.PST
‘But all the family members were deaf and dumb.’ (10.005)
f. एक दन मातारी अपना बेटा सब से कहली, ‘बउआ, अब घरही रहला से काम ना चली ।

बड़का, तू जो पंजाब कमाए, छोटका रही घरे के कामधंधा देखी ।’

ek din mɑtɑri ʌpnɑ beʈɑ sʌb se kʌɦli
ek din mɑtɑri ʌpnɑ beʈɑ sʌb se kʌɦ-ʌl-i
one day mother GEN son PL DAT say-PP-3.PST.F.MH
bʌuɑ ʌb ɡ̈ʌrɦi rʌɦlɑ se kɑm nɑ
bʌbuɑ ʌb ɡ̈ʌr-ɦi rʌɦ-ʌl-ɑ se kɑm nɑ
boy now house-EMPH live-PP-SEQ caus work NEG

cʌli bʌɽkɑ tu jo pʌnjɑb kʌmɑe

cʌl-i bʌɽ-kɑ tu jɑ-o pʌnjɑb kʌmɑ-e
walk-3SG.FUT elder-DEF 2SG go-IMP Punjab work-PUR
cʰoʈkɑ rʌɦi ɡ̈ʌre ke kɑmd̤ ʌnd̤ ɑ dekʰi
cʰoʈ-kɑ rʌɦ-i ɡ̈ʌr-e ke kɑm-d̤ ʌnd̤ ɑ dekʰ-i
small-DEF live-3SG.FUT house-LOC GEN work see-3SG.FUT
‘One day the mother said to her sons, 'My sons, we can gain nothing living
at home. My elder son, go to Punjab for earning, the younger will look after
the household works.'’ (10.006)
g. बड़कु चल गइल पंजाब आ ओतहाँ आपन काम खोजके करे लगल ।
bʌɽku cʌl ɡʌil pʌnjɑb ɑ otʌɦɑ̃ ɑpʌn
bʌɽ-ku cʌl jɑ-il pʌnjɑb ɑ otʌɦɑ̃ ɑpʌn
elder-DEF walk go-3SG.PST Punjab and there GEN

kɑm kʰojke kʌre lɑɡʌl

kɑm kʰoj-ke kʌr-e lɑɡ-ʌl
work search-SEQ do-PUR continue-3SG.PST
‘The elder went to Punjab and started working there.’ (10.007)
h. एने छोटकु गइल हर जोते खेत म ।
ene cʰoʈku ɡʌil ɦʌr jote kʰet mẽ
ene cʰoʈ-ku jɑ-il ɦʌr jot-e kʰet mẽ
this side small-DEF go-3SG.PST plough plough-PUR farm LOC

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‘Hence, the younger went to plough in the field.’ (10.008)
i. जब पनिपआई के बेरा भइल त सोचली मातारी, मुसमात, ‘लइका के पनिपआई ज र

िखआवेके के चाह ।’
jʌb pʌnpiɑi ke berɑ b̤ ʌil tʌ socʌli
jʌb pʌnpiɑi ke berɑ b̤ ʌ-il tʌ soc-ʌl-i
when breakfast GEN time be-3SG.PST COND think-PP-3.PST.F.MH
mɑtɑri musmɑt lʌikɑ ke pʌnpiɑi jʌrur kʰiɑweke
mɑtɑri musmɑt lʌikɑ ke pʌnpiɑi jʌrur kʰiɑ-we-ke
mother widow son GEN breakfast certainly feed-PUR-OBL
cɑɦĩ
cɑɦ-ĩ
want-OPT
‘When the sun rose up, mother thought mother, the widow, 'The son must
get breakfast now.'’ (10.009)
The most topical referent in the discourse in (8a-i) is मुसमात /musmɑt/
‘widow’. In (18c), it enters in on the stage coded as full-NP. After that, other referents
like बेटा /beʈɑ/ ‘son’ enters on the stage in the same clause and पुतोह /putoɦ/
‘daughter-in-law’ in (18d) comes to the stage. Lastly in (18i), the most topical referent
मुसमात /musmɑt/ ‘widow’ is coded as R-dislocated full-NP to avoid the referential
competition among other referents. Thus, the antecedent co-referent of definite full-
NP, as Givón (2001a: 419) asserts, is found far away if compared to zero anaphora or
its antecedent pronoun.
14.3.6 R-dislocated DEF-NPs
As R-dislocation has already examined (in Ch. 12.1.4), Right-dislocated DEF-NP
is used when the speaker believes the referent was not quite as accessible, and is better
recoded as full NP. Examples in (19) illustrate the R-dislocated DEF-NP in Bhojpuri.
(19) a. ई एगो क ठन मथेला बा, दिहना ठाँवबदली ।
i eɡo kʌʈʰin mʌtʰelɑ bɑ dʌɦinɑ ʈʰɑ̃obʌdli
i ek-ɡo kʌʈʰin mʌtʰelɑ bɑ dʌɦinɑ ʈʰɑ̃obʌdli
PROX one-CLF difficult topic be.3SG.PRES right dislocation
'This is a difficult topic, the rirht dislocation.' (10.095)
b. ऊ आसान आदमी नइखे, गाँव के मुिखया ।

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u ɑsɑn ɑdmi nʌikʰe ɡɑ̃o ke mukʰiɑ
DIST easy man not to be village GEN chieften
'He is not an easy man, the village-chieften.' (10.096)
c. मरदु कहल, ‘खीर बनी, बाँ कर लइकन के सुतला के बाद ।’
mʌrdu kʌɦlẽ kʰir bʌni bɑ̃kir
mʌrdu kʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ kʰir bʌn-i bɑ̃kir
husband.H say-PP-3.PST.MH rice-pudding make-3SG.FUT but
lʌikʌn ke sutlɑ ke bɑd
lʌik-ʌn ke sut-ʌl-ɑ ke bɑd
child-PL GEN sleep-PP-SEQ GEN later
'The husband said, "The pudding will be cooked, but after the children
sleep."' (08.007)
The R-dislocated DEF-NP in example (19a) is दिहना ठाँवबदली /dʌɦinɑ

ʈʰɑ̃obʌdli/ ‘the right dislocation’, it is encoded by the pronoun ई /i/ 'this' in

subject/agent position whereas the referent is repeated as the full NP employing R-
dislocation strategy in the same proposition. In example (19b), the R-dislocated DEF-
NP is गाँव के मुिखया /ɡɑ̃o ke mukʰiɑ/ ‘the village-chiften’, encoded by the pronoun ऊ
/u/ ‘he’ in the subject/agent position whereas the referent is repeated as the full NP
employing R-dislocation in the same proposition. Besides, in example (19c) the
referentiality is indicated by zero anaphora, however, as an afterthought, the same
referent लइकन के /lʌikʌn ke/ ‘the children-DAT) presented as definite Full-NP.
14.3.7 Y-moved NPs (contrastive topicalization)
Givón (2001b:262) notes that Y-movement is used typically when a referent is
contrasted with another referent of roughly the same emantic class. The first referent
creates certain expectations, which the Y-moved referent then counters. Y-moved NPs
often involve fronting of the contrasted topic. In Bhojpuri there are two ways to mark
contrastive topicalization. The first one is to move the noun phrases functioning as the
the objects to the clause initial positions as in (20).
(20) गाछ प वाहा पाङे ला । (OSV)
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋelɑ
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-elɑ
tree shortener trim-3SG.PRES

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'As for tree, he is a trimmer, who trims it.'
In (20) direct object गाछ /ɡɑcʰ/ 'tree' is placed to the clause initial position for
the contrastive topicalization.
Likewise, let us observe the situation for subject in (21a-b).
(21) a. हम पूरा प रवार का लगे गइनी — माई, बाबुजी, हमर तीनजने भाई, दूगो बिहन आ

आउर लोग का लगे — तू बुझले होखबऽ जे के मदत करे के कहले होखी, बाँ कर ना,

सबके इनकार कर देलख ...

ɦʌm purɑ pʌriwɑr kɑ lʌɡe ɡʌini mɑi bɑbuji
ɦʌm purɑ pʌriwɑr kɑ lʌɡe jɑ-ini mɑi bɑbu-ji
1SG full family GEN with go-PST.H mother father-H
ɦʌmʌr tinjʌne b̤ ɑi duɡo bʌɦin ɑ ɑur
ɦʌm-ʌr tin-jʌn-e b̤ ɑi du-ɡo bʌɦin ɑ ɑur
1SG-GEN three-CLF-DEF brother two-CLF sister and more
loɡ kɑ lʌɡe tu buȷ̈ le ɦokʰʌbʌ je
loɡ kɑ lʌɡe tu buȷ̈ -ʌl-e ɦokʰ-ʌbʌ je
people GEN with 2SG understand-PP-SEQ be-IPST.MH COMP

keɦu mʌdʌt kʌre ke kʌɦle ɦokʰi bɑ̃kir

keɦu mʌdʌt kʌr-e ke kʌɦ-ʌl-e ɦokʰ-i bɑ̃kir
someone help do-PUR OBL say-PP-SEQ be-3.IPST but
nɑ sʌbkeɦu inkɑr kʌr delʌkʰ
nɑ sʌbkeɦu inkɑr kʌr de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
NEG all refuse do give-PP-3.PST
'I went through the whole family – mom, dad, my three brothers, two
sisters, the lot – you'd have thought someone would offer to help, but heck,
they all refused ...' (06.020
b. ऊ हमर बड़क माई रहली जे डेङ बढ़इनी आ बइठइनी ।
u ɦʌmʌr bʌɽki mɑi rʌɦli je ɖeŋ
u ɦʌm-ʌr bʌɽ-ki mɑi rʌɦ-ʌl-i je ɖeŋ
DIST 1SG-GEN elder-F mother live-PP-3.PST.F.MH COND step
bʌɽ̊ʌini ɑ bʌiʈʰʌini
bʌɽ̊-ɑ-ini ɑ bʌiʈʰ-ɑ-ini
forward-CAUS-PST.H and sit-CAUS-PST.H

525
'It was my elder aunt who stepped in and made me sit.' (06.021)
Hence, the subject बड़क माई /bʌɽki mɑi/ 'elder aunt' is placed to the clause

initial position in (21b) for the contrastive topicalization. The second way is to suffix -

ए /-e/ or -ओ /-o/ 'to' with verb particles for the noun phrases which we want to
topicalize, as in (22a-b).
(22) a. ऊ धनपत के ब त मानेली ।
u d̤ ʌnpʌt ke bʌɦut mɑneli
u d̤ ʌnpʌt ke bʌɦut mɑn-eli
3SG Dhanpat DAT very like-3SG.PRES.F.MH
'She likes Dhanpat a lot.' (06.023)
b. गनपत के त ऊ फरछा हओ ना चलेली ।
ɡʌnpʌt ke tʌ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩo nɑ cʌleli
ɡʌnpʌt ke tʌ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ-o nɑ cʌl-eli
Ganpat GEN COND 3SG shadow-EMPH NEG walk-3SG.PRES.F.MH
'Ganpat, she can't stand.' (06.024).
14.3.8 Cleft/focus constructions
Bhojpuri does not present the cleft/focus constructions as we find in the fixed
word-order language English or Korean. In Bhojpuri, the functions of the noun
phrases are specified by using the case inflections. The noun phrases functioning as
the subjects or objects are placed just before the verbs or predicates, as in (23).
(23) गाछ प वाहा पाङे ला । (OSV)
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋelɑ
ɡɑcʰ pʌŋwɑɦɑ pɑŋ-elɑ
tree shortener trim-3SG.PRES
'As for tree, he is a trimmer, who trims it.'
In (23) the subject प वाहा /pʌŋwaɦɑ/ 'trimmer' is moved from its clause initial
position to the pre-verbal position for the focus.
14.3.9 Referential indefinite NPs
As Givón (1983: 25) suggests, referential-indefinite NPs, being introduced
into the discourse for the first time, should be considered maximally
surprising/disruptive/discontinuous, as least as far as their continuity vis-à-vis the
preceding discourse context is concerned, owever, they may have persistent

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properties, which would then indicate their potential topical/thematic importance in
the subsequent discourse. In English, for instance, 'a pen' in the clause “My son
bought a pen.” is an indefinite but a referential noun phrase. In Bhojpuri, such noun
phrases code the most discontinuous topics, as in (24a-b).
(24) a. राजु गाय दुही ।
rɑju ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju cow milk-3SG.FUT
'Raju will milk a cow.' (06.013)
b. हम ओके कताब देनी ।
ɦʌm oke kitɑb deni
ɦʌm u-e kitɑb de-ni
1SG 3SG-DAT book give-PST.H
'I gave him a book.' (06.008)
In (24a) गाय /ɡɑe/ 'a cow' and in (24b) कताब /kitɑb/ 'a book' are indefinite and
referential noun phrases in Bhojpuri in most dicontinuous topics.
14.4 Reference and definiteness
"The grammatical coding of reference in human language turns out to be
highly sensitive to the discourse-pragmatic – extra-clausal – context, especially when
communicative pragmatics conflicts with propositional semantics, snf as the
antecedence of definite NPs in naturally-produced text is almost always to be found
outside the atomic clause and one must invoke various hearer-anchored systems that
transcend the speaker’s propositional meaning, definiteness turns out to be a
pragmatic rather than semantic entity textually or cognitively" (Givón 2001a:437).
The correlation between reference and definiteness in Bhojpuri is discussed
as follows:
14.4.1 Grammatical marking of indefinite and definite reference
As Khatiwada (2016:173) describes Dhimal, there is no separate set of definite
and indefinite articles, in Bhojpuri unlike in English, however, some strategies are
employed to indicate whether a referent is definite or indefinite. The indefinite
pronominal adjective कौनो /kɔno/ ‘any/some’ and the numeral with classifier एगो /ek-
ɡo/ 'one-CLF' function as indefinite reference marker in Bhojpuri. The definite

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referent, on the other hand, is marked by the demonstratives like its neighbours
Maithili, Awadhi, Hindi and Nepali too, as shown in (25a-b):
(25) a. रा ता म कौनो आदमी करम लेले ... रहे ... ।
rɑstɑ mẽ kɔno ɑdmi kʌrʌm lele rʌɦe
rɑstɑ mẽ kɔno ɑdmi kʌrʌm le-ʌl-e rʌɦ-e
way LOC some man funeral segregation take-PP-SEQ live-3.PST
‘On the way, a man was sagrigated for death ritual.’ (10.056)
b. एने छोटकु ओह आदमी के देखलक ... ।
ene cʰoʈku oɦ ɑdmi ke dekʰlʌk
ene cʰoʈ-ku oɦ ɑdmi ke dekʰ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
this side small-DEF DIST man DAT see-PP-3SG.PST
‘Hence, the younger saw THAT man …’ (10.057)
In example (25a), the indefinite adjective कौनो /kɔno/ ‘some’ is employed to

code the nominal आदमी /ɑdmi/ ‘man’ as indefinite.8 In contrast, in example (52b), the

same noun आदमी /ɑdmi/ ‘man’ is modified by the demonstrative adjective ओह /oɦ/
'that', where the noun is definite in Bhojpuri.
(26) a. कौन देश म एगो गाँव रहे ।
kɔno des mẽ eɡo ɡɑ̃o rʌɦe
kɔno des mẽ ek-ɡo ɡɑ̃o rʌɦ-e
some country LOC one-CLF village live-3.PST
‘Once upon a time there was a village in a country.’ (10.001)
b. गाँव म एगो गरीब प रवार रहे ।
ɡɑ̃o mẽ eɡo ɡʌrib pʌriwɑr rʌɦe
ɡɑ̃o mẽ ek-ɡo ɡʌrib pʌriwɑr rʌɦ-e
village LOC one-CLF poor family live-3.PST
‘There was a poor family in the village.’ (10.002)
c. प रवार म एगो मुसमात के दूगो बेटा रहे ।
pʌriwɑr mẽ eɡo musmɑt ke duɡo beʈɑ rʌɦe
pʌriwɑr mẽ ek-ɡo musmɑt ke du-ɡo beʈɑ rʌɦ-e
family LOC one-CLF widow GEN two-CLF son live-3.PST

8. When the speaker has no reason to assume that a reference is identifiable to the hearer, on whatever
ground, the referent is considered indefinite (Givón 1997:158).

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‘In the family, a widow had two sons.’ (10.003)
Besides, Bhojpuri has usage that neither take any indefinite or definite
particles for the referents, rather, they are semantically identified with context, as
shown in (26a-c).
In example (26a), the indefinite adjective कौनो /kɔno/ ‘some’ is employed to

code the nominal देश /des/ ‘country’ and numeral एगो /eɡo/ ‘one-CLF’ to code another

noun गाँव /ɡɑ̃o/ ‘village’ as indefinite. In contrast, in example (26b), the nominal गाँव
/ɡɑ̃o/ ‘village’ is neither coded by any indefinites nor by any demonstratives. But
contextually, it is obvious that its second entry in the discourse confirms its
definiteness. Similar is the case of the nominal प रवार /pʌriwar/ ‘family’ in the
examples (26b-c).
In many other languages, the grammatical morphology marks just as distinctly
the contrast between referring and non-referring indefinites (Givón 2001a: 450). We
look at some of the more common grammaticalized patterns of marking referring-
indefinite nominals as follows:
Examples (25-26) clarify that the numeral एगो /eɡo/ ‘one-CLF’ is used to mark
indefiniteness and demonstratives to mark definiteness in Bhojpuri. Besides,
indefiniteness and definiteness are identified contextually, too.
14.4.2 Suffixes for definiteness
Similar to Maithili (Yadav, 1998), Bhojpuri has definiteness marker suffixes
-आ /-ɑ/, -वा /-wɑ/, -आवा /-ɑwɑ/ and -का /-kɑ/ attached with nominals as well as with
adjectives for definiteness, as shown in (27a-d):
(27) a. लइका एगो िप ी तोड़के बु ढ़आ के कहलक, ‘गे बु ढ़आ दाई, िप ठआ भुइआँ म िगरा दी ँ ?’
lʌikɑ eɡo piʈʈʰi toɽke buɽ̊iɑ ke kʌɦlʌk
lʌikɑ ek-ɡo piʈʈʰi toɽ-ke buɽ̊-i-ɑ ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
boy one-CLF cake pluck-SEQ old-F-DEF ACC say-PP-3.PST
ɡe buɽ̊iɑ dɑi piʈʈʰiɑ b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ ɡirɑ
ɡe buɽ̊-i-ɑ dɑi piʈʈʰi-ɑ b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ ɡir-ɑ
VOC.F old-F-DEF grandma cake-DEF ground LOC fall-CAUS

dĩ
de-ĩ
give-HORT

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‘The boy plucked A CAKE and said to the old woman, 'O my old Grandma,
can I let THE CAKE fall on the ground?'’ (05.011)
b. ऊ दुपहरवा आइल ।
u dupʌɦʌrwɑ ɑil
u dupʌɦʌr-wɑ ɑ-il
3SG afternoon-DEF come-3SG.PST
‘He came in the afternoon.’ (06.011)
c. ना, ऊ सँिझया आइल ।
nɑ u sʌ̃ȷ̈iɑ ɑil
nɑ u sɑ̃ȷ̈- iɑ ɑ-il
NEG 3SG evening-DEF come-3SG.PST
‘No, he came in THE EVENING.’ (06.012)
d. आ लोप होई त ई समाज के ब त बड़का घाटा होई ।
ɑ lop ɦoi tʌ i sʌmɑj ke bʌɦut
ɑ lop ɦo-i tʌ i sʌmɑj ke bʌɦut
and extinct be-3SG.FUT COND PROX society GEN very
bʌɽkɑ ɡ̈ɑʈɑ ɦoi
bʌɽ-kɑ ɡ̈ɑʈɑ ɦo-i
big-CLF loss be-3SG.FUT
‘And if extinct, it will be THE GREAT loss of this society.’ (03.204)
e. ई एगो मीठ आम बा ।
i eɡo miʈʰ ɑm bɑ
i ek-ɡo miʈʰ ɑm bɑ
PROX one-CLF sweet mango be.3SG.PRES
‘This is A SWEET mango.’ (14.259)
f. ई त िमठु आवा आम बा ।
i tʌ miʈʰuɑwɑ ɑm bɑ
i tʌ miʈʰ-ɑwɑ ɑm bɑ
PROX COND sweet-DEF mango be.3SG.PRES
‘This is THE SWEET mango.' (14.260)
In the examples (27a-f) the numeral एगो /eɡo/ ‘one-CLF’ codes िप ी /piʈʈʰi/

‘cake’ as indefinite and the suffix -आ /-ɑ/ with the same nominal codes it as definite

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in (27a). The suffix -वा /-wɑ/ with दुपहर /dupʌɦʌr/ ‘afternoon’ in (27b), -इआ /-iɑ/ with

साँझ /sɑ̃ȷ̈/ ‘evening’ in (27c) and -का /-kɑ/ with बड़ /bʌɽ/ in (27d) code the adverbs and

the adjective as definite. Similarly, the numeral एगो /eɡo/ ‘one-CLF’ codes the

adjective मीठ /miʈʰ/ ‘sweet’ as indefinite in (27e) and the suffix -आवा /-ɑwɑ/ with the
same adjective in (27f) codes it as definite.
14.5 Topic (referential) continuity
In this section, the morphosyntacti devices employed to evoke the same
referents now and again in the Bhojpuri multi-propositional discourse are examined.
Such devices may comprise of anaphoric pronouns, demonstratives, relative clauses
and clause chaining. How the markers of discourse referentiality code the continuity
of the topic in a narrative Bhojpuri discourse, we discuss as follows:
(28) a. कवनो गाँव म एगो कसान रहे ।
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ eɡo kisɑn rʌɦe
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ ek-ɡo kisɑn rʌɦ-e
some village LOC one-CLF peasant live-3.PST
'There was a peasant living in a village.' (08.001)
b. ऊ ब त गरीब रहे ।
u bʌɦut ɡʌrib rʌɦe
u bʌɦut ɡʌrib rʌɦ-e
3SG.NOM very poor live-3.PST
'He was very poor.' (08.002)
c. बाँ कर ओकरा एक दजन लइका-लइक रहे ।
bɑ̃kir okʌrɑ ek dʌrjʌn lʌikɑ-lʌiki rʌɦe
bɑ̃kir okʌr-ɑ ek dʌrjʌn lʌikɑ-lʌiki rʌɦ-e
but 3.SG.GEN-SPEC one dozen son-daughter live-3.PST
'He had a dozen of children.' (08.003)
d. बेचारा किहओ िनमन से खा ना सके ।
becɑrɑ kʌɦio nimʌn se kʰɑɦu nɑ sʌke
becɑrɑ kʌɦio nimʌn se kʰɑ-ɦu nɑ sʌk-e
helPLess any day good means eat-EMPH NEG can-3.PST
'The helpless peasant never had enough food to eat.' (08.004)
e. एक दन ऊ अपना मेहरा से साँझ म खीऱ बनावेके कहलख ।

531
ek din u ʌpnɑ meɦrɑru se sɑ̃ȷ̈ mẽ
ek din u ʌpnɑ meɦrɑru se sɑ̃ȷ̈ mẽ
one day 3SG.NOM 1/2/3SG.GEN wife DAT evening LOC

kʰir̥ bʌnɑweke kʌɦlʌkʰ

kʰir̥ bʌnɑ-e-ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
rice-pudding make-PUR-PUR say-PRF-3.PST
'One day he told his wife to cook rice-pudding in the evening.' (08.005)
f. मेहरा कहली, ‘लइकन के पाएके मुह म सटी ?’
meɦrɑru kʌɦli lʌikʌn ke pɑeke muɦ mẽ
meɦrɑru kʌɦ-ʌl-i lʌikʌn ke pɑ-e-ke muɦ mẽ
wife say-3SG.PST-F children GEN get-SIM-PUR mouth LOC

sʌʈi
sʌʈ-i
touch-3.FUT
'The wife said, 'Would it be possible to taste due to the children?'' (08.006)
g. मरदु कहल, ‘खीर बनी, बाँ कर लइकन के सुतला के बाद ।’
mʌrdu kʌɦlẽ kʰir bʌni bɑ̃kir
mʌrdu kʌɦ-ʌl-ẽ kʰir bʌn-i bɑ̃kir
husband.H say-PRF-3.PST.H rice-pudding make-3SG.FUT but
lʌikʌn ke sutlɑ ke bɑd
lʌikʌn ke sut-ʌl-ɑ ke bɑd
children GEN sleep-PRF-SEQ SEQ later
'The husband said, 'The pudding will be cooked, but after the children
sleep.'' (08.007)
h. दने म दूध, िचनी, मसाला आ चाउर के इं तजाम हो गइल ।
dine mẽ dud̤ cini mʌsɑlɑ ɑ cɑur ke intjɑm
din-e mẽ dud̤ cini mʌsɑlɑ ɑ cɑur ke intjɑm
day-EMPH LOC milk sugar spice and rice GEN arrangement
ɦo ɡʌil
ɦo jɑ-il
be go-3SG.PST
'Milk, sugar, spices and rice were collected during the day time.' (08.008)
i. रात म लइकन सुत गइलन ।

532
rɑt mẽ lʌikʌn sut ɡʌilʌn
rɑt mẽ lʌikʌn sut jɑ-il-ʌn
night LOC children sleep go-3.PST-PL
'The children slept at night.' (08.009)
j. दूनू मरद मेहरा खीऱ बनावे लागल ।
dunu mʌrʌd-meɦrɑru kʰir̥ bʌnɑwe lɑɡʌl
du-nu mʌrʌd-meɦrɑru kʰir̥ bʌnɑ-e lɑɡ-ʌl
two-EMPH husband-wife rice-pudding make-PUR continue-3.PST
'Both the husband and wife started cooking of the rice-pudding.' (08.010)
k. बाद म जब खीऱ चलावेके परल तब मेहरा कहली, ‘मार मु धइके ! छोलनी त िमलते

नइखे, कहाँ धरा गइल बा ?’

bɑd mẽ jʌb kʰir̥ cʌlɑweke pʌrʌl
bɑd mẽ jʌb kʰir̥ cʌl-ɑ-e-ke pʌr-ʌl
later LOC when rice-pudding walk-CAUS-PUR-PUR fall-3SG.PST
tʌb meɦrɑru kʌɦli mɑr mu d̤ ʌike cʰolni
tʌb meɦrɑru kʌɦ-ʌl-i mɑr muɦ d̤ ʌr-ke cʰolni
then wife say-PRF-3.PST-F hit mouth catch-SEQ spatula
tʌ milte nʌikʰe kʌɦɑ̃ d̤ ʌrɑ ɡʌil
tʌ mil-ʌt-e nʌikʰe kʌɦɑ̃ d̤ ʌr-ɑ jɑ-il
COND get-SIM-EMPH not to be where put-CAUS go-PRF
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
'Later, when the pudding was to be stirred, the wife said, 'O my God! I'm
not getting spatula, where has it been placed?'' (08.011)
l. बड़क बेटी आँख िमजते कहलख, ‘गे माई हेदा नू बा ।’
bʌɽki beʈi milte ɑ̃kʰ kʌɦlʌkʰ ɡe mɑi
bʌɽ-ki beʈi mil-ʌt-e ɑ̃kʰ kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɡe mɑi
elder-F daughter get-SIM-EMPH eye say-PRF-3.PST VOC.F mother
ɦedɑ nu bɑ
ɦedɑ nu bɑ
here EMPH be.3SG.PRES

533
'Rubbing her eyes, the elder daughter said, "O Mom! Here you are."'
(08.012)
m. मेहरा ओकरा के चूप रहेके इशारा करत छोलनी ले लेली ।
meɦrɑru okrɑ ke cup rʌɦeke isɑrɑ kʌrʌt
meɦrɑru okʌr-ɑ ke cup rʌɦ-e-ke isɑrɑ kʌr-ʌt
wife 3SG.GEN-SPEC caus silent live-PUR-PUR gesture do-SIM
cʰolni le leli
cʰolni le le-ʌl-i
spatula bring take-3.PST-F
The wife gestured her to keep quiet and took the spatula. (08.013)
n. बाद म करछु ल के ज री परल ।
bɑd mẽ kʌrcʰul ke jʌruri pʌrʌl
bɑd mẽ kʌrcʰul ke jʌruri pʌr-ʌl
later LOC ladle GEN need fall-3SG.PST
'Later, a ladle was needed.' (08.014)
o. फे र ऊ करछु ल ताके लगली ।
pʰer u kʌrcʰul tɑke lʌɡli
pʰer u kʌrcʰul tɑk-e lɑɡ-ʌl-i
again 3SG.NOM ladle seek-SIM continue-3.PST-F
'Again, she started searching for the ladle.' (08.015)
p. तवले मिझला लइका कहलख, ‘माई, हेदे नु धइले बानी ।’
tɔle mʌȷ̈ ilɑ lʌikɑ kʌɦlʌkʰ mɑi ɦede nu
tɔle mɑȷ̈ il-ɑ lʌikɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ mɑi ɦedɑ nu
till then second-SPEC son say-PRF-3.PST mother here EMPH

d̤ ʌile bɑni
d̤ ʌr-il-e bɑni
put-INF-SIM be.PRES.H
'The middlenost son said in a while, 'Mom, I'm keeping it only here.'' (08.016)
q. एही तरे कटोरा, छीपा, िछपुली, िगलास, लोटा जब जब खोजाइल त लइकन कहाँ से

भुल भुल िमले लागल ।

eɦi tʌre kʌʈorɑ cʰipɑ cʰipuli ɡilɑs loʈɑ jʌb

534
eɦ-i tʌre kʌʈorɑ cʰipɑ cʰipuli ɡilɑs loʈɑ jʌb
PROX-EMPH such bowl dish small dish glass water-pot when
jʌb kʰojɑil tʌ lʌikʌn kiɦɑ̃ se
jʌb kʰoj-ɑ-il tʌ lʌikɑ-ʌn kiɦɑ̃ se
when search-CAUS-3SG.PST COND child-PL place source
b̤ ulb̤ ul mile lɑɡʌl
b̤ ul-b̤ ul mil-e lɑɡ-ʌl
continuously get-SIM continue-3SG.PST
'Likewise, whenever the bowl,s PLates, glasses and water pots were
searched for these all appeared from children one after another.' (08.017)
r. बाद म मेहरा कहली, ‘रे कोरप छु आ ! तू काहे बाँक रहबे ? तोहरा कु छ ना िमलल ह

धरे के ?’
bɑd mẽ meɦrɑru kʌɦli re korpõcʰuɑ
bɑd mẽ meɦrɑru kʌɦ-ʌl-i re korpõcʰu-ɑ
later LOC woman say-3.PST-F VOC.NH youngest-M.SPEC
tu kɑɦe bɑ̃ki rʌɦbe toɦrɑ kucʰ nɑ
tu kɑɦe bɑ̃ki rʌɦ-be toɦrɑ kucʰ nɑ
2SG.NOM why remaining live-2.FUT.NH 2SG.GEN something NEG

milʌl ɦʌ d̤ ʌreke
mil-ʌl ɦʌ d̤ ʌr-e-ke
get-PRF be.3SG.PRES put-PUR-OBL
'At last, the wife said, 'O my youngest boy! why will you only be left? Did
you not get something to keep with?'' (08.018)
s. उहो कवन कम रहे ! आँख िमजते कहलख, ‘हई गरम मसाला हम धइले नु बानी जेबी म ।’
uɦo kɔn kʌm rʌɦe ɑ̃kʰ mijte
u-o kɔn kʌm rʌɦ-e ɑ̃kʰ mij-ʌt-e
3SG.NOM-EMPH what less live-3.PST eye rub-SIM-EMPH
kʌɦlʌkʰ ɦʌi ɡʌrʌm mʌsɑlɑ d̤ ʌile nu bɑni
kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɦʌi ɡʌrʌm mʌsɑlɑ d̤ ʌr-il-e nu bɑni
say-PRF-3.PST PROX hot spice put-INF-SIM EMPH be.PRES.H
jebi mẽ

535
jeb mẽ
pocket LOC

'How he could be lagging behind! He also said rubbing his eyes, 'I've also
kept hot spices in my pocket.'' (08.019)
t. अंत म कसान कहलख, ‘जे दुःख छोड़नी गउरा घाट, से दुःख त लागले बा !’
ʌnt mẽ kisɑn kʌɦlʌkʰ je dukʰ cʰoɽni
ʌnt mẽ kisɑn kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ je dukʰ cʰoɽ-ni
end LOC peasant say-PRF-3.PST 3SG.COND misery leave-PST.H
ɡʌurɑ ɡ̈ɑʈ se dukʰ tʌ lɑɡle bɑ
ɡʌurɑ ɡ̈ɑʈ se dukʰ tʌ lɑɡ-ʌl-e bɑ
Gaura bank 3SG.COND misery COND continue-INF-EMPH be.3SG.PRES
'At last, the peasant said, 'What we planned, all in vain.'' (08.20)
The text presented in examples (28a-t) is a folk-tale popular in Bhojpuri speech
community. The markers of topic (referential) continuity are italicized in the text both in
Devanagari and IPA. They have been analyzed as follows:
a) he third person singular anaphoric pronouns ऊ /u/ 'he' in nominative form in

(28b, e), ओकरा /okʌrɑ/ 'his' in genitive form in (28c), अपना /ʌpnɑ/ 'his' in

genitive form in (28e) refer to कसान /kisɑn/ 'peasant' in (28a). Likewise, ओकरा

/okʌrɑ/ 'her' in accusative form in (28m) refers to बड़क बेटी /bʌɽki beʈi/ in (28l),

ऊ /u/ 'she' in nominative form in (28o) refers to मेहरा /meɦrɑru/ 'wife' in

(28m) and उहो /uɦo/ 'he too' in nominative form with inclusive emphatic

marker in (28s) refers to कोरप छु आ /korpõcʰuɑ/ 'the youngest one' in (28r).

b) The proximant demonstrative हई /ɦʌi/ 'this' in (28s) codes both continuity and
specifity of the referent.
c) The clauses with non-finite participial form of the verb marked by sequential
suffix -आ /-ɑ/ , i.e., सुतला के बाद /sutlɑ ke bad/ 'after having slept' in (28g), by

sequential suffix -के /-ke/, i.e., मु धइके /mu d̤ ʌike/ 'having caught the head' and

by simultaneous suffix -अत /-ʌt/, i.e., िमलते /milte/ 'being found' in (28k), आँख

िमजते /ɑ̃kʰ mijte/ 'rubbing eyes' in (28l, s) are found in Bhojpuri. Both types the
participial clauses occur as 'middle clauses' coreferential which the subject of
the finite clause is coreferential with.

536
d) The correlative relative clauses in (28t) as quote of the initial referent of the
story also contribute with topic continuity in Bhojpuri.
14.6 Action continuity
Action continuity pertains primarily to temporal sequentiality within thematic
paragraph, but also to temporal adjacency therein. (Givón, 1983:8). The
events/actions, in a natural language, are primarily organized in the thematic
paragraph in the natural sequential order in which they actually occurred in the
narrative discourse. Such continuity is, in general, coded by the tense-aspect-modality
within the clause. In Bhojpuri, the events that advance in time line (the narrative
backbone) are generally indicated by verbs in the perfective aspect including the
conjunct and disjunct distinction whereas more permanent concept, those state or
global contexts which persist over duration of entire episode of thematic coherence
are marked by time stable verb form, as shown in (29a-i):
(29) a. कवनो गाँव म दू बेि रहत रहे ।
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ du bekti rʌɦʌt rʌɦe
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ du bekti rʌɦ-ʌt rʌɦ-e
some village LOC two person live-IMPF live-3.PST
'There lived a couple in a village.' (11.001)
b. मरदा ब त आसकती रहे ।
mʌrdɑ bʌɦut ɑskʌti rʌɦe
mʌrʌd-ɑ bʌɦut ɑskʌti rʌɦ-e
husband-SPEC more lazy live-3.PST
'The husband was very lazy.' (11.002)
c. ओके कवन कमाएके ना कहे ।
oke kɔno kʌmɑe ke nɑ kʌɦe
u-e kɔno kʌmɑ-e ke nɑ kʌɦ-e
3SG-DAT any work-PUR OBL NEG say-3.PST
'Nobody used to tell him to work.' (11.003)
d. किहओ कमाए जाए त ऊ बिनहारी जौले ओरावे ना तौले फे र कमाए ना जाए ।
kʌɦio kʌmɑe jɑe tʌ u bʌniɦɑri jɔle
kʌɦio kʌmɑ-e jɑ-e tʌ u bʌniɦɑri jɔle
some day work-PUR go-3.PST COND DIST wages until

537
orɑwe nɑ tɔle pʰer kʌmɑe nɑ jɑe
orɑ-we nɑ tɔle pʰer kʌmɑ-e nɑ jɑ-e
empty-3.PST.CAUS NEG till then again work-PUR NEG go-3.PST
'Whenever he earned something, he didn't go to earn again until the wages
finished completely.' (11.004)
e. एक दन ऊ कह से कु छ ग ँ बिनहारी म ले आइल ।
ek din u kʌɦĩ se kucʰ ɡʌɦũ bʌniɦɑri mẽ
ek din u kʌɦĩ se kucʰ ɡʌɦũ bʌniɦɑri mẽ
one day 3SG somewhere ABL some wheat wages LOC

e ɑil
le ɑ-il
bring come-3SG.PST
'One day he brought some wheat as his wages from somewhere.' (11.005)
f. रात म रोटी बनल ।
rɑt mẽ roʈi bʌnʌl
rɑt mẽ roʈi bʌn-ʌl
night LOC chapati make-3SG.PST
'Chapatis were baked at night.' (11.006)
g. रोटी रहे पाँचगो ।
roʈi rʌɦe pɑ̃cɡo
roʈi rʌɦ-e pɑ̃c-ɡo
chapati live-3.PST five-CLF
'There were five chapatis.' (11.007)
h. अब मरद-मेहरा म झगड़ा ठन गइल, मरद कहे ‘हम तीन गो खाएम’ आ मेहरा कहे

‘हम तीन गो खाएम ।’

ʌb mʌrʌd-meɦrɑru mẽ ȷ̈ ʌɡʌɽɑ ʈʰʌn ɡʌil mʌrʌd
ʌb mʌrʌd-meɦrɑru mẽ ȷ̈ ʌɡʌɽɑ ʈʰʌn jɑ-il mʌrʌd
now husband-wife LOC quarrel thicken go-3SG.PST husband
kʌɦe ɦʌm tinɡo kʰɑem ɑ meɦrɑru kʌɦe
kʌɦ-e ɦʌm tin-ɡo kʰɑ-em ɑ meɦrɑru kʌɦ-e
say-3.PST 1SG three-CLF eat-FUT.H and wife say-3.PST
ɦʌm tinɡo kʰɑem

538
ɦʌm tin-ɡo kʰɑ-em
1SG three-CLF eat-FUT.H
'Now the couple started quarrelling, the husband said, "I'll eat three
chapatis" and the wife said "I'll eat the three."' (11.008-9)
i. बाद म सहमती भइल, ‘िबहने जे पाछे उठी, तीन गो खाई’ आ दुनू सुत गइलन ।
bɑd mẽ sʌɦmʌti b̤ ʌil biɦʌne je pɑcʰe
bɑd mẽ sʌɦmʌti b̤ ʌ-il biɦʌne je pɑcʰe
later LOC agreement become-3SG.PST tomorrow COND lately
uʈʰi tin ɡo kʰɑi ɑ dunu sut
uʈʰ-i tin ɡo kʰɑ-i ɑ du-nu sut
wake-3.FUT three CLF eat-3SG.FUT and two-EMPH sleep
ɡʌilʌn
jɑ-il-ʌn
go-PP-3.PST.MH
'Later they came in an agreement, "The one who wakes up later in the
morning will eat the three" and both slept.' (11.010-11)
Example (29) is a few paragraphs of a Bhojpuri folk-tale. When we go through,
(29a-i) seems to be the first thematic paragraph of the narrative in which clauses (29a-d)
do not perform any action. The narrator uses such clauses to set up the environment for
actions in the narrative, so, these are taken as setting. But conjunct ले आइल /le ɑil/ 'to

bring' performs action in (29e) and continuity in action is seen in बनल /bʌnʌl/ 'to be
made' in (29f), both in past perfective. Again, we observe (29g) does not perform action
but sets the plot for further actions in the narrative, so, it is also setting. When we go
through (29h), झगड़ा ठनल /ȷ̈ʌɡʌɽɑ ʈʰʌnʌl/ 'to break quarrelling' performs action as well as

in (29i) सहमती भइल /sʌɦmʌti b̤ ʌil/ 'to reach an agreement' perfroms an action and the

paragrap is summed up by the verb for setting सुत गइलन /sut ɡʌilʌn/ 'slept' in (29i).
The infinite clauses have discourse function of expressing steps in a natural sequential order
in a procedural discourse in Bhojpuri. In such clauses, the verb is affixed exclusively by a
sort of directive suffix -एके /-eke/. Let us consider a procedural text that presents the steps of

preparing भाभरा /b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ/ 'spicy bread' in Bhojpuri speech community.

(30) a. रहरी के भाभ िनकालेके ।

rʌɦʌri ke b̤ ɑb̤ nikɑleke

539
rʌɦʌr ke b̤ ɑb̤ nikɑl-e-ke
pigeon pea GEN rude flour extract-PUR-OBL
'To obtain rude flour of citisus cajan.' (14.155)
b. नून िमलावेके ।
nun milɑweke
nun mil-ɑ-we-ke
salt add-CAUS-PUR-OBL
'To add salt.' (14.156)
c. िचनी िमलावेके ।
cini milɑweke
cini mil-ɑ-we-ke
sugar add-CAUS-PUR-OBL
'To add sugar.' (14.157)
d. गरम मसाला िमलावेके ।
ɡʌrʌm mʌsɑlɑ milɑweke
ɡʌrʌm mʌsɑlɑ mil-ɑ-we-ke
hot spice add-CAUS-PUR-OBL
'To add hot spices.' (14.158)
e. ज रत अनुसार पानी ध-धके िनमन से सानेके ।
jʌrurʌt ʌnusɑr pɑni d̤ ʌ d̤ ʌke nimʌn
jʌrurʌt ʌnusɑr pɑni d̤ ʌr d̤ ʌr-ke nimʌn
need according to water put put-SEQ good
se sɑneke
se sɑn-e-ke
SPEC knead-PUR-OBL
'To knead it adding water as needed.' (159)
f. ओकर लोइआ बनावेके ।
okʌr loiɑ bʌnɑweke
u-ʌr loiɑ bʌnɑ-we-ke
3SG-GEN lump make-PUR-OBL
'To make lumps of it.' (14.160)
g. लोइआ के बेलके रोटी बनावेके ।

540
loiɑ ke belke roʈi bʌnɑweke
loiɑ ke bel-ke roʈi bʌnɑ-we-ke
lump ACC roll-SEQ chapati make-PUR-OBL
'To make chapatis by rolling the lumps.' (14.161)
h. चु ी पर तावा बैठावेके ।
cul̥ i pʌr tɑwɑ bʌiʈʰɑweke
cul̥ i pʌr tɑwɑ bʌiʈʰ-ɑ-we-ke
oven LOC pan sit-CAUS-PUR-OBL
'To place pan on the oven.' (14.162)
i. तावा िधकला पर हलका तेल धरे के ।
tɑwɑ d̤ iklɑ pʌr ɦʌlkɑ tel d̤ ʌreke
tɑwɑ d̤ ik-ʌl-ɑ pʌr ɦʌlkɑ tel d̤ ʌr-e-ke
pan heat-PP-SEQ LOC slight oil put-PUR-OBL
'To pour edible oil slightly after the pain is heated.' (14.163)
j. तेल िधकला पर रोटी धरे के ।
tel d̤ iklɑ pʌr roʈi d̤ ʌreke
tel d̤ ik-lɑ pʌr roʈi d̤ ʌr-e-ke
oil heat-SEQ LOC chapati put-PUR-OBL
'To place a chapati on the pan following oil is heated.' (14.164)
k. मंद आँच पर उिलट-पिलटके सझावेके ।
mʌnd ɑ̃c pʌr uliʈ pʌliʈke sĩȷ̈ ɑweke
mʌnd ɑ̃c pʌr uliʈ pʌliʈ-ke sĩȷ̈ -ɑ-we-ke
low flame LOC reverse reverse-SEQ sizzle-CAUS-PUR-OBL
'To sizzle it by stirring the chapati up and down on low flame.' (14.165)
l. हलका लल ँ रङ आ सोऩाई गमकला पर तावा पर से रोटी िनकाल देवेके ।
ɦʌlkɑ lʌlʌɦũ rʌŋ ɑ son̥ ɑi ɡʌmʌklɑ pʌr
ɦʌlkɑ lɑl-ɦũ rʌŋ ɑ son̥ ɑi ɡʌmʌk-ʌl-ɑ pʌr
slight red-ADV colour and burning-smell smell-PP-SEQ LOC

tɑwɑ pʌr se roʈi nikɑl deweke

tɑwɑ pʌr se roʈi nikɑl de-we-ke
pan LOC ABL chapati extract give-PUR-OBL
'To take the chapati out when it looks slight reddish and smell a bit
burning.' (14.166)

541
m. इहे राउर भाभरा ह ।
iɦe rɑur b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ ɦʌ
i-e rɑur b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ ɦʌ
PROX-EMPH 2SG.GEN.H spicy bread be.3SG.PRES
'This is your b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ 'spicy bread'.' (14.167)
n. जएगो भाभरा बनावेके बा, उपरका या के दोहरावत जाएके ।
jɛɡo b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ bʌnɑweke bɑ upʌrkɑ
jɛ-ɡo b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ bʌnɑ-we-ke bɑ upʌr-kɑ
as many as-CLF spicy bread make-PUR-OBL be.3SG.PRES up-DEF
prʌkriyɑ ke doɦrɑwʌt jɑeke
prʌkriyɑ ke doɦrɑ-wʌt jɑ-e-ke
process ACC repeat-SIM go-PUR-OBL
'To repeat the process above to bake the b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ 'spicy bread' as far as
needed.' (14.168)
o. अब रउआ भाभरा खा सके नी ।
ʌb rʌuɑ b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ kʰɑ sʌkeni
ʌb rʌuɑ b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ kʰɑ sʌk-eni
now 2SG.H spicy bread eat can-PRES.H
'Now you can eat b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ 'spicy bread'.' (14.169)
In (30a-m), (30a-l) express the steps to be followed in order to prepare भाभरा
/b̤ ɑb̤ rɑ/ 'spicy bread' in Bhojpuri speech community. These steps have been presented
in natural order with the clauses in infinite form of the verb. But the last clause (30m)
is finite that symbolizes completion of the actions. Likewise (30n) expresses
repetition of the processes above according to necessity and (30o) symbolizes
readiness for utilization. In this way (30m) and (30o) are not the procedural directives
but symbolization of completion of the steps.
14.7 Thematic continuity
Thematic continuity refers to the fact that discourse tends to revolve around
recurring "themes", e.g., "how to make a blowgun", or "latest styles". Inference is
probably the major process whereby thematic continuity is recovered (Payne, 1997:344).
Givon (1983:8) claims that the thematic continuity is the overall matrix for all
other continuities in the discourse, i.e., it coincides with topic and action continuity to
quite an extent within the thematic paragraph. Unlike, action and topic continuity,

542
thematic continuity is very difficult to specify as topics/participants may change
within the discourse without necessarily changing either action or thematic continuity
whereas action continuity may change without necessarily changing thematic
continuity. The verb-final or clause chain suffixes code thematic continuity in SOV
languages that Bhojpuri belongs to. In this section, we investigate such devices to
code thematic continuity in a narrative discourse in Bhojpuri, as shown in (31a-s).
(31) a. कवनो गाँव म एगो बु ढ़आ रहली ।
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ eɡo buɽ̊iɑ rʌɦli
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ ek-ɡo buɽ̊-iɑ rʌɦ-ʌl-i
some village LOC one-CLF old-F-SPEC live-PP-3SG.PST.F.MH
'There was an old woman in a village.' (05.001)
b. ऊ सुभाव से तिनका खुसराह रहली ।
u sub̤ ɑo se tʌnikɑ kʰusrɑɦ rʌɦli
u sub̤ ɑo se tʌnikɑ kʰusrɑɦ rʌɦ-ʌl-i
3SG nature means little wicked live-PP-3SG.PST.F.MH
'She was wicked by nature.' (05.002)
c. चवर म ओकर खेत रहे ।
cʌwʌr mẽ okʌr kʰet rʌɦe
cʌwʌr mẽ u-ʌr kʰet rʌɦ-e
cultivated stretch LOC 3SG-GEN farm live-3.PST
'There was her farm in a cultivated stretch.' (05.003)
d. खेत म एगो िप ी के गाछ रहे ।
kʰet mẽ eɡo piʈʈʰi ke ɡɑcʰ rʌɦe
kʰet mẽ ek-ɡo piʈʈʰi ke ɡɑcʰ rʌɦ-e
farm LOC one-CLF cake GEN tree live-3.PST
'There was a cake-tree in the farm.' (05.004)
e. िप ी खुब फरल रहे ।
piʈʈʰi kʰub pʰʌrʌl rʌɦe
piʈʈʰi kʰub pʰʌr-ʌl rʌɦ-e
cake highly bear fruits-PP live-3.PST
'The cake-tree was laddened with fruits.' (05.005)
f. सुनहटा म लइकन खुब िप ी तोड़के खात रहलन ।

543
sunɦʌʈɑ mẽ lʌikʌn kʰub piʈʈʰi toɽke kʰɑt
sunɦʌʈɑ mẽ lʌikʌn kʰub piʈʈʰi toɽ-ke kʰɑ-ʌt
solitude LOC children highly cake pluck-SEQ eat-IMPF
rʌɦlʌn
rʌɦ-ʌl-ʌn
live-PP-3.PST.MH
'The children used to pluck and eat the cakes in abundance in solitude.' (05.006)
g. एक दन बु ढ़आ खेत देखे गइली ।
ek din buɽ̊iɑ kʰet dekʰe ɡʌili
ek din buɽ̊-i-ɑ kʰet dekʰ-e jɑ-il-i
one day old-F-SPEC farm see -PUR go-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'One day, the old woman went to see her farm.' (05.007)
h. ओही बेरा एगो लइका गाछ पर चढ़के िप ी तोड़के खात रहे ।
oɦi berɑ eɡo lʌikɑ ɡɑcʰ pʌr cʌɽ̊ke piʈʈʰi
oɦ-i berɑ ek-ɡo lʌikɑ ɡɑcʰ pʌr cʌɽ̊-ke piʈʈʰi
DIST-EMPH time one-CLF boy tree LOC climb-SEQ cake
toɽke kʰɑt rʌɦe
toɽ-ke kʰɑ-ʌt rʌɦ-e
pluck-SEQ eat-IMPF live-3.PST
'At the same time a boy had been on the tree PLucking and eating cakes.' (05.008)
i. बु ढ़ओ के िप ी खाएके मन कइलक ।
buɽ̊io ke piʈʈʰi kʰɑe ke mʌn kʌilʌk
buɽ̊-i-o ke piʈʈʰi kʰɑ-e ke mʌn kʌr-il-ʌkʰ
old-F-EMPH GEN cake eat-PUR GEN mind do-PP-3.PST
'The old woman also wanted to eat cakes.' (05.009)
j. ऊ ओह लइका के कहली, ‘ए बबुआ, एगो िप ी तोड़ दे, हम ँ खा ।’
u oɦ lʌikɑ ke kʌɦli e bʌbuɑ eɡo
u oɦ lʌikɑ ke kʌɦ-ʌl-i e bʌbuɑ ek-ɡo
3SG DIST boy DAT say-PP-3.PST.F.MH ADD boy one-CLF
piʈʈʰi toɽ de ɦʌmɦũ kʰɑĩ
piʈʈʰi toɽ de ɦʌm-ɦũ kʰɑ-ĩ
cake pluck give.IMP 1SG-EMPH eat-HORT
'She said to the boy, "O my child, pick up a cake and let me eat."' (05.010)

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k. लइका एगो िप ी तोड़के बु ढ़आ के कहलक, ‘गे बु ढ़आ दाई, िप ठआ भुइआँ म िगरा दी ँ ?’
lʌikɑ eɡo piʈʈʰi toɽke buɽ̊iɑ ke kʌɦlʌk
lʌikɑ ek-ɡo piʈʈʰi toɽ-ke buɽ̊iɑ ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
boy one-CLF cake pluck-SEQ old-F-DEF DAT say-PP-3.PST
ɡe buɽ̊iɑ dɑi piʈʈʰiɑ b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ ɡirɑ
ɡe buɽ̊iɑ dɑi piʈʈʰi-ɑ b̤ uiɑ̃ mẽ ɡir-ɑ
VOC.F old-F-DEF grandma cake-DEF ground LOC fall-CAUS

dĩ
de-ĩ
give-HORT
'The boy plucked a cake and said to the old woman, "O my Grandma, can I
let the cake fall on the ground?"' (05.011)
l. बु ढ़आ कहली, ‘ना रे बबुआ, भुइआँइन हो जाई ।’
buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦli nɑ re bʌbuɑ b̤ uiɑ̃in ɦo
buɽ̊-i-ɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-i nɑ re bʌbuɑ b̤ uiɑ̃-in ɦo
old-F-DEF say-PP-3.PST.F.MH NEG VOC boy ground-ADJ be
jɑi
jɑ-i
go-3.FUT
'The old woman said, "No! My child, it will be contaminated with ground."' (05.012)
m. लइका कहलक, ‘त खोइँ छा रोक ना, ओही म िगरा देतानी ।’
lʌikɑ kʌɦlʌk tʌ kʰoĩcʰɑ rok nɑ
lʌikɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ tʌ kʰoĩcʰɑ rok nɑ
boy say-PP-3.PST COND front end of the sari stretch EMPH

oɦi mẽ ɡirɑ detɑni

oɦ-i mẽ ɡir-ɑ de-ʌt bɑni
DIST-EMPH LOC fall-CAUS give-IMPH be.PRES.H
'The boy said, "Flatten your front end of the sari then, I'll let it fall in."' (05.013)
n. बु ढ़आ कहली, ‘ना रे बबुआ, खोइँ छाइन हो जाई ।’
buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦli nɑ re bʌbuɑ
buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-i nɑ re bʌbuɑ
old woman say-PP-3.PST.F.MH NEG VOC boy

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kʰoĩcʰɑin ɦo jɑi
kʰoĩcʰɑ-in ɦo jɑ-i
front end of the sari-ADJ be go-3.FUT
'The old woman said, "No! My child, it will be contaminated with the
anchal."' (05.014)
o. तब लइका कहलक, ‘अ छा त मुह बाओ ना, मुहे म िगरा देतानी ।’
tʌb lʌikɑ kʌɦlʌk ʌccʰɑ tʌ muɦ bɑo nɑ
tʌb lʌikɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ ʌccʰɑ tʌ muɦ bɑ-o nɑ
then boy say-PP-3.PST OK COND mouth open-IMP EMPH

muɦe mẽ ɡirɑ detɑni

muɦ-e mẽ ɡir-ɑ de-ʌt bɑni
mouth-EMPH LOC fall-CAUS give-IMPH be.PRES.H
'Then the boy said, "OK! Then open your mouth, I'll let it fall in."' (05.015)
p. तब बु ढ़आ कहली, ‘ना रे बबुआ, मुहाइन हो जाई ।’
tʌb buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦli nɑ re bʌbuɑ muɦɑin
tʌb buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-i nɑ re bʌbuɑ muɦ-ɑin
then old-F-DEF say-PP-3.PST.F.MH NEG VOC boy mouth-ADJ
ɦo jɑi
ɦo jɑ-i
be go-3.FUT
'But the old woman said, "No! My child, it will be contaminated in the
mouth."' (05.016)
q. हारके लइका पुछलक, ‘तब के ङवे कर ?’
ɦɑrke lʌikɑ pucʰlʌk tʌb ke ŋʌwe kʌrĩ
ɦɑr-ke lʌikɑ pucʰ-ʌl-ʌkʰ tʌb ke ŋʌwe kʌr-ĩ
defeat-SEQ boy ask-PP-3.PST then what method do-HORT
'Lastly, the boy asked, "What should I do then?"' (05.017)
r. बु ढ़आ कहली, ‘लभकके दे चभकके ध लेम ।’
buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦli lʌb̤ ʌkke de cʌb̤ ʌkke d̤ ʌ
buɽ̊iɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-i lʌb̤ -ke de cʌb̤ ʌk-ke d̤ ʌr
old-F-DEF say-PP-3.PST.F.MH bow-SEQ give grab-SEQ put
lem

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le-ɦem
take-3.FUT.H
'The old woman said, "Bow and stretch your hand, I'll also stretch myself
and grab it."' (05.018)
s. लइका जइसही िप ी देवे तिनका नीचा उतरके लभल, बु ढ़आ ओके पकड़के धोकरी म

कस लेली आ घरे चल देली ।

lʌikɑ jʌisʌɦi piʈʈʰi dewe tʌnikɑ nicɑ utʌrke
lʌikɑ jʌise-ɦi piʈʈʰi de-we tʌnikɑ nicɑ utʌr-ke
boy as fast as-EMPH cake give-PUR little down descend-SEQ
lʌb̤ ʌl buɽ̊iɑ oke pʌkʌɽke d̤ okʌri mẽ
lʌb̤ -ʌl buɽ̊iɑ u-e pʌkʌɽ-ke d̤ okʌri mẽ
bow-3SG.PST old woman 3SG-ACC grab-SEQ bag LOC

kʌs leli ɑ ɡ̈ʌre cʌl

kʌs le-ʌl-i ɑ ɡ̈ʌr-e cʌl
place and tighten take-PP-3.PST.F.MH and house-LOC walk
deli
de-ʌl-i
give-PP-3.PST.F.MH
'As the boy climbed down a little and bowed to give her the cake, the old
woman pulled him down, tightened him in a bag and went home.' (05.019)
The examples (31a-s) are a few paragraphs of a Bhojpuri folk-tale, expressing
thematic continuity. All matrix clauses have the verbs in past perfective. Besides, the
sequential converb तोड़के /toɽke/ 'having plucked' in (31f), (31h) and (31k), चढ़के

/cʌɽ̊ke/ 'having ascended' in (31h), लभकके /lʌb̤ ʌkke/ 'having bowed' and चभकके

/cʌb̤ ʌkke/ 'having grabbed' in (31r) and उतरके /utʌrke/ 'having descended' and पकड़के
/pʌkʌɽke/ 'having grabbed' in (31s) have discourse function of coding the thematic
continuity in Bhojpuri although such sequential participials also mark action
continuity in Bhojpuri discourse.
Moreover, sequential participials in the matrix clauses with finite verbs in
present habitual also mark thematic continuity as well as action continuity in Bhojpuri.
(32) a. बैशाख-जेठ के तपत घाम म पीठ जराके ,
bʌisɑkʰ jeʈʰ ke tʌpʌt ɡ̈ɑm mẽ piʈʰ jʌrɑke

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bʌisɑkʰ jeʈʰ ke tʌpʌt ɡ̈ɑm mẽ piʈʰ jʌrɑ-ke
April-May May-June GEN hot sun LOC back burn-SEQ
'Having burned back in scorching sun of April-May,' (14.170)
b. आषाढ़-सावन के कादो-पानी म गोड़ सड़ाके ,
ɑsɑɽ̊ sɑwʌn ke kɑdo-pɑni mẽ ɡoɽ sʌɽɑke
ɑsɑɽ̊ sɑwʌn ke kɑdo-pɑni mẽ ɡoɽ sʌɽ-ɑ-ke
June-July July-August GEN mud & water LOC foot rot-PASS-SEQ
'having decayed feet in mud and water in June-July,' (14.171)
c. आ भादो-आिसन म भुखे सिहआके
ɑ b̤ ɑdo ɑsin mẽ b̤ ukʰe sʌɦiɑke
ɑ b̤ ɑdo ɑsin mẽ b̤ ukʰ-e sʌɦiɑ-ke
and Aug-Sept Sept-Oct LOC hunger-INS starve-SEQ
'and having starved long in August-October,' (14.172)
d. काि क-अगहन म कसान धान घरे ले आवेला ।
kɑttik ʌɡʌɦʌn mẽ kisɑn d̤ ɑn ɡ̈ʌre le
kɑttik ʌɡʌɦʌn mẽ kisɑn d̤ ɑn ɡ̈ʌr-e le
Oct-Nov Nov-Dec LOC peasant paddy house-LOC bring
ɑwelɑ
ɑ-welɑ
come-3SG.PRES
'the peasants and farmers bring paddy at home.' (14.173)
In each clause in (32a-c) the sequential verbs with suffix -के /-ke/ along with
the matrix clause in (32d) code thematic continuity in Bhojpuri.
The present habitual passive clauses in procedural chaning, as presented in
(33a-e), also code thematic continuity in Bhojpuri.
(33) a. पिहले खेत जोताला ।
pʌɦile kʰet jotɑlɑ
pʌɦil-e kʰet jot-ɑ-ilɑ
first-SPEC farm plough-PASS-3SG.PRES
'First, the farm is ploughed.' (14.174)
b. तब हेङावल जाला ।
tʌb ɦeŋɑwʌl jɑlɑ

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tʌb ɦeŋɑ-wʌl jɑ-lɑ
then harrow-INF go-3SG.PRES
'Then, it is harrowed.' (14.175)
c. बेर बेर जोतल हेङावल जाला ।
ber ber jotʌl ɦeŋɑwʌl jɑlɑ
ber ber jot-ʌl ɦeŋɑ-wʌl jɑ-lɑ
time time plough-INF harrow-INF go-3SG.PRES
'It is ploughed and harrowed time and again.' (14.176)
d. तब िबआ िगरावल जाला ।
tʌb biɑ ɡirɑwʌl jɑlɑ
tʌb biɑ ɡir-ɑ-wʌl jɑ-lɑ
then seed fall-CAUS-INF go-3SG.PRES
'Then, the seeds are sown.' (14.177)
e. कु छ दन म िबआ जामेला ।
kucʰ din mẽ biɑ jɑmelɑ
kucʰ din mẽ biɑ jɑm-elɑ
some day LOC seed germinate-3SG.PRES
'The seeds are germinated in a few days.' (14.178)
f. तब कु छ दन बढ़ेला ।
tʌb kucʰ din bʌɽ̊elɑ
tʌb kucʰ din bʌɽ̊-elɑ
then some day grow-3SG.PRES
'Then, seedlings grow up for some days.' (14.179)
g. तब उखाड़के दोसर खेत म रोपाला ।
tʌb ukʰɑɽke dosʌr kʰet mẽ ropɑlɑ
tʌb ukʰɑɽ-ke dosʌr kʰet mẽ rop-ɑ-ilɑ
then uproot-SEQ another farm LOC plant-PASS-3SG.PRES
'Then they are uprooted from nursery and planted in other farms.' (14.180)
14.8 Summary
In this chapter, we analyzed the major devices of referential coherence in
Bhojpuri. The grammar of pronouns and grammatical agreement are the
morphological devices to encode referential coherence. Independent personal
pronouns are used as arguments in a clause whereas pronominal affixes are attached

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to the verbal complex. Personal pronouns show three persons, two numbers, and three
degrees of honorificity distinction.
The gender of the bound pronouns is incorporated into verbal morphology as
agreement affixes, also incorporating number and honorificity of the bound pronouns.
The third person pronouns also show proximal and distal distinction. Bhojpuri
pronouns include demonstrative, interrogative and indefinite which play a vital role in
referential coherence. The topic coding devices found in Bhojpuri discourse are zero
anaphora, unstressed anaphoric pronouns, stressed independent pronouns, R-
dislocation, neutral word order and L-dislocation, zero anaphors vs. R-dislocated
definite full-NPs, R-dislocated DEF-NPs, Y-moved NPs, cleft/focus constructions
and referential indefinite NPs.
Bhojpuri exploits some discourse-pragmatic strategies to mark the definiteness
of the referents. Bhojpuri does not possess the English like set of definite and
indefinite articles. However, indefinite pronominal adjective कौनो /kɔno/ ‘any/some’

and the numeral with classifier एगो /ek-ɡo/ 'one-CLF' function as indefinite reference
marker in Bhojpuri. Definiteness, in contrast, is marked by the demonstrative
pronouns. Bhojpuri also employs contextual definiteness.
In the domain of action continuity tense/aspect markers and participial clauses
are used as morphosyntactic devices in Bhojpuri. The narrative and procedural
discourse show the sequentiality of events. The thematic continuity is coded by
sequential participial clauses in Bhojpuri.

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CHAPTER 15
TYPOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS
15.0 Outline
The main goal of this chapter is to explore the typological implications of the
study. A natural language in general is structured according to different patterns at the
level of phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics, revealing a number of
structural features (Finegan, 1989:224). No matter how different structural features a
particular language exhibits, the basic principles known as language universals that
regulate the structure of a language, underscore the unity underlying the diversity
across the languages of the world. In order to explore such typological implications of
the study, in this chapter, we first make an attempt to compare the structural features
in the Bhojpuri language to the common characteristic features of the New Indo-
Aryan languages proposed mainly in Masica (1976[2005]), Masica (1991), Zograph
(1982), Abbi (2001) and Cardona and Jain (2003) then we highlight some striking
features of the language.
This chapter consists of two sections. Section 15.1 presents phonological
implications and section 15.2 discusses morphosyntactic implications.
15.1 Phonological implications
In this section we try to compare the structural features of Bhojpuri with the
common Indo-Aryan features in the domains of phonology. Bhojpuri shares a number
of phonological feature characteristics to the Indo-Aryan languages in general,
however, exhibits some phonological features that cut across the language family.
Such features have been referred to as the South Asian features rather than Indian
areal features in this study (cf. Masica 1976 and Abbi 2001). As far as possible, we
explore the language universals which underscore the unity.
15.1.1 Consonants
(a) Stop positions
"There are five basic tongue positions for Indo-Aryan stops as have also been
noted in Sanskrit: labial, dental, retroflex, palatal and velar: प /p/, त /t/, ट /ʈ/, च /c/ and क
/k/" (Masica, 1991:94). Bhojpuri attests bilabial, dental and velar stops as Masica
(1991:94) displays but it has apico-alveolar stops in place of retroflex ones and alveo-
palatal affricates in place of palatal stops. It can be regarded as functional adaptation as
we observe its close neighbours in a greater extent, already discussed in Chapter 3.1.

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Besides these, as Maithili (Jha, 1993:93 & Yadav, 1996:21), Awadhi (Saksena 1971:29)
and Hindi (Koul, 2008:12) retain retroflex stops but Nepali (Adhikari, 2016:10) records
post-alveolar, Darai (Dhakal, 2011:51) and Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal, 2013:61) record
them as alveolar and Rājbansi (Wilde, 2008:24) as apico-retroflex. Diachronically, the
Sanskrit retroflex stops have been adapted to apico-alveolar in Bhojpuri being
typologically nearer to Chitoniya Tharu and Darai, Nepali, and Rājbansi respectively
and attests functional-typoligical as well as adaptive approach to grammar.
(b) Nasals
Corresponding to the five oral stops in Sanskrit, the basic nasal articulations
were also counted to be five by the ancient Indian phoneticians: म /m/, न /n/, ण /ɳ/, ञ

/ɲ/ and ङ /ŋ/ (Masica 1991:95). But Bhojpuri has already dropped ण /ɳ/ and ञ /ɲ/ and

now they have become allophones of न /n/ as its close neighbours Chitoniya Tharu,
Maithili, Awadhi and Nepali do, already mentioned in Chapter 4.1.1. Among them,
the former two occur in all three initial, medial and final positions of a word and the
last one only occurs at medial and final position in all its neighbours but Bhojpuri
displays its word-initial position, already discussed. Moreover, Bhojpuri exhibits

/m̥ /, ऩ /n̥ / and /ŋ̊/ as the aspirate sonorant counterparts, phonetically breathy in inter-

vocalic as well as voiceless in word-final position, in opposition to म /m/, न /n/ and ङ

/ŋ/ respectively. But Rājbanshi (Wilde, 2008:24) and Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal,
2013:61) record them as the aspirated nasals whereas Awadhi (Saksena, 1971:44)
records only ह /mɦ/ and ह /nɦ/. It attests basic Bhojpuri nasals to be nearer to
Chitoniya Tharu, Maithili, Rājbansi, Awadhi, Hindi and Nepali respectively
functionally and typologically but their aspirate sonorant counterparts are its own
inventory that attests adaptive approach to grammar in Bhojpuri.
(c) Laterals and flaps
All NIA dialects have a lateral ल /l/ and a flap र /r/ (Masica 1991:97) and so
Bhojpuri does have. Besides, Bhojpuri exhibits their aspirate sonorant counterparts,
/l̥ / and ऱ /r̥ / respectively, whereas Awadhi (Saksena, 1971:48-9), Rājbanshi (Wilde,
2008:24) and Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal, 2013:61) exhibit them as aspirated ones.
Likewise, Bhojpuri has also the retroflex flap ड़ /ɽ/ in opposition to flap र /r/, and its
aspirate sonorant counterpart ढ़ /ɽ̊/. Though Hindi, Nepali, Maithili and Awadhi, the
close Indo-Aryan neighbours of Bhojpuri, have allophonic pairs of ड /ɖ/ and ड़ /ɽ/, ढ

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/ɖ̈/ and ढ़ /ɽ̊/; they are only phonemic in Bhojpuri. So, Bhojpuri is functionally and
typologically nearer to its close neighbours but the presence of phonemic retroflex
flap is its own inventory along with the aspirate sonorant counterparts of all the three.
It attests the functional and typoligical closeness of Bhojpuri with its neighbours with
its own adaptive character in developing devoicing sonority.
(d) Fricatives
The Indo-Aryan languages traditionally count three sibilants श /ʃ/, ष /ʂ/ and स
/s/ along with a glottal ह /ɦ/ as fricatives (Masica 1991:99). In practice, the retroflex
fricative ष /ʂ/ has already been dropped except in Sanskrit and the palatal fricative श
/ʃ/ has also been dropped in so many languages including Bhojpuri, Nepali, Maithili
and Awadhi but Hindi (Koul 2008:17) retains श /ʃ/ as the same and ष /ʂ/ as glottal
counterpart of ख /kʰ/. So, Bhojpuri has a single sibilant fricative alveolar स /s/ and
other two are its allophones. However, the glottal fricative ह /ɦ/ has been retained in
Bhojpuri along with its close neighbours. It attests its functional adaptive character
and groups it typologically with Chitoniya Tharu, Maithili, Awadhi and Nepali.
(e) Semivowels
The semivowels य /y/ and व /w/ are a somewhat shaky part of the NIA inventory (Masica,
1991:99). Grierson (1903a:6) denotes, "Eastern languages cannot tolerate an initial य /y/ or व
/w/". Thus, in a number of languages including Bhojpuri, their occurrence is practically
restricted to semi-predictable intervocalic glides. It is attested to a greater extent in NIA
group the OIA word-initial य /y/ in relative pronouns, adjectives and adverbs turns to be
ज /j/ in NIA including Bhojpuri, already discussed in Chapter 13.4. Similarly OIA word-
initial व /w/ turns to ब /b/ or ओ /o/ in NIA including Bhojpuri. But Bhojpuri has also
tolerance of their word-initial presence, especially for tatsama and other borrowings.
(f) Voicing
All the NIA languages except Tamil have a voicing opposition in the basic
stop series ब /b/, द /d/, ड /ɖ/, ज /j/ and ग /ɡ/ vs. प /p/, त /t/, ट /ʈ/, च /c/ and क /k/
(Masica, 1991:100) and so does Bhojpuri.
(g) Aspiration
Normally, all IA languages including Sanskrit have an aspirated series of both
voiceless and voiced stops, exhibiting a four-way contrast between प /p/, फ /pʰ/, ब /b/

and भ /bʰ/ at all five basic points of articulation (Masica, 1991:101). Bhojpuri also

553
exhibits the minimal pairs of non-aspirated and aspirated counterparts in all
environments but it shows the breathy counterparts भ /b̤ /, ध /d̤ /, ढ /ɖ̈/, झ /ȷ̈/ and घ /ɡ̈/ of

ब /b/, द /d/, ड /ɖ/, ज /j/, and ग /ɡ/. Thus, Bhojpuri has an inventory of 36 consonants.
15.1.2 Vowels
The Indo-Aryan languages have three categories of vowels: monophthongs,
diphthongs and nasal vowels. Bhojpuri does have the three categories and an extra
one, i.e., thriphthongs, presented as follows:
a) Oral monophthongs
The NIA languages in South Asia have a minimal six-vowel system of two
types: Oriya type with parallel front and back vowels इ /i/, ए /e/, आ /ɑ/; उ /u/, ओ /o/, औ

/ɔ/ and Nepali/Marathi type with a height contrast in the central vowels इ /i/, ए /e/; आ

/ɑ/, अ /ə/; ओ /o/, उ /u/ (Masica, 1991:109). Pokharel (2000) gets अ /ʌ/ instead of अ /ə/
and so happens in Bhojpuri with two more additional lower-mid front and back vowels
ऐ /ɛ/ and औ /ɔ/. Thus, Bhojpuri follows Nepali type of vowels with addition of the two

as इ /i/, ए /e/; ऐ /ɛ/, आ /ɑ/; अ /ʌ/, औ /ɔ/; ओ /o/, उ /u/ as they are found in Maithili (Jha,

1991:108), whereas Hindi has two more long vowels ई /ī/ and ऊ /ū/ (Koul, 2008:12-3)
as Awadhi does have (Saksena, 1937:57-8). In this way Bhojpuri has 8 monophthongs,
typologically more nearer to Nepali type with adaptive inventory, too.
b) Nasal monophthongs
Oral-nasal contrast in the monophthongs is the NIA characteristics. Bhojpuri
has also the equal number of nasal monophthongs as it does have the oral ones,
already discussed in Chapter 3.
c) Diphthongs
Diphthongs, in terms of combinations of two vowel sounds within one
syllable, are not the essential part of the NIA languages in general, though Masica
(1991:116) quotes Ferguson and Chowdhury (1960) as recognizing some diphthongs
in Bengali. Bhojpuri does have some diphthongs already discussed in Chapter 3.
Besides, Bhojpuri exhibits some triphthongs, too.
15.1.3 Syllabicity
Historical phonology of the Indo-Aryan exhibits a number of changes to have
occurred to be present as the syllabicity of the New Indo-Aryan (NIA) languages.
They can be noted as follows:

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a) Schwa deletion
The word-final schwa -अ /-ʌ/ is deleted in many of the NIA languages.
Bhojpuri has an obligatory schwa deletion. But Bhojpuri does have schwa deletion in
word medial also, as in हमरा /ɦʌmrɑ/ 'mine/to me', गमला /ɡʌmlɑ/ 'vase', as some of its
close neighbours Maithili (Yadav 1996:52), Hindi (2008:30) and Nepali (Adhikari
2016:19) do to a greater extent.
b) Reduction of gemination
In case of consonant gemination in MIA, many of the NIA languages including
Bhojpuri reduce such gemination into a single consonant along with final schwa deletion
and lengthening of the vowel preceding such consonant, as shown in Table 15.1.
Table 15.1 Reduction of gemination
MIA Hindi Awadhi Nepali Maithili Bhojpuri Gloss
स /sʌttʌ/ सात /sɑt/ सात /sɑt/ सात /sɑt/ सात /sɑt/ सात /sɑt/ 'seven'

भ /b̤ ʌttʌ/ भात /b̤ ɑt/ भात /b̤ ɑt/ भात /b̤ ɑt/ भात /b̤ ɑt/ भात /b̤ ɑt/ 'boiled rice'

दू /dudd̤ ʌ/ दूध /dūd̤ / दूध /dūd̤ / दूध /dud̤ / दूध /dud̤ / दूध /dud̤ / 'milk'

अ /ʌʈʈʰʌ/ आठ /ɑʈʰ/ आठ /ɑʈʰ/ आठ /ɑʈʰ/ आठ /ɑʈʰ/ आठ /ɑʈʰ/ 'eight'

The process is sometimes accompanied by spontaneous (and regionally random)

nasalization of the vowel. But Bhojpuri has a different character of retention of the
vowel as usual and the nasalization to compensate gemination, as shown in Table 15.2.
Table 15.2 Nasalization of the vowel or replacing the consonant with nasal
MIA Hindi Awadhi Nepali Maithili Bhojpuri Gloss
अ खी /ʌkkʰi/ आँख /ɑ̃kʰ/ आँख /ɑ̃kʰ/ आँखा /ɑ̃kʰɑ/ आँिख /ɑ̃ĩkʰ/ आँख /ɑ̃kʰ/ 'eye'

स प /sʌppʌ/ साँप /sɑ̃p/ साँप /sɑ̃p/ साँप /sɑ̃p/ साँप /sɑ̃p/ साँप /sɑ̃p/ 'snake'

मू ग /muɡɡʌ/ मूँग /mū ɡ̃ / मूँग /mū ɡ̃ / मूँग /mũɡ/ मूँग /mũɡ/ मुङ /muŋ/ 'bean'

Table 15.2 shows that the final इ /i/ has shifted before the word-final

consonant in Maithili as आँिख /ɑ̃ĩkʰ/ and with deletion of the final अ /ʌ/, the word final

ग /ɡ/ has been changed into its nasal counterpart ङ /ŋ/ as in मुङ /muŋ/ whereas Nepali

develops a new final vowel आ /ɑ/ following nasalization as in आँखा /ɑ̃kʰɑ/.

c) Loss of nasal
In the case of the MIA-VNC-sequences, the vowel is lengthened and nasalized and
the nasal is dropped in many NIA languages including Bhojpuri, as shown in Table 15.3.

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Table 15.3 Loss of nasal
MIA Hindi Awadhi Nepali Maithili Bhojpuri Gloss
कं प /kʌmpʌ/ काँप /kɑ̃p काँप /kɑ̃p काम /kɑm/ काँप /kɑ̃p काँप /kɑ̃p 'tremble'

बंध /bʌnd̤ ʌ/ बाँध /bɑ̃d̤ / बाँध /bɑ̃d̤ / बाँध /bɑ̃d̤ / बाऩ /bɑn̥ / बाऩ /bɑn̥ / 'bond/dam'

संझा /sʌnȷ̈ɑ/ साँझ /sɑ̃ȷ̈/ साँझ /sɑ̃ȷ̈/ साँझ /sɑ̃ȷ̈/ साँझ /sɑ̃ȷ̈/ साँझ /sɑ̃ȷ̈/ 'twilight'

Table 15.3 shows that Maithili and Bhojpuri go beyond the generalization as
they only change the nasal into its devoicing sonorant counterpart in compensation of
the final vowel as in बाऩ /bɑn̥ /. Moreover, Nepali lengthens the vowel and limits the

word only upto the nasal as usual as in काम /kɑm/.

d) Clusters
Unlike its close neighbours Hindi, Nepali and even Maithili, consonant clusters
in Bhojpuri are very limited both in type and position of occurrence (Verma, 2003:570).
In this section, we have already seen reduction of gemination in Bhojpuri of the tatsama
but production of gemination is also a typical character of Bhojpuri showing a penchant
for geminates word-medially and tending to retain them in inherited forms where Hindi
prefers simplification with compensatory lengthening (Verma 2003:571), such as
Bhojpuri उ र /ujjʌr/, Hindi उजला /ujʌlɑ/, Sanskrit उ वलऽ /ujjvʌlʌ/ 'white/bright';
Bhojpuri िप र /pittʌr/, Hindi पीतल /pītʌl/, Prakrit िप लऽ /pittʌlʌ/ 'brass'; Bhojpuri ब र
/bʌjjʌr/, Hindi ब /bʌjrʌ/, Prakrit व ऽ /vʌjjʌ/, Sanskrit व /vajrʌ/ 'thunderbolt'.
Bhojpuri also has some medial nasal geminates as its own development such as सु र
/sunnʌr/ 'beautiful', सु ा /sunnɑ/ 'zero', गु मा /ɡummɑ/ 'a winter grass plant'. Besides
these, the aspirated stops in word-medial position adjacent to a nasalized vowels turn
into devoicing nasal sonorants in Bhojpuri, such as Hindi अँधेरा /ʌ̃d̤ erɑ/, Nepali अँ यारो
/ʌ̃d̤ yɑro/, Bhojpuri अऩार /ʌn̥ ɑr/ 'darkness'; Sanskrit कं भ /skʌmb̤ ʌ/, Hindi खंभा /kʰʌmb̤ ɑ/,
Bhojpuri खा ा /kʰɑm̥ ɑ/ 'pillar'; Sanskrit कं ध /skʌnd̤ ʌ/, Hindi कं धा /kʌnd̤ ɑ/, Nepali काँध
/kɑ̃d̤ /, Bhojpuri काऩ /kɑn̥ / 'shoulder'.
e) Syllable canon
The canonical shape of the Bhojpuri syllable can be represented as CVCC (Verma
2003:570; Shukla 1981:33). Hindi bears CCVCC as the canonical syllable structure (Koul
2008:24). Awadhi syllables as canon are identical with the Devanagari akshara either with
its inherent vowel or the other vowels following it as a diacritic (Saksena, 1937:86). The
Bhojpuri syllable structure has already been discussed in Chapter 4.

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Typological implications in terms of phonology have been presented in Table
15.4 in comparision to NIA languages and Bihari group.
Table15. 4: Phonological features of the NIA languages and Bhojpuri1
Phonological features NIA Bihari Bhojpuri
1. Stops + + +
Labial + + +
Dental + + +
Apico-alveolar – + +
Retroflex + + –
Palatal + + –
Velar + + +
2. Nasals + + +
Labial + + +
Dental + – –
Alveolar – + +
Retroflex + – –
Palatal + – –
Velar + + +
3. fricatives + + +
Alveolar + + +
Palatal + – –
Retroflex + – –
Glottal + + +
4. Affricates + + +
Palatal + + –
Palato-alveolar – + +
5. Laterals and flaps + + +
Alveolar + + +
Retroflex laterals + – –
Retroflex flaps + + +
6. Glides + + +

1. The table has been prepared on the basis of Grierson (1883:19-24), Masica (1991:86-132) and
Chapter 4 of this study.

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7. Aspiration + + +
8. Voicing + + +
9. Breathy contrasts + + +
10. Sonorant contrasts + + +
Breathy + + –
Devoicing – + +
11. Vowel system 5 8 8
Nasalized vowels + + +
Diphthongs + + +
Triphthongs – + +
Similarly, Table 15.5 exhibits phonological comparision of Bhojpuri between its
close neighbours Chitoniya Tharu, Maithili, Awadhi, Darai, Hindi, Nepali and Rājbanshi.
Table15. 5: Phonological features of Bhojpuri and its close neighbours
Chotoniya Tharu
Phonological

Rājbanshi
Bhojpuri

Maithili

Awadhi
features

Nepali
Hindi
Darai
1. Stops 16 16 16 16 16 16 16 16
Labial 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
Dental 4 4 4 4 4 4 – 4
Apico-dental – – – – – – 4 –
Apico-alveolar 4 – – – – – – –
Alveolar – 4 – – 4 – – –
Post-alveolar – – – – – – 4 –
Apico-retroflex – – – – – – – 4
Retroflex – – 4 4 – 4 – –
Velar 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
2. Nasals 6 6 3 7 3 4 3 6
Labial 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 2
Dental – – – 1 – – – 2
Apico-dental – – – – – – 1 –
Alveolar 2 2 1 1 1 1 – –

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Retroflex – – – 1 – 1 – –
Palatal – – – 1 – – – –
Velar 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2
3. fricatives 2 2 2 2 2 6 2 2
Labio-dental – – – – – 1 – –
Dental – – – – – – – 1
Alveolar 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 –
Velar – – – – – 1 – –
Glottal 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
4. Affricates 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
Dental – – – – – – – 4
Palatal – – – 4 – 4 – –
Palato-alveolar 4 – 4 – – – – –
Alveolar – 4 – – 4 – 4 –
5. Laterals and flaps/trills 6 4 2 – 2 4 2 4
Dental laterals – – – – – – – 2
Dental flaps/trills – – – – – – – 2
Alveolar laterals 2 2 1 6 1 1 1 –
Alveolar flaps/trills 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 –
Palatal laterals – – – 2 – – – –
Retroflex flaps 2 – 1 2 – 2 – –
6. Glides 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
7. Aspiration + + + + + + + +
8. Voicing + + + + + + + +
9. Breathy contrasts + – – – – – – –
10. Sonorant contrasts + – – – – – – –
Breathy – – – – – – – –
Devoicing + – – – – – – –
11. Vowel system 8 6 8 11 6 10 6 6
Nasalized vowels + + + + + + + +
Diphthongs + + + + + + + +
Triphthongs + – – – – – – –

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Going through Table 15.4 and Table 15.5 we observe that Bhojpuri maintains
the major NIA features in general and has acquired a few unique features yet to be
explored in other NIA languages. In terms of the phonological inverntories, Bhojpuri
has the same number of the stops, affricates and glides as its close neighbours do
have. But other consonants and vowels do not match with its neighbours. Moreover,
devoicing sonorant contrasts in consonants, triphthongs and phonemic stress observed
in Bhojpuri have not been explored in its other neighbours.
In this section, we went through the 36 consonants in terms of stops, nasals,
laterals, flaps, fricatives, affricates and semi-vowels with their characteristics of
voicing, aspiration and devoicing sonority; the 8 monopthongs with their nasal
counterparts with diphthongs and triphthongs in Bhojpuri; its syllable canon with
characteristics of schwa deletion, reduction of gemination, loss of nasal and clusters
also presented characters of Bhojpuri in comparision to the NIA and Bihari
chacteristics in Table 15.4 as well as to its close neighbours in Table 15.5. These all
phenomena attest NIA characteristics of Bhojpuri typologically in general with some
of its own functional adaptive inventories, already discussed.
15.2 Morphosyntactic implications
As in phonology, in some features, Bhojpuri maintains the correspondence
with the genetically related languages and in some features it cuts across the NIA
language family as Grierson (1903a; 1903b; 1903c; 1904) states. In many features
Bhojpuri offers the universal patterns.
15.2.1 Affixation
NIA lexical creativity involves suffixes and prefixes to form new word to meet
contemporary needs and such words are generally complex (Masica 1991:81).
Besides, the NIA nominal inflections characterize primarily nouns, pronouns,
adjectives and also certain numerals and adverbs in some languages (Masica
1991:217). Bhojpuri has also followed the usage of prefixes and suffixes along with
infixes too. Such affixation inflects nouns, pronouns, adjectives, verbs and adverbs
with nominals in Bhojpuri.
a) Suffix
Grierson (1903a:7) states in broader sense that all the languages of the eastern
group show a greater tendency of the inflexional synthesis than do those of the
western of the NIA. The general suffix -इ /-i/ in the NIA languages mark feminine

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gender for human nouns in the languages having two gender system and smaller size
for inanimante ones corresponding word with -आ /-ɑ/, -औ /ɔ/ or -ओ /-o/, as in बेटा

/beʈɑ/-बेटी /beʈi/ 'son-daughter' in Hindi, Awadhi, Maithili and Bhojpuri as well as in

छोरा /cʰorɑ/-छोरी /cʰori/ equivalent in Nepali for human nouns and कटोरा /kʌʈorɑ/-

कटोरी /kʌʈori/ 'bowl/small bowl' in Hindi, Awadhi, Maithili and Bhojpuri as well as

कचौरा /kʌcʌurɑ/-कचौरी /kʌcʌuri/ in Nepali for the same (Masica, 1991:77). Persian

suffix adjectival -इ /-i/ in place of Sanskrit -इय /-iyʌ/ is common in NIA languages

(Masica, 1991:71) as हदु तान /ɦindustɑn/- हदु तानी /ɦindustɑni/ 'India/Indian', हद

/ɦind/- हदी /ɦindi/ 'Hind/Hindi', नेपाल /nepɑl/-नेपाली /nepɑli/ 'Nepal/Nepali', अवध

/ʌwʌd̤ /-अवधी /ʌwʌd̤ i/ 'Awadh/Awadhi', मैिथल /mʌtʰil/-मैिथली /mʌitʰili/, भोजपुर

/b̤ ojpur/-भोजपुरी /b̤ ojpuri/ 'Bhojpur/Bhojpuri' and भारत /b̤ ɑrʌt/-भारतीय /b̤ ɑrʌtiyʌ/
'India/Indian' (Skt.). NIA pronouns are inflected with suffixes for number and case
that Bhojpuri also follows as already discussed in Chapter 14.
The nominal suffix for gender marking, already discussed, also marks the
gender in NIA adjectives, e. g., छोटा /cʰoʈɑ/-छोटी /cʰoʈi/ 'small/small-F', बड़ा /bʌɽɑ/-बड़ी

/bʌɽi/ 'big/big-F' in Hindi and Awadhi, साना /sɑnɑ/-सानी /sɑni/ 'small/small-F' in

Nepali for the same. The gender marker suffixes occur in Bhojpuri and Maithili with
defiteness for the same time -का /-kɑ/ for masculine and -क /-ki/ for feminine as in

छोटका /cʰoʈkɑ/-छोटक /cʰoʈki/ 'short/short-F' for the same.

Pronominal differentiation for gender is not as common in NIA as in European
languages, e.g., 'he/she/it' in English. As its close neighbours Hindi, Nepali and
Awadhi, Bhojpuri has dual gender system, though dimming eastward, but not any
inflectional categories with pronouns in this regard. Rather the gender is marked with
inflections in finite verbs for feminine. So, Bhojpuri pronouns are inflected for
number, case and defineteness as its close neighbours. Besides, Bhojpuri has a
separate plural marker morpheme सब /sʌb/ literally meant as 'all' as Masica
(1991:271) notes that it is characterized as plural suffix in 'eastern languages' such as
Maithili and Magahi. Though Bhojpuri displays several inflexional processes in
nominal and verbal morphology, it uses separate postpositions and few particles as its
neighbour Hindi does so. Bhojpuri uses सब /sʌb/ 'all' as a plural marker for inanimate,

non-human animate and non-honorific human nouns. It is replaced by लोग /loɡ/

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'people' in honorific environment. Besides, Bhojpuri has particle जा /jɑ/ to mark plural
in clause-final position. Grierson (1903b:2) states, "in Hindi, the oblique form of the
genitive postposition is के /ke/, but in Bhojpuri, the only dialect of Bihari, in which it

has an oblique form का /kɑ/, and this oblique form of the genitive is used to form the
nominative plural, a peculiar construction unknown to Hindi." Thus, the oblique form
हमनीका /ɦʌmnikɑ/ or हमनी के /ɦamni ke/ 'of us' is used to mean 'we' in Bhojpuri. The

typical letter for the genitive case in the eastern group is र /r/ (Grierson, 1903a:8),
also available in Bhojpuri pronouns. Dative-accusative marker in the eastern group is
हे /ɦe/ or के /ke/ (Grierson, 1904:4) maintained in Bhojpuri with a new development of

clitic -ए /-e/. Grierson (1903a:8) records, "the sign for the dative case in Bengali,

Assamese and Bihari is के /ke/", Bhojpuri maintains it. As the case marking system of
Bhojpuri has already been discussed in Chapter 8 and Paudyal (2013:432-3) compares
Chitoniya Tharu with other neighbours in case marking typology, Table 15.6
compares Bhojpuri case markers with its close neighbours.
Table 15.6 Case markers in Bhojpuri and its close neighbours
Languages NOM ERG ACC/DAT INS ABL GEN COM LOC

Bhojpuri ø – के /ke/, - से /se/, से /se/ का सङे म

ए /-e/ -ए /-e/ /kɑ/, के /sʌŋe/, /mẽ/,

/ke/, -र जौरे पर

/-r/ /jɔre /pʌr/, -

ए /-e/
Chotoniya ø – -के /-ke/ -कऽ /-
Tharu kʌ/
Maithili ø –
Awadhi ø –
Darai ø –
Hindi ø ने /ne/
Nepali ø -ले /-
le/
Rājbanshi –

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Though Grierson (1903a:8) mentions the Bihari group to have a copula बाटे
/bɑʈe/ in present tense, it is the unique property of Bhojpuri with its negative
counterpart नइखे /nʌikʰe/. Verbs in the NIA languages are suffixed for tense, aspect,
modality, number, gender and honorificity at the same time, already discussed in
Chapter 9 with reference to Bhojpuri.
The NIA adverbs are also inflected with suffixes generally for exclusive and
inclusive emphasis. Clitic -ए /-e/ is an exclusive emphatic marker and -ओ /-o/ an

inclusive emphatic marker suffix in Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi. Clitic -ए /-e/ is an
outcome of grammaticalization from different source word classes, so, it is
multifunctional, already discussed in Chapter 6.2. Hindi has independent particle ही

/ɦi/ 'only' and भी /b̤ i/ 'also' respectively, whereas Nepali replaces them as -अइ /-ʌi/ as a

suffix as well as नै /nʌi/ and पिन /pʌni/ as independent particles for the same.
Suffixing numerals in NIA languages is not so common. But in the languages
they are suffixed with are observed with classifiers. The classifiers so far are -गो /-ɡo/

in Bhojpuri, -टा /-ʈɑ/ in Maithili, -ठू /ʈʰu/ in Awadhi and -ओटा /-oʈɑ/ in Nepali in

general. Hindi uses classifier ठो /ʈʰo/ as a separate word. Bhojpuri also has जने /jʌne/
to classify human honorific as its close neighbours Maithili, Awadhi and Nepali do.
Hindi uses लोग /loɡ/ instead.
The general nominal inflectional categories in the NIA languages are gender,
number, case and definiteness. Case is universal in all the languages while gender is
not. Bhojpuri nouns are inflected for all the inflectional categories, already discussed
in Chapter 6.1.
b) Prefix
Though Verma (2003:574) mentions Bhojpuri having all inflectional elements
in terms of suffixes, Masica (1991:215) mentions presence of a few derivational
prefixes in Indo-Aryan, most of them borrowed from either Sanskrit or Persian, which
Bhojpuri belongs to. Thus, some prefixal elements have also been common in the
language especially for nouns and adjectives. Such prefixes are generally used for
antonymy as well as for comparison, as shown in Table 15.7.

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Table 15.7: Borrowed prefixes
Prefix Noun/adjective Derivative
बे /be-/ 'without' घर /ɡ̈ʌr/ 'house' बेघर /beɡ̈ʌr/ 'homeless'

िन /ni-/ 'without' डर /ɖʌr/ 'fear' िनडर /niɖʌr/ 'fearless'

ना /nɑ-/ 'no' लाएक /lɑek/ 'able' नालाएक /nɑlɑek/ 'worthless'

सु /su-/ 'good' भग /b̤ ʌɡ/ 'behaviour' सुभग /sub̤ ʌɡ/ 'well-mannerred'

कु /ku-/ 'bad' रीित /riti/ 'usage' कु रीित /kuriti/ 'malpractices'

But the chief character of Bhojpuri prefixes is overlooked as Singh (2008:36-7)
argues and it is the truth. Table 15.8 shows Bhojpuri prefixes with lexical items.
Table 15.8: Bhojpuri prefixes
Prefix Lexeme Derivative
म- /mʌ-/ मोर /mor/ 'fold/twist' ममोर /mʌmor/ 'fold/twist repeatedly'

द- /dʌ-/ बोर /bor/ 'press to sink' दबोर /dʌbor/ 'press to sink repeatedly'

स- /sʌ-/ लोर /lor/ 'tears' सलोर /sʌlor/ 'mix up repeatedly in liquid'

ह- /ɦʌ-/ लोर /lor/ 'tears' हलोर /ɦʌlor/ 'stir surfacely with hands'

झँ- /ȷ̈ʌ̃-/ झोर /ȷ̈or/ 'jerk' झँझोर /ȷ̈ ʌ̃ȷ̈or/ 'jerk repeatedly to remove'
c) Infix
Infixing happens in terms of glidation during clause-combining in the NIA
languages including Bhojpuri, already discussed in Chapter 4.1.3. But Bhojpuri does
have exceptions in counting numbers above hundred, already discussed in the same
section of the chapter. Besides these, Bhojpuri has its own infixes, as shown in
Table 15.9.
Table 15.9: Bhojpuri infixes
Infix Lexeme Derivative
-अँक- /-ʌ̃k-/ घोर /ɡ̈or/ 'mix with liquid' घँकोर /ɡ̈ʌ̃kor/ 'mix repeatedly with liquid'

-अँक- /-ʌ̃k-/ झोर /ȷ̈or/ 'jerk' झँकोर /ȷ̈ʌ̃kor/ 'repeated force of wind and rain'

-अक- /-ʌk-/ बोर /bor/ 'press to sink' बकोर /bʌkor/ 'vomit'

-अत- /-ʌt-/ पार /pɑr/ 'across' पतार /pʌtɑr/ 'spread (paddy seedlings)'

-अँव- /-ʌ̃w-/ झार /ȷ̈ɑr/ 'hit to remove' झँवार /ȷ̈ ʌ̃wɑr/ 'shake repeatedly to cook'
To summarize affixation, the use of negative affixes exhibiting striking
similarities among IA languages is presented in Table 15.10.

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Table 15.10 Negative affixes
Languages Affixes Separate probihitives
Prefix Suffix Preceding/Succeeding
Bhojpuri अ /ʌ/, अन /ʌn/ ना /nɑ/, नाह /nɑɦĩ/, िबना /binɑ/, मत /mʌt/,
िन /ni/, बे /be/ जन /jʌn/, नइखे /nʌikʰe/
Chotoniya ना /nɑ/, िझन /jʰin/, िबना /binɑ/, नाह /nɑɦĩ/,
Tharu हइने /ɦʌine/, नइखो /nʌikʰo/
Maithili बे- /be-/ नई /nʌi/, निह /nʌiɦ/
Awadhi अ /ʌ/, अन /ʌn/ नाह /nɑɦĩ/, िबना /binɑ/, िजन /jiʌn/
िन /ni/, बे /be/
Darai नई /nʌi/, िनज झुन /ȷ̈ un/
/nijʌ/
Hindi अ /ʌ/, िन /ni/, बे न /nʌ/, ना /nɑ/, नह /nʌɦĩ/, मत /mʌt/
/be/
Nepali न /nʌ/ न /nʌ/
Rājbanshi िन /ni/, ना /nɑ/
The negative affixes in Bhojpuri and its close IA neighbours shown in Table
15.10 exhibit striking features of similarity and differences. Nasal न /n/ is seen as a
common sound to express negativity. But only Nepali is seen to have negative prefix
whereas Chitoniya Tharu and Rājbanshi do not have negative affixes. Similarly,
Nepali does not exhibit any separate prohibitive. The rest have negative prefixes as
well as separate prohibitive. In terms of negative prefixes Bhojpuri is almost identical
with Awadhi and Hindi. Thus, affixation in Bhojpuri implicates empirically it
maintains the major characteristics of its close neighbours as well as it has acquired
some peculiarities, too.
d) Verb morphology
The ल /l-/ past is the peculiarity of the eastern group with Marathi (Grierson,
1903a:8). Another prominent feature of the eastern languages is ब /b-/ future
(Grierson 1903a:8). Bhojpuri maintains both the features. But it has also adopted म
/m-/ future. As Dhakal (2011:354) and Paudyal (2013:434) compare tense marking
system of some NIA languages, Table 15.11 displays tense marking system of
Bhojpuri in comparison with its close neighbours.

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Table 15.11 Tense marking system in Bhojpuri and its close neighbours
Languages Tense markers
Past present Future
Bhojpuri -ल /-l/ -ल /-l/ -ब /-b/, -म /-m/, -ई /-i/
Chitoniya Tharu -ल /-l/ -स /-s/ -ब /-b/, -त /-t/
Maithili -ल /-l/ -छ /-cʰ/ -ब /-b/, -त /-t/
Awadhi -य /-y/ -त /-t/ -ई /-i/
Darai -ल /-l/ -त /-t/ -

Hindi -य /-y/ -त /-t/ -ग /-ɡ/

Nepali -य /-y/ -छ /-cʰ/ -ल /-l/
Rājbanshi -ल /-l/, -न /-n/ -च /-c/ -ब /-b/, -म /-m/
Table 15.11 shows that Bhojpuri shares the past marker with its neighbours
except Awadhi, Hindi and Nepali. So, Bhojpuri and its close neighbour NIA
languages in two groups: -ल /-l/ past and -य /-y/ past except Rājbanshi as it has one

more past marker -न /-n/. Likewise Bhojpuri is unique among its neighbours with its

present marker -ल /-l/ whereas its neighbours Awadhi, Darai and Hindi are grouped

with the present marker -त /-t/ and the others with -स /-s/, -छ /-cʰ/ or -च /-c/.

Similarly, Bhojpuri shares the future marker -ब /-b/ with Chitoniya Tharu, Maithili

and Rājbanshi; -म /-m/ with only Rajbanshi and -ई /-i/ with Awadhi.
Masica (1991:257) mentions the NIA verbal system, like the nominal,
normatively involving successsive layers of 'inflectional' elements to the right of the
lexical base to basically mark tense, aspect and mode. Verma (2003:579) mentions
Bhojpuri having an elaborate inflectional system for tense, aspect and mode with
further marking for agreement in terms of person, number, honorificity and gender.
But gender in verb morphology is not so common in the NIA as Bhojpuri also drops
eastwards. We have highlighted the verb morphology in detail in Chapter 10.
e) Adverb morphology
As its close neighbours Maithili, Awadhi and Nepali, adverbs in Bhojpuri are
inflected for both exclusive and inclusive emphasis. The exclusive emphatic marker is
-ही /-ɦi/ and - /-ɦu/ is the inclusive one in Bhojpuri. Awadhi and Hindi have separate

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particles ही /ɦi/ and भी /b̤ i/ respectively. Nepali exhibits -अइ /-ʌi/ in exclusive

environment but a separate particle पिन /pʌni/ in the inclusive one.

f. Pronominals
Pronouns fall in minor word classes cross-linguistically. Though NIA
pronominals are not identical for all languages, they are striking phonologically.
Personal pronouns in Bhojpuri and its close neighbours are compared in Table 15.12.
Table 15.12 Pronouns in Bhojpuri and its close neighbours
Pronouns 1SG 1PL 2SG 2PL 3SG 3PL
Bhojpuri हम /ɦʌm/ हमनी तू /tu/ तोहनी ऊ /u/ ओकनी
/ɦʌmni /tohni/ /okni/
Chotoniya मु /मु हमरा तुई/तू तोहरा उवा ओकरा
Tharu /muĩ/mu/ /ɦʌmʌrɑ/ /tui/tu/ /toɦʌrɑ/ /uwɑ/ /okʌrɑ/
Maithili हम /ɦʌm/ हमसब तोँ /tõ/ तोँसब ऊ /u/ ऊसब
/ɦʌmsʌb/ /tõsʌb/ /usʌb/
Awadhi मै /mʌi/ हम /ɦʌm/ तुई /tui/ तुम /tum/ ऊ /ū/ उई /ui/
Darai मै /mʌi/ हमे /ɦʌme/ तोई तोईसब ऊ /u/ ऊसब
/toi/ /toisʌb/ /usʌb/
Hindi म /mɛ̃/ हम /ɦʌm/ तू /tu/ तुम /tum/ वह वे /we/
/wʌɦ/
Nepali म /mʌ/ हामी ितमी ितमीह ऊ /u/ उनीह
/ɦʌmi/ /timi/ /timiɦʌru/ /uniɦʌru/
Rājbanshi मुई /mui/ हामा तुई /tui/ त ा /tʌmʰɑ/ उहाँ अ ा /ʌmʰɑ/
/ɦɑmɑ/ /uɦɑ̃/
Table 15.12 exhibits occurance of म /m/ as a common phenomenon in first
person singular in all the IA languages where it is final in Bhojpuri and Maithili but
initial in others. Likewise, initial ह /ɦ/ and medial म /m/ are common in Bhojpuri with

its neighbours except Awadhi and Hindi where म /m/ is final in first person plural. In

the second person, त /t/ is common in the second person in both the numbers. In the

third person, ऊ /u/ is common in intitial position in singular except Hindi. Besides
these, the other phonogical occurings in pronominals among IA languages are slao
similar. Thus, the IA languages exhibit striking similarities in pronominal forms.

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Grierson (1903a:8) notes, "the singular possessive pronoun in the east has ओ

/o/ for its medial vowel but in the West it has ए /e/ or आ /ɑ/, e.g., in Bihari 'my' is मोर

/mor/, in Oria मोरा /morɑ/ but in Hindi it is मेरा /merɑ/". Bhojpuri has मोर /mor/ as
frequent occurings in poems and songs.
The pronominal subject in Hindi is obligatory, whereas it is optional in the
eastern group (Grierson 1903a:7). Subbārāo (2012:27) also attests it as a South Asian
characteristic which Bhojpuri goes with.
Masica (1991:337) displays "verbless constructions (N P + N P, N P + Adj)
are normative in eastern NIA and in Sinhalese". Bhojpuri exhibits such constructions,
already discussed in Chapter 7.
Grierson (1903a:8) displays the relative and its connected pronouns ending in
ए /e/ in the east, but usually in ओ /o/ in the west. Bhojpuri follows the eastern pattern,
already discussed in Chapter 13.
The system of affixation discussed in this subsection empirically attests that
Bhojpuri maintains the NIA features to a greater extent but has developed some
peculiar characteristics yet to be explored in its closed neighbours.
15.2.2 Word order
The NIA languages exhibit SOV as a basic word order in the main clauses. The
SOV word order is not only the characteristic feature of the NIA languages but also a
South Asian feature proposed in Masica (1976:190). Subbārāo (2012:28) exhibits
relatively free word order in Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda languages; a bit less in
Tibeto-Burman. Greenberg (1963) has proposed a number of implicational universals
associated with the basic SOV constituent order. Some of them are as follows:
 There is a strong tendency for possessor noun phrases to precede the possessed
noun phrases in verb-final languages.
 There is a strong tendency for verb-final languages to have postpositions.
 There is a strong tendency for verb-final languages to place relative clause
before the head noun.
 In verb-final languages the modifying element precedes the modified element.
Bhojpuri also follows these universals as an SOV language in its word orders.
The summary of the implicational universals attested in the word orders is given in
Table 15.13.

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Table 15.13 Summary of the word orders and the Bhojpuri language
Greenberg's Parameters Correlation
universal
Implications Correlation in Bhojpuri
2 Genitive and head noun GEN-head head-GEN
4 Adpositions Postpositions Postpositions
5 Adjective and head head-ADJ ADJ-head
noun
8 Yes/no question Intonational Sentence final
9 Affixes Suffix Suffix>prefix>infix
12 Interrogative word no invariant rule no invariant rule
16 Auxiliary and verb verb-AUX verb-AUX
18 Head noun and modifier-head modifier-head
modifier
22 Comparision of standard-marker- standard-marker-ADJ
superiority ADJ
24 Relative clause and Relative Relative clause-head
head noun clause-head noun noun
Table 15.13 shows that Bhojpuri as an SOV language confirms all the
implicational universals with regard to word orders proposed in Greenberg (1963)
allowing ADJ-N, DEM-N and NUM-N order in common with other NIA languages
(see Chapter 8.2 for details).
15.2.3 Morphological valence increasing strategies
The morphological valence increasing strategies such as morphological
causative is present in the Bhojpuri language along with its close neighbours Maithili,
Awadhi, Hindi and Nepali. Morphological causatives are one of the areal features
proposed in Masica (1976:189)
15.2.4 Reflexive and numeral classifiers
As in the neighbouring NIA languages Bhojpuri has lexical reflexives (see
10.3.1 for details). The numeral classifiers; as in Maithili, Awadhi and Nepali; are
present in the Bhojpuri language (see 5.1.1 for details). In Hindi numeral classifiers
are almost absent. The numeral classifiers are one of the South Asian areal features
(Masica, 1976:189).

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15.2.5 Verbs with nominal and adjectival functions
This feature is common in the NIA languages along with TB languages too (Regmi,
2013:270). So, it is present in the Bhojpuri language (see chapter 6.1.3 for details).
15.2.6 Evidentiality in the verb complex
In Bhojpuri evidentiality, i.e., witnessed or highly reliable vs. not witnessed or
hearsay or not highly reliable is expressed by the verbals (see 10.3.1 for details). This
feature is common in the NIA languages.
15.2.7 Dative subject construction
This is a common NIA feature and so Bhojpuri does have. Moreover, this feature
is a South Asian areal feature of the language (Misica, 1976:190 and Subbārāo 2012:137).
15.2.8 Participials
Participial forms are common in the NIA languages and Bhojpuri does have
simultaneous and sequential participials, though is not only one of the characteristic
features of the Indo-Aryan languages but also a South Asian areal feature (Misica,
1976:108-40).
15.2.9 Complex predicates
Complex predicates are the South Asian areal features (Masica, 1976).
Bhojpuri also presents this feature (see 6.1 for details).
15.2.10 Cleft coustruction
Although Subbārāo (2012:41) attests cleft construction only in Sinhala among
Indo-Aryan languages, Bhojpuri does have such feature already discussed in Chapter 12.
15.2.11 Other features
Apart from the features discussed above Bhojpuri also exhibits some features
which are common in the Indo-Aryan languages. They include relative pronouns,
passive constructions, inflectional gender and writing system. We present the summary
of the main morphosyntactic features of the Bhojpuri language with regard to the
general characteristics in the NIA languages and the Bihari group in Table 15.14.

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Table15.14 Morphosyntactic features of the NIA languages and Bhojpuri2
Morphosyntactic features NIA Bihari Bhojpuri
1. Affixation + + +
Suffix + + +
Prefix + + +
Infix – + +
2. Person/number marking + + +
3. Gender marking + + (fading eastward)
4. Lexical reflexive + + +
5. Adjectival word order (A-N) + + +
Demonstrative word order (Dem-N) + + +
Numeral word order (Num-N) + + +
General adjectival word order (Dem-Num-A) + + +
6. Ergativity + – –
7. Antidative + + +
8. Compound case
9. 'Vertical' verbs + + +
10. Morphological valence increasing strategies + + +
11. Evidentiality + + +
12. Honorificity in pronominals & finite verbs + + +
13. Numeral classifiers + + +
15. Verbal with nominal and adjectival functions + + +
15. Finite subordinate clauses + + +
Thus, the typological implications discussed in this chapter attest the theoretical
framework of functional-typological and adaptive approach to grammar for this study.

2. The table has been prepared on the basis of Grierson (1883), Masica (1991:86-132) and Chapter 6-13
of this study.

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CHAPTER 16
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
16.0 Outline
This chapter exhibits summary of the major findings of the study and
concludes it. It consists of two sections. In section 16.1, we present a summary of the
major findings of the study and we conclude the study by highlighting the most
striking features of Bhojpuri in section 16.2.
16.1 Major findings
In this section, we present the major findings, i.e., the major features of the
language in the domains of sociolinguistics, phonology, morphophonology,
morphology, syntax and coherent pragmatics.
16.1.1 Sociolinguistic features
Bhojpuri is a New Indo-Aryan language spoken in western part of State No. 2
along with the bordering districts of Bagmati Pradesh, State No. 4 and 5 in Nepal. It is
also spoken in the adjacent neighbouring territories of India in western Bihar and
eastern Uttar Pradesh, along with other Indian provinces and in a number of foreign
countries. The majority of Bhojpuri native speakers are Hindus but the number of
Muslims, Buddhists, Samanists and Christians is also meaningful. It has acquired its
name from Bhojpur, now a district and a pair of villages in Bihar. Bhojpurias retain
themselves in majority in agriculture and animal farming but they have also been
scattered in Diaspora initially as indentured labourers and contemporarily in different
professions in foreign employment, too. Hindu caste system still exists, though efforts
are being made to abolish untouchability. Ehnologue, 2012 has data of literacy rate of
the Bhojpuri speech community in the first language to be 5%–30% and that in the
second language to be 50%–75% respectively. The early marriage system still
remains both in Hindus and Muslims but rapidly receding because of public
awareness and new legal system.
The resources available in the Bhojpuri language are folk stories and folklore,
songs, religious literature and modern literature. The people of the old generations tell
stories about their ancestors, supernatural stories and stories related to the animal
kingdom. They have different types of songs for different rites and rituals from birth
to the funeral ceremony. Phonemic inventory, grammar, dictionary, textbooks,
literacy materials, newspapers, magazines and abundance of written literature with

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folklore are now available in Bhojpuri along with different institutions to promote
Bhojpuri culture, language, literature and folklore.
The Bhojpuri speech community is almost monolingual, especially in the rural
areas. But due to the official vernacular Nepali as the medium of instruction, the
newer generation is stepping towards multilingualism, especially among those
educated as well as among those living in urban areas. However, they are highly
proficient in mother tongue speaking.
Bhojpuri is used in different common domains of language use such as
counting, singing, joking, bargaining/shopping/marketing, story-telling,
discussing/debate, praying, quarrelling, abusing (scolding/using taboo words), telling
stories to children, singing at home, family gatherings and village meetings. Bhojpuri
community in common is seen to have maintained their language vitality. The rate of
shifting toward Nepali is very low. In general, Bhojpuri native speakers have very
positive attitudes towards their language and they look confident for continuity of
their language even in the grandchildren's generation. The Bhojpuri speech
community is proud of their linguistic identity to have their own kinds of custom,
language, life-style, way of thinking, belief and they want to implement Bhojpuri as
an official language of Nepal and a vernacular of education in primary schools
seeking help on behalf of the state and the community.
The Nepalese Bhojpuri region, geographically, from Jamuni river westward in
Bara up to whole Parsa district is the central, Nawalparasi and Rupandehi western,
Jamuni eastward in Bara up to Bakeya river in Rautahat mid eastern and Bakeya
eastward up to Sarlahi is the eastern Bhojpuri region. Similarly, on the basis of
community, the dialect spoken by Tharu community in Rautahat is considered as Tharu
Bhojpuri and on the religious basis, the dialect of Sheikh community of Muslims in
central and western part of Rautahat as Sheikh dialect of Bhojpuri.
16.1.2 Phonological features
There are 36 distinctive consonant sounds in Bhojpuri. They can be classified
in terms of manner of articulation, place of articulation, voicing, aspiration and
breathiness. According to manner of articulation they can be classified as stops,
fricatives, affricates, laterals, nasals, flaps, and glides. In terms of place of articulation
they can be categorized as bilabials, dentals, alveolar, apico-alveolar, palato-alveolar,
retroflex, palatal, velar and glottal. We find contrasts among these sounds in terms of
voiced vs. voiceless, aspirated vs. unaspirated, voiced vs. breathy and voiced vs.
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aspirate sonorants. All the consonant phonemes occur in the inter-vocalic position. All
the aspirate sonorants occur either in intervocalic or in word-final or both of
intervocalic and word-final positions but not in the word-initial position. Moreover, म

/m/ and ङ /ŋ/; र /r/ and ड़ /ɽ/; व /w/ and य /y/; ड /ɖ/ and ड़ /ɽ/ do not show word-initial

contrast. The phonemes फ /pʰ/ and भ /b̤ /; ड /ɖ/ and ढ /ɖ̈/; ठ /ʈʰ/ and ढ /ɖ̈/; do not show
word-final contrast. In consonant clusters, we do not find gemination of either of the
aspirated or breathy phonemes in Bhojpuri. Likewise, glottal voiced ह /ɦ/ also doesn't
occur in gemination. Similarly the glides do not occur in pre-consonantal, and the
aspirate sonorants do not occur in post-consonantal position and gemination in
Bhojpuri. One of the typologically striking features of the Bhojpuri language in terms
of phonology is that it has aspirate sonorants in contrasts of nasals, lateral and flaps.
There are four categories of vowels in Bhojpuri: oral vowels, nasalized
vowels, diphthongs and triphthongs. Total number of oral vowels is eight with their
nasalized counterparts. Length is not contrastive in Bhojpuri. All the oral
monophthongal vowels occur in all the positions: word-initial, inter-consonantal and
final. The syllable canon in Bhojpuri is (C)(V)(C)(C). Bhojpuri has only one
suprasegmental feature: intonation.
Bhojpuri was previously being written in Kaithi script but now Devanagari is
the canonical script of Bhojpuri. It seems to be regular and systematic to a greater
extent, largely true for 'tadbhava' forms and recent borrowings from English and other
languages, but almost inconsistent for the 'tatsama' forms. Schwa deletion, nasal
assimilation, consonant gemination and vowel insertion are the specific characteristics
of Bhojpuri that the canonical writing system does not exhibit. Similarly, voiceless
postalveolar fricative श [ʃ], retroflex fricative ष [ʂ] have now become allophones of

the alveolar fricative स /s/, syllabic approximant ऋ [ɹ] has been changed into र /ri/,

palatal nasal ञ [ɲ] and retroflex nasal ण [ɳ] have become allophones of alveolar nasal

न /n/ though they still remain in writing, especially for tatsama words. Metathesis is
also found a specific characteristic of Bhojpuri.
16.1.3 Morphophonological features
Bhojpuri shows up a few morphophonological processes such as deletion,
raising, assimilation, epenthesis and coalescence. Under process of deletion, a vowel
or a consonant or a syllable from either of a segment of the preceding and succeeding

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ones or from both is deleted. A vowel in either of the segment is raised in the process
of raising. Likewise assimilation includes progressive vs. regressive resulting in
plosivization, devoicing, voicing, retroflexion, affrication and deaspiration in either of
the preceding or succeeding segments; contiguous vs. non-contiguous resulting in
mid-point fixation, falling of vowels, merger of syllables and gliding. Variation in
nasal along with partial vs. complete assimilation results in intervocalic voicing,
palatalization, labialization and nasal assimilation.
16.1.4 Morphological features
Bhojpuri nouns are marked morphologically in terms of number, gender,
classifiers and the case role of the referent. Bhojpuri employs only two classifiers: जने

/jʌne/ or जना /jʌnɑ/ as a separate word for human noun and -गो /-ɡo/ as a suffix for
non-human countable nouns. There is three-way distinction in pronominal agreement
in Bhojpuri: first, second and third persons. Plurality in Bhojpuri nominals is
indicated by the suffix -अन /-ʌn/ or -वन /-wʌn/ and सब /sʌb/ or लोग /loɡ/ as a separate
word. Like its number system, Bhojpuri nouns are expressed in two genders:
masculine and feminine but their grammatical expressions in finite verbs fade
eastwards. Bhojpuri has two types of adjectives: natural and derived. The derived
adjectives are formed from nouns and verbs. The perfective forms of all verbs are
eligible to be used as adjectives. Bhojpuri adjectives may be classified in terms of
size, colour, age, value, physical property and human propensity. Syntactically, they
may function like verbs as the head of an intransitive predicate or they may modify a
noun which is the head of an NP. The verb normally occurs clause-finally and
functions as the main predicate of the clause. The verb registers three persons and two
numbers (in first, second and third personal pronouns) combined with a complex
system of tense, aspect and modality. The verbal nouns in Bhojpuri are obtained by
the roots as well as by different types of suffixations. Adverbs in Bhojpuri are broadly
categorized, in terms of manner, instrumental, time, place and modifying adjectives.
Nouns, adjectives, verbs and adverbs in Bhojpuri are highly derivational among each
other. Minor word classes include postpositions, determiners, pronouns (independent
and possessive), inter-clausal connectives (participial suffixes, conjunctions and
subordinators), quantifiers, numerals and ordinals, auxiliary verbs, interjections,
clitics and particles.

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16.1.5 Syntactic features
Syntactically, Bhojpuri nouns occupy the subject, direct object, indirect object,
nominal predicate, possessive noun modifier, complement and locative noun phrase
position. Bhojpuri verbs may be classified in different groups in terms of clause
structure and argument structure. Non-verbal predicates in Bhojpuri are nominal
predicates, adjectival predicates and locative expressions. Besides these, existentials
and possessives are the other copular or copula-like expressions in Bhojpuri. The
nominal predicates in Bhojpuri sometimes occur without an overt copula in present
tense whereas when a clause predicates the time reference other than the present, the
copula verb is employed. The adjectival and locative copular clauses take the copula ह

/ɦʌ/ or बा /bɑ/ 'be' inflected to encode tense, aspect and participant reference marking
morphemes. The verbal predicates in Bhojpuri may be divided in terms of transitivity.
Basic differences are found in intransitive, transitive and bi-transitive predicates. All
of these types may be divided as encoding indirect objects. Further, modality verbs,
manipulation verbs and perception-cognition-utterance (P-C-U) verbs in Bhojpuri are
characterized by clausal complements of different types. Some predicates in Bhojpuri
exhibit multiple memberships due to valance patterns for conjunct verb constructions.
The grammatical relations play a vital role not only in the grammar of simple clauses
but also in major syntactic processes. The nominal morphology as coding property
presents a consistent nominative pattern of control in Bhojpuri. The pronominal verb
agreement as well as the number, gender and honorificity agreement also follows the
nominative pattern. The unmarked word order in Bhojpuri clause is SOV but not
rigid. Besides, the changed word order remains following the nominative pattern.
Under behaviour and control properties, promotion to or demotion from direct object
does not affect the regular nominative pattern but passivization does so.
Reflexivization and causativization are applicable to subject GR in Bhojpuri. The
Equi-NP deletion (or the co-referent deletion) in complement clauses displays the
nominative control. The use of zero anaphora in chained clauses is a pronominal
device to mark co-reference in clause-chaining, confined to the subject GR in
Bhojpuri. However, in Bhojpuri, relativization does not play any role for controlling
the grammatical relations. Bhojpuri also displays pronominal verb agreement in first,
second and third person pronouns with two numbers and dual genders. Bhojpuri
employs pragmatically oriented nominative-accusative case-marking strategy.

576
Different postpositions are used in Bhojpuri for case marking with nouns but
pronouns are generally suffixed as well as followed by postpositions for the same
purpose. The cases nominative, accusative, dative, instrumental, genitive, locative,
ablative and comitative are marked to code syntactic relations of the NP to the finite
verb in a clause. The inanimate patient is zero marked whereas the animate and
pronominal patients are marked morphologically. Bhojpuri has the dative subject
construction as one of the characteristics of the New Indo-Aryan languages.
Noun phrases in Bhojpuri are categorized as simplex and complex. A noun phrase can
consist of a single noun or pronoun with other elements such as demonstrative,
genitive, number, adjective and relative clause, noun, compound noun and pronoun in
Bhojpuri. Likewise, the number and case marker morphemes are also the elements of
a noun phrase. NP→(Dem)-(Gen)-(Num)-(appositional phrase (AP))-Head is the
common linear order of a noun phrase. Besides, there is also availability of scattered
NPs in Bhojpuri. The complex noun phrases are found in Bhojpuri to have been
juxtaposed or conjoined by conjunction, joint participants in a single event, in relative
order of near>far, adult>young, male>female, singular>plural, animate>inanimate,
large>small, agent>patient and positive>negative but most of them are also found in
reverse order in Bhojpuri.
Bhojpuri is an SOV order language. Most of the implications of the SOV word
order hold true in Bhojpuri. Adjectives, demonstratives, genitives and numerals in
Bhojpuri precede the head noun they modify. However, Bhojpuri allows enough
flexibility of the constituents in the pragmatically marked constructions. The degree
word modifying an adjective precedes it. Manner adverbs in Bhojpuri precede the
main verb in unmarked clauses. The ability word follows the main verb. In complex
sentences, the relative clause precedes the head noun it modifies. Most of the
adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri precede the main clause; however, the cause and reason
adverbial clauses follow the main clause. Complement clauses in Bhojpuri occupy the
slot between the subject and the main verb. All the affixal elements, except the
negative morpheme, follow their heads. In a finite verbal complex, aspect markers
precede the tense marker. The negative prefix in Bhojpuri may be repeated to create
absolutive negative sense.
The Bhojpuri verbs are inflected with suffixes -इल /-il/ and -अल /-ʌl/ or -वल /-
wʌl/ for infinitive or participle that plays significant roles in TAM. This language

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exhibits morphologically marked past, present and future tenses with verbs. The past
tense in Bhojpuri is marked by the suffixes -इस /-is/, -ए /-e/, -एँ /-ẽ/, -अ /-ʌ/, -ऊ /-u/, -

अस /-ʌs/, -अक /-ʌk/, -अख /-ʌkʰ/, -अन /-ʌn/, -इनी /-ini/, -अनी /-ʌni/ or -नी /-ni/ for
second and third persons in accordance with gender, number and honorificity.
Moreover, -इनी /-ini/ or -अनी /-ʌni/ or -नी /-ni/ is full honorific marker in all

environments replacing the infinitive/participle markers -इल /-il/ and -अल /-ʌl/ or -वल

/-wʌl/. The suffix -एब /-eb/ or -एम /-em/ generally marks future tense with verb roots

in Bhojpuri. Besides, -इबे /-ibe/, -इहे /-iɦe/, -इबऽ /-ibʌ/, -इह /-iɦʌ/, -इबू /-ibu/, -ई /-i/, -

इह /-iɦẽ/, -इहन /-iɦʌn/ and -इहेन /-iɦen/ mark variably with regards to person, number,
gender and honorificity. Similarly, present tense in Bhojpuri appears in the form of
verb-stem suffixed by imperfective marker -अत /-ʌt/ followed by copula बानी /bɑni/,

बाड़ऽ /bɑɽʌ/, बाड़ू /bɑɽu/, बाड़ /bɑɽẽ/, बाड़ेन /bɑɽen/, बाड़न /bɑɽʌn/, बाटे /bɑʈe/, बाट /bɑʈẽ/,

बा /bɑ/ according to person, gender, honorificity and number. But deletion and

contraction have occurred to delete ब /b/ from the copula and the rest morphemes to be

contracted with -अत /-ʌt/. Aspectual contrasts in Bhojpuri may be broadly categorized
into perfective, imperfective, perfect and habitual. Perfective aspects in Bhojpuri are
inherent and grammatical. In terms of their inherent perfectivity Bhojpuri verbs may
be classified into compact short-duration verbs, accomplishment-completion verbs,
activity-process verbs and stative verbs. In terms of grammatical perfectivity they
focus on termination and boundedness. Similarly, the imperfective aspect includes
past progressive, future progressive, present progressive, past habitual and present
habitual. Besides, perfect aspects are categorized as past perfect, future perfect and
present perfect. Modality in Bhojpuri may be divided into epistemic and evaluative
(deontic) types. The truth, probability, certainty, belief and evidence expressed in
terms of presupposition, realis assertion, irrealis assertion and negative assertion are
epistemic modalities. Similarly, ability and obligation fall under deontic modality.
Bhojpuri also expresses some distinctive moods in terms of declarative (indicative),
interrogative, imperative, optative and conditional (subjunctive).
The non-declarative speech acts in Bhojpuri include interrogative, imperative,
optative and hortative moods. Polar questions in Bhojpuri are constructed simply
through the slightly raised intonation added to the questioned part of its declarative
counterpart. Alternative polar questions are made either simply juxtaposing the

578
alternates or mediated by alternative marker क /ki/. The constituent questions (wh-
questions) in Bhojpuri are formed with the help of different interrogative pronouns,
adjectives and adverbs. Wh-questions have the same word order as of the declarative
sentences with the interrogative words के /ke/ or कौन /kɔn/ 'who', के के /ke ke/ or के करा

के /kekrɑ ke/ 'whom', का /kɑ/ or कथी /kʌtʰi/ 'what or which', के कर /kekʌr/ or कनकर

/kinkʌr/ 'whose', कतेक /kʌtek/ or के तना /ketnɑ/ 'how much/many', कै /kɛ/ 'how many',

कब /kʌb/ or किहआ /kʌɦiɑ/ 'when', कहाँ /kʌɦɑ̃/ or के ने /kene/ 'where', कइसन /kʌisʌn/

'how' and काहे /kɑɦe/ 'why'. Multiple wh-questions are formed with the help of
different wh-questions placed in the same proposition. Imperative constructions are
made by bare verb stem suffixed by -ओ /-o/ or -ए /-e/ in non-honorific, by -आ /-ɑ/

final stem remaining the same and other stems suffixed by -अ /-ʌ/ in mid-honorific

and by - /-ĩ/ for full honorific environments. The hortative construction almost
remains the same as full honorific environment of the imperative one. Reflexive,
reciprocals, insertion of dative, benefactive or associative arguments and passive
voice are used in de-transitive voices.
Different devices like discourse particles, intonation and constituent order may
be utilized for focus and topicalization purposes. In Bhojpuri, the constituents of the
clause may be freely dislocated within the clause to a great extent to topicalize, focus,
contrast, emphasize and intensify the meaning of a constituent. Apart from the
extensive use of discourse particles, different strategies are employed to mark a topic
in terms of constituent order. Existential-presentative constructions कौनो /kɔno/ 'some

or a/an' and एगो /eɡo/ 'a/an' used as an indefinite article are indefinite referents in

Bhojpuri. Similarly, the verb in EPCs is existential रह /rʌɦ/ or ह /ɦʌ/ or बा /bɑ/ and

some locational verbs such as बइठ /bʌiʈʰ/ 'sit', उठ /uʈʰ/ 'stand', रह /rʌɦ/ 'live' क /ruk/

'stay' or entrance verbs such as आ /ɑ/ 'come/arrive' लउक /lʌuk/ 'appear', प च

ँ /pʌɦũc/

'approach' along with departure verb जा /jɑ/ 'go' are frequently used in EPCs 'be'.
Though Bhojpuri is a flexible SOV language, it also exhibits the inverse order VSO or
OVS in EPCs. It is most commonly either a REL-clause, an adjective, a LOC-phrase,
a noun complement, a genitive or an associative phrase preceding the the indefinite
subject in Bhojpuri in EPCs. Though the Y-movement is contrastive, the Y-moved
referents also tend to be typically topical and anaphorical, falling under a single

579
intonation contour. As in a number of languages, Bhojpuri exhibits characteristics of a
separate intonation contour for the dislocated NP, neutralizaion of the case-marking of
the topic NP, and an anaphoric pronoun resumption of the topic NP within the clause
in left-dislocation. Similarly, Bhojpuri exhibits afterthoughts and background
constructions through anaphoric pronoun, intonation break and neutralized case-
marking in right-dislocation as observed in left-dislocation. As in many languages
dative shifting is evident in Bhojpuri to make the dative the direct object. Raising may
or may not be found in other languages but Bhojpuri exhibits raising to object and
raising to subject for marked topic constructions.
The inclusive marker suffix -ओ /-o/ and the Hindi borrowing particle भी /b̤ i/

function for the meaning 'also/too' in Bhojpuri. Besides them, -नू /-nu/ or -ऊ /-u/ or

clitic -ए /-e/ is also used to code a proposition which is contrary to expectation. The

individuative emphatic marker suffix -ए /-e/ and Hindi borrowed particle ही /ɦi/ 'only'
may also be employed to contrast a particular adverbial from other alternates. Besides
them Bhojpuri uses खाली /kɦɑli/, मा /mɑtrʌ/, के वल /kewʌl/ and the non-reflexive अपने
/ʌpne/ 'self' to mark individuity. Contrastive strength in Bhojpuri is marked with
contrastive stress devices, Y-movement and restrictive modifiers. Contrastive focus in
Bhojpuri is also marked by reference and topicality, assertion scope in terms of negation
and yes/no-questions and other devices like wh-questions and contrastive questions.
16.1.6 Coherent pragmatics
The complement clauses in Bhojpuri are in the form of complement-taking
PCU (Perception-Cognition-Utterance) predicates that include propositional attitude
predicates, commentative predicates, knowledge acquision predicates and immediate
perception predicates; complement-taking modality predicates including modal
predicates, achievement predicates, phasal predicates and desiderative predicates;
complement-taking manipulation predicates that include permissive predicates and
causative predicates. The subordinate adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri are either marked
through the subordinating morphemes attached to the dependent clause or through the
special non-finite verb forms. Temporal adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri include
precedence, subsequence, subsequence cum instrument, simultaneity, point
coincidence, accompanying circumstance, terminal boundary, initial boundary and
intermediacy. Bhojpuri conditional adverbial clauses are irrealis, counter-fact,
conditionals with intermediate value and concessive conditionals. Bhojpuri also

580
exhibits cause and reason adverbial clauses, concessive adverbial clauses, additive
adverbial clauses, substitutive adverbial clauses and purpose adverbial clauses.
Participial adverbial clauses in Bhojpuri encode the sequential and simultaneous
temporal senses. The sequential adverbial clause indicates a temporal sequence in
clause chains whereas the simultaneous adverbial clause expresses an activity that is
simultaneous with or temporally overlapping with another activity expressed by the
matrix predicate.
Relative clauses in Bhojpuri include relativization of the grammatical relations
such as subject, direct object and indirect object as we observe cross-linguistically.
But Bhojpuri also exhibits oblique, possessive, instrument, source and locative cases
relativized. Clause chaining in Bhojpuri includes chains of same and different subjects
of the clauses. Coordinated or conjoined clauses in Bhojpuri exhibit conjunctive,
disjunctive and adversative relationships among the conjoined clauses. The concepts
of rejection and clausal coordination are also found to be conjoined in Bhojpuri.
The grammar of pronouns and grammatical agreement are the morphological devices to
encode referential coherence. Independent personal pronouns are used as arguments in a
clause whereas pronominal affixes are attached to the verbal complex. Personal pronouns
show three persons, two numbers, and three degrees of honorificity distinction.
The gender of the bound pronouns is incorporated into verbal morphology as
agreement affixes, also incorporating number and honorificity of the bound pronouns.
The third person pronouns also show proximal and distal distinction. Bhojpuri
pronouns include demonstrative, interrogative and indefinite which play a vital role in
referential coherence. The topic coding devices found in Bhojpuri discourse are zero
anaphora, unstressed anaphoric pronouns, stressed independent pronouns, R-
dislocation, neutral word order and L-dislocation, zero anaphors vs. R-dislocated
definite full-NPs, R-dislocated DEF-NPs, Y-moved NPs, cleft/focus constructions
and referential indefinite NPs.
Bhojpuri exploits some discourse-pragmatic strategies to mark the definiteness
of the referents. Bhojpuri does not possess the English like set of definite and
indefinite articles. However, indefinite pronominal adjective कौनो /kɔno/ ‘any/some’

and the numeral with classifier एगो /ek-ɡo/ 'one-CLASS' function as indefinite
reference marker in Bhojpuri. Definiteness, in contrast, is marked by the
demonstrative pronouns. Bhojpuri also employs contextual definiteness.

581
In the domain of action continuity tense/aspect markers and participial clauses are
used as morphosyntactic devices in Bhojpuri. The narrative and procedural discourse
show the sequentiality of events. The thematic continuity is coded by sequential
participial clauses in Bhojpuri.
16.2 Conclusions
Bhojpuri is an SOV nominative-accusative New Indo-Aryan language. It
reveals a number of striking features that may be typologically interesting.
Phonologically it has six aspirate sonorant consonants; three of them are nasal, one is
retroflex, one is flap and the last one is lateral. Triphthongization in Bhojpuri is also
its own inventory. Stress is phonemic in Bhojpuri to obtain causative verb-roots. It
exhibits smaller-greater order of counting in general and the number higher than 100
is subjoined to the lower one with which it is compounded by means of -उ र /-uttʌr/
'above' and this morphological process continues from 101 till 118. Likewise, a
connecting vowel -आ /-ɑ/ is interposed instead of -उ र /-uttʌr/ from 119 to 168,
except in the case of 140, 150 and 160. In the rest below 200, the form used to express
160 remains the same, i.e., the lower numeral precedes 100. The present tense copula
बा /bɑ/ 'be' with its negative counterpart नइख /nʌikʰ/ 'not to be' is its uniqe property.
Besides, declension of adverbs for not only emphasis but also for derivation of other
word classes is also typologically significant in Bhojpuri. Besides these, Bhojpuri has
developed its own prefixes and infixes, peculiar in the NIA languages. Likewise, the
verbless utterances in relative clauses are also significant. The clause-final plural
marker particles सन /sʌn/, स /sʌ/ and जा /jɑ/ are uniqe in the language. Appearance of
allocutive agreement and absence of grammatical gender-marking eastwards are
interesting phenomena in Bhojpuri.
Besides these, an attempt to discuss noun phrases and word order, marked
topics and contrastive focus and reference coherence in Bhojpuri is some how
different from the grammars of Bhojpuri displayed earlier.
To conclude, the grammars of Bhojpuri previously look based upon Sanskrit,
English, Bengali and Hindi what Singh (2008) has very clearly questioned upon.
Thus, this study appears as a grammar of Bhojpuri on its own following the
theoretical framework of functional-typological and adaptive approaches to grammar
mainly developed by Givón (2001a, 2001b and 2009), though insights from others
have also been followed where necessary.

582
ANNEX I: Details of data collection
1. Sociolinguistic survey of Bhojpuri (Lohar 2006 & Lohar and Ragmi 2012)
Lohar (2006) mentions at least 200 Bhojpurias of different age, sex, literacy
abilities have been contacted from Sarlahi, Rautahat, Bara, Parsa, Nawalparasi (East
and West of Susta) and Rupandehi districts to acquire information about their
language use, attitude towards mother tongue and other tongues, lexical and syntactic
similarity and diversity within the dialects they use. To gather such information, a list
of 4,500 words from different walks of life and universe was adapted from the one
developed by Central Department of Linguistics, TU. The basic vocabulary was
prepared in the dialect of Bhojpuri spoken in Bara and Parsa districts. Following the
similar process, a list was developed containing 300 basic sentences. Besides these, a
sociolinguistic questionnaire was used. Apart from the written data collection the
informants were also interviewed and interacted. Doing these activities in the field
visit, the following libraries were visited:
(a) Central Library of Tribhuvan University
(b) Library of the Central Department of Linguistics, TU
(c) Nepal-India Library
(d) Library of the Central Bureau of Statistics
(e) Library of the Nepal Academy
Similarly, Lohar and Regmi (2012) mentions the following tools used during
the field visit for the sociolinguistic survey of Bhojpuri:
(a) Sociolinguistic questionnaire (SLQ): A, B and C to gather information on
language resources, mother-tongue proficiency and multilingualism,
domains of language use, language vitality, language maintenance and
their language attitudes.
(b) Wordlist comparisons (WLC) of 210 words from different walks of life
basically prepared in Nepali.
(c) Participatory method (PM) to get information about domains of language
use, dialect mapping, bi/multilinguaglism and appreciative inquiry.
During the field visit of this survey, there were five survey points selected to
visit on the basis of pre-information about geographical and ethnic variation in the
language of the Bhojpuri speech community: Maisthan of Birganj Metropolitan City
in Parsa, Kachorwa in Simraungadh Municipality in Bara, Garuda Bazar of Garuda

583
Municipality and Bhagawanpur of the Rajpur Municipality in Rautahat in State No. 2
and Dhakdhai in Rohini Rural Municipality in Rupandehi in State No. 5.
Likewise, at each survey point, the informants were selected from different
categories of sex, age and educational background1 as presented in the figure below:
Figure : Sampling model in the survey

Sampling model of informants in survey

Male Female

A1 A2 A3 A1 A2 A3

L IL L IL L IL L IL L IL L IL

A1= 15-29, A2= 30-59, A3= 60 and above, L= Literate, IL= Illiterate
Source: Sociolinguistic Survey of Nepal (LinSuN)
2. Informants for acoustic analysis of aspirate sonorant consonants
1. Mr. Chhote Lal Yadav, 43, Bindbasini Rural Municipality Ward No. 5,
Hansawa, Parsa District.
2. Mrs. Sabita Yadav, 33, Bindbasini Rural Municipality Ward No. 5, Hansawa,
Parsa Parsa District.
3. Mr. Noor Alam, 40, Adarsh Kotwal Rural Municipality Ward No. 8,
Jamuniya, Bara District.
4. Mrs. Pinky Khatun, 37, Adarsh Kotwal Rural Municipality Ward No. 8,
Jamuniya, Bara District.
5. Mr. Afimi Lal Thakur, 83, Simraun Gadh Municipality Ward No. 8,
Kachorwa, Bara District.
6. Mrs. Parameshwari Devi, 80, Dewahi Gonahi Municipality Ward No. 3, Tharu
Tole Dewahi, Rautahat District.
7. Mrs. Gajamotiya Devi, 54, Gadhimai Municipality Ward No. 3, Gamhariya,
Rautahat District.

1
. For the purpose of the survey, the age range of the informants has been categorized into three sets:
15-29 (A1), 30-59 (A2) and 60 and above (A3).

584
8. Mr. Anand Kumar Gupta, 35, Paterwa Sugauli Rural Municipality Ward No.
5, Nichuta, Parsa District.
9. Ms. Jyoti Tiwari, 30, Jagarnathpur Rural Municipality Ward No. 2, Janaki
Tola, Parsa District.
10. Mr. Rambabu Yadav 57, Mahagadhimai Municipality Ward No. 2, Bariyarpur,
Bara District.
3. Informants for text collection
a) The folk-tales
1. An Ill-mannered Old Woman told by Late Bachiya Devi from Rautahat.
2. Peasant Couple and the Children told by Late Hira Bhagat Yadav from
Bara.
3. A Family of Deaf and Dumb told by Mr. Baliram Patel from Bara.
4. Two Chapatis or Three? told by Late Harihar Yadav from Bara.
b) Radio interviews
1. General Secretary of the Nepal Bhojpuri Students' Society Sunil Kumar
Patel from Parsa on the contemporary politics and Bhojpuri in Radio
Programme Bhor Kab Hoi of Nava Jyoti FM interviewed by the researcher
as presenter.
2. The researcher on the contemporary situation of the Bhojpuri language and
literature in Radio Programme Bhojpuria Sanes of Radio Nepal
interviewed by Presenter Dhun Raj Sharma.
c) Radio monologues
1. The researcher in Radio Programme Bhor Kab Hoi of Nava Jyoti FM on
the topic of Agriculture
2. The researcher in Radio Programme Bhor Kab Hoi of Nava Jyoti FM on
the topic of Raxabandhan Festival.
d) Magazine interview
Litterateur Late Pandit Deep Narayan Mishra from Parsa on contemporary
Bhojpuri language and literature by the researcher for the Madhupark
magazine.
e) Procedural activities, family situations and different clauses to exemplify
phonemic contrasts collected from the community by the researcher.
f) Rural dialogue
A Conversation between two Villagers extracted from Grierson (1884a).
585
ANNEX II: Common Bhojpuri speech zone
MAP OF THE COMMON BHOJPURI SPEECH ZONE WITHIN NEPAL & INDIA
WITH ITS DIALECTAL VARITIES

Source: Tiwari (1960)

586
Annex III: Positional distribution of Bhojpuri consonants
Word-initial Inter-vocalic Word–final preconsonantal post consonantal geminate
(#-) (v-v) (-#) (_C) (C_)
प /p/ पल /pʌl/ 'moment' छपर /cʰʌpʌr/ 'roof' छाप /cʰɑp/ 'brand' ह ा /ɦʌptɑ/ 'week' कं पा /kʌmpɑ/ 'trap' ख पर /kʰʌppʌr/
'skull'
फ फल /pʰʌl/ 'fruit' बाफल /bɑpʰʌl/ 'to बाफ /bɑpʰ/ र तार /rʌpʰtɑr/ र फु /rʌppʰu/
/pʰ/ boil' 'vapour' 'velocity' 'patch'
ब /b/ बर /bʌr/ 'bridegroom' लबार /lʌbɑr/ 'lier' राब /rɑb/ 'semi- लरबर /lʌrbʌr/ 'loose' लंबु /lʌmbu/ 'tall' ज बड़ /jʌbbʌɽ/
liquid' 'strong'
भ /b̤ / भर /b̤ ʌr/ 'support' लभल /lʌb̤ ʌl/ 'to bow' लाभ /lɑb̤ / 'profit' चभक /cʌb̤ ki/ 'whip' चंभु /cʌmbʰu/
'cunning'
त /t/ तार /tɑr/ 'wire' गतर /ɡʌtʌr/ 'organ' गत /ɡʌt/ क क /kʌtki/ 'related क ान /kʌptɑn/
'condition' to Katik' 'captain' अ ो /ʌtto/ 'obstacle'
थ /tʰ/ थर /tʰʌr/ 'cow-shed' बाथा /bɑtʰɑ/ 'pain' माथ /mɑtʰ/ 'head' हँ खेल /ɦʌ̃tʰkʰel/ पंथ /pʌntʰ/ 'way'
'tease'
द /d/ वादा /wɑdɑ/
दर /dʌr/ 'rate' 'promise' पद /pʌd/ 'post' स ाव /sʌdb̤ ɑo/ फं दा /pʰʌndɑ/ 'trap' ग ा /ɡʌddɑ/ 'heavy
'goodwill' stick'
ध /d̤ / धार /d̤ ɑr/ 'current' बाधा /bɑd̤ ɑ/ 'obstacle' गध /ɡʌd̤ / 'noise' साधना /sɑd̤ nɑ/ बंधा /bʌnd̤ ɑ/
'meditation' 'bonded'
ट /ʈ/ टहल /ʈʌɦʌl/ 'service' हटल /ɦʌʈʌl/ 'to be हाट /ɦɑʈ/ 'market' क नी /kʌʈni/ कं टक /kʌnʈʌk/ क र /kʌʈʈʌr/ 'hard-
relieved' 'reaping' 'risky' liner'
ठ /ʈʰ/ ठे कना /ʈʰeknɑ/ 'support' गठल /ɡʌʈʰʌl/ 'thick' गाँठ /ɡɑ̃ʈʰ/ 'knot' गँ जोड़ /ɡʌ̃ʈʰjoɽ/
'coalition' िच ी /ciʈʈʰi/ 'letter'
ड /ɖ/ डर /ɖʌr/ 'fear' आडा /ɑɖɑ/ 'office' कोड /koɖ/ 'code' क कल /kʌɽkʌl/ 'to कब ी /kʌbʌɖɖi/
harden' कं डा /kʌnɖɑ/ 'yam' 'Kabaddi'

587
ढ /ɖ̥̈ / ढाक /ɖ̈ɑk/ 'base drum' औढर /ɔɖ̈ʌr/ 'kind' ढ /ruɖ̈/ 'prime' ढता /ruɖ̈tɑ/ लंढर /lʌnɖ̈ʌr/
'primeness' 'vandalist'
क /k/ कमल /kʌmʌl/ 'lotus' लकम /lʌkʌm/ 'habit' पाँक /pɑ̃k/ 'mud' भ ठाउँ /bʰʌkʈʰɑũ/ मरकल /mʌrkʌl/ फ ड़ /pʰʌkkʌɽ/
'defunct' 'broken' 'penny-less'
ख खाल /kʰɑl/ 'skin' राखी /rɑkʰi/ पाँख /pɑ̃kʰ/ रखवार /rʌkʰwɑr/ अधखल /ʌd̤ kʰʌl/
/kʰ/ 'Raxabandhan' 'feather' 'keeper' 'partially emply'
ग /ɡ/ गाल /ɡɑl/ 'cheek' लगी /lʌɡi/ 'a long आग /ɑɡ/ 'fire' अगवार /ʌɡwɑr/ 'light अनकर /ʌnkʌr/ झ गड़ /ȷ̈ ʌɡɡʌɽ/
stick' grain' 'now own' 'conflict'
घ /ɡ̈/ घट /ɡ̈ẽʈ/ 'neck' बाघा /bɑɡ̈ɑ/ 'blood बाघ /bɑɡ̈/ 'tiger' बघवन /bʌɡ̈wʌn/ पनघट /pʌnɡʰʌʈ/
obstruction' 'tiger-forest' 'water-shed'
स /s/ सान /sɑn/ 'sharpener' असल /ʌsʌl/ 'good' नाश /nɑs/ 'ruin' अ त /ʌst/ 'setting' अंश /ʌns/ 'share' ह सा /ɦĩssɑ/ 'share'
ह /ɦ/ हानी /ɦɑni/ 'loss' सहल /sʌɦʌl/ 'to bear' राह /rɑɦ/ 'way' दो ा /doɦrɑ/ 'double' गोरहा /ɡorɦɑ/
'dung-cake'
च /c/ चरल /cʌrʌl/ 'to graze' रचल /rʌcʌl/ 'to आँच /ɑ̃c/ 'flame' रचना /rʌcnɑ/ खचा /kʰʌrcɑ/ उँ /ũcc/ 'high'
create' 'creation' 'expences'
छ छल /cʰʌl/ 'intrigue' काछल /kɑcʰʌl/ 'to गाछ /ɡɑcʰ/ 'tree' पछतावा /pʌcʰtɑwɑ/ बरछी /bʌrcʰi/
/cʰ/ ignore' 'repentance' 'pierce'
ज /j/ जाल /jɑl/ 'net' काजर /kɑjʌr/ 'kajal' राज /rɑj/ 'secracy' राजधानी /rɑjd̤ ɑni/ कजा /kʌrjɑ/ 'loan' धुमग र
'capital' /d̤ umɡʌjjʌr/ 'crowd'
झ /ȷ̈ / झाल /ȷ̈ ɑl/ 'cimbal' झाँझर /ȷ̈ ɑ̃ ȷ̈ ʌr/ 'feeble' झाँझ /ȷ̈ ɑ̃ ȷ̈ / 'a leg ओझराह /oȷ̈ rɑɦ/ मुझाइल /murȷ̈ ɑil/
ornament' 'knotted' 'pale'
म मार /mɑr/ 'heat/kill' अमार /ʌmɑr/ 'holy आम /ɑm/ 'mango' जमकल /jʌmkʌl/ कु मा /kusmɑ/ ज मा /jʌmmɑ/ 'total'
/m/ store' 'motionless' 'spicy milk'
ज ाई /jʌm̥ ɑi/ ज /jʌm̥ / 'death' ग ड़ल /ɡʌm̥ ɽʌl/
/m̥ / 'yawning' 'earred'
न /n/ नार /nɑr/ 'yoke' राना /rɑnɑ/ 'plane' पान /pɑn/ 'betel' पंथ /pʌntʰ/ 'path' म न /mʌɡn/ 'lost in अध ी /ʌd̤ ʌnni/ 32nd
joy' of a Rupee

588
ऩ /n̥ / काऩा /kɑn̥ ɑ/ 'Lord बाऩ /bɑn̥ / बा ता /bɑn̥ tɑ/
Krishna' 'barriage' 'bonded'
ङ /ŋ/ ङौ /ŋɔ/ 'secret' आङा /ɑŋɑ/ 'a paddy- रङ /rʌŋ/ 'colour' संकेत /sʌŋket/ खलङा /kʰʌlŋɑ/
species' 'symbol' 'wooden house'
/ŋ̊/ ला ा /lɑŋ̊ɑ/ 'under
pace' जा /jɑŋ̊/ 'thigh' स ता /sʌŋʰtɑ/ 'unity'
र /r/ राखी /rɑkʰi/ क रआ /kʌriɑ/ 'black' आर /ɑr/ पाख /pɑrkʰi/ अरा /ʌrrɑ/ 'vocation
'Raxabandhan 'boundary' 'experienced' ल ी /lʌtri/ 'legacy' for goats'
ऱ /r̥ / कह /kʌr̥ i/ 'cury' पह /pʌr̥ / 'last year' ग लाहा /ɡʌr̥ lɑɦɑ/
'created'
ड़ /ɽ/ गड़ल /ɡʌɽʌl/ 'to be आड़ /ɑɽ/ 'shade' बुड़ता /buɽtɑ/ उ ड़ा /ukɽɑ/
pricked' 'sinking' 'morning shift'
ढ़ /ɽ̊ / पढ़ल /pʌɽ̊ ʌl/ 'to read' ढ़ /ruɽ̊ / ढ़ता /ruɽ̊ tɑ/
'harsh/hard' 'roughness'
ल /l/ लाख /lɑkʰ/ 'hundred खाला /kʰɑlɑ/ 'skin' नाल /nɑl/ 'barrel' आ ता /ɑltɑ/ 'neil नकलाह /nʌklɑɦ/ अ ला /ʌllɑ/ 'God'
thousand' polish' 'immitator'
/l̥ / छा ी /cʰɑl̥ i/ 'fat' का /kɑl̥ / पो वा /pol̥ wɑ/ 'to
'yesterday' have convinced'
व /w/ छावा /cʰɑwɑ/ 'back नाँव /nɑw/ 'boat'
वार /wɑr/ 'attack' of the leg under प वाहा /pʌŋwɑɦɑ/
knee' 'trimmer'
य /y/ यौन /yɔn/ 'sex' काया /kɑyɑ/ 'body' माय /mɑy/ ख ड़या /kʰõɽyɑ/ अ यास /ʌyyɑs/
'mother' 'heavy sword' 'luxurious'

589
ANNEX IV: Vowel sequence
ʌ ɑ i u e ɛ o ɔ
बइर /bʌir/ झउर /ȷ̈ ʌur/ गएर /ɡʌer/
ʌ 'plum' 'obstacle' 'alien' हओ /ɦʌo/ 'stop'
खाए /kʰɑe/ 'to जाओ /jɑo/ 'go
ɑ गाई /ɡɑi/ 'cow' बाउर /bɑur/ 'bad' eat' (OPT)'
िबआ /biɑ/ दई /dii/ 'give ितउर /tiur/ िजए /jie/ 'to िजओ /jio/ 'live बितऔन /bʌtiɔn/
i िजअल /jiʌl/ 'live' 'seedlings (FUT)' 'oven' live' (OPT) 'splints'
जुअल /juʌl/ 'be जुए /jue/ 'to be कड़ऐना /kʌɽuɛnɑ/ जुओ /juo/ 'be yoked मुऔना /muɔnɑ/
u yoked' पुआ /puɑ/ 'cake' बुई /bui/ 'fear' yoked' 'winter grass' (OPT)' 'weapon'
खेअल /kʰeʌl/ देआद /deɑd/ खेई /kʰei/ 'row नेउर /neur/ नेओरत /neorʌt/
e 'row' 'cousins' (FUT)' 'mongoose' 'disciplined'
ऐआस /ɛɑs/
ɛ 'sensual'
बोअल /boʌl/ छोआ /cʰoɑ/ डोई /ɖoi/ बोऊ /bou/ 'sow रोओ /roo/ 'cry रोऔना /roɔnɑ/
o 'sow' 'molasses' 'laddle' (IMP.H)' ओए /oe/ 'yea' (OPT)' 'weepener'
ɔ
ʌ̃
ɑ̃
ĩ
ँ ल /pʌɦũʌl/
प अ ग एँ /ɡʌɦũe/ ग ओँ /ɡʌɦũo/
ũ 'revive' 'wheat' 'wheat'
ẽ
ɛ̃
õ
ɔ̃
590
ʌ̃ ɑ̃ ĩ ũ ẽ ɛ̃ õ ɔ̃
ʌ
ɑ
क रऔध ँ ा /kʌriɔd̃ ̤ ɑ/ 'blackish
i green'
u
e
ɛ
o
ɔ
ʌ̃ हँ /ɦʌ̃ĩ/ 'be.H) हँउँक /ɦʌ̃ũk/ 'fan' तँएँ /tʌ̃ẽ/ 'thou' गँव /ɡʌ̃õ 'pretention'
आँउँ /ɑ̃ũ/
ɑ̃ बाँ /bɑ̃ĩ/ 'left' 'dysentery' आँए /ɑ̃ẽ/ 'yea' गाँव /ɡɑ̃õ/ 'village'
टोइँ आँ /ʈoĩɑ̃/ 'earthen टोइँ एँ /ʈoĩẽ/ 'earthen टोइँ ओँ /ʈoĩõ/ 'earthen
ĩ pot' द /dĩi/ 'give.H) टउँ /ʈĩũ/ 'tease' pot' pot'
ũ ँ ँ /ɦũɑ̃/ 'howl'
आ उँ /ũĩ/ 'yea' धुँएँ /d̤ ũẽ/ 'smoke धुँओँ /dʰũõ/ 'smoke'
ान /ɡẽɑ̃n/
ẽ 'knowledge' जेइँएँ /jeĩẽ/ 'how.REL' एँउँ /ẽũ/ 'yea' ज /jẽõ/ 'how.REL'
ɛ̃
भटको /b̤ ʌʈkõĩ/ 'wild गोँएँ /ɡõẽ/ 'mobike
õ रोआँ /rõɑ̃/ 'hair' plant' sound' रोँओँ /ɽõõ/ 'hair'
ɔ̃ गौएँ ँ /ɡɔẽ̃ / 'slow'

591
ANNEX V: Samples of the collected texts1
Text 01: A Radio Interview with Sunil Patel, General Secretary of Bhojpuri
Students' Society of Nepal on 069-1-16
01.001
सुनील जी, सब से पिहले अपने के काय म म वागत बा ।
sunilji sʌb se pʌɦile ʌpne ke kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ swɑɡʌt
sunil-ji sʌb se pʌɦil-e ʌpne ke kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ swɑɡʌt
Sunil-H all source first-EMPH 2SG.H DAT programme LOC welcome
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
Sunilji, Welcome to the programme.
01.002
ध यवाद !
d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd
d̤ ʌnyʌbɑd
thank
Thank you.
01.003
जी सुनील जी, त बतावल जाओ अभीन रउआ का कर रहल बानी ?
ji sunilji tʌ bʌtɑwʌl jɑo ʌb̤ in rʌuɑ kʌr rʌɦʌl
ji sunil-ji tʌ bʌt-ɑ-wʌl jɑ-o ʌb̤ in rʌuɑ kʌr rʌɦ-ʌl
yea Sunil-H COND tell-CAUS-INF go-IMP.H now 2SG.H do live-INF
bɑni
bɑni
be.PRES.H
Yea.Sunil, Let me know what are you doing these days?
01.004
खास कके हम अभीन पढ़ाई म ही त रनी ह ।
kʰɑs kʌke ɦʌm ʌb̤ in pʌɽ̊ɑi mẽ ɦi byʌst rʌni
kʰɑs kʌr-ke ɦʌm ʌb̤ in pʌɽ̊ɑi mẽ ɦi byʌst rʌɦ-ni
special do-SEQ 1SG.NOM now study LOC EMPH busy live-PST.H
ɦʌ
ɦʌ
be.3SG.PRES
I have been engaged in my study primarily these days.
01.005
एल एल बी के बाद अभीन एल एल एम के तेयारी म बानी ।
el el bi ke bɑd ʌb̤ in el el em ke teyɑri mẽ bɑni
el el bi ke bɑd ʌb̤ in el el em ke teyɑri mẽ bɑni
L L B GEN later now L L M GEN preparation LOC be.PRES.H
I'm now in preparation for LLM after LLB.
01.006
आ राउर नेपाल भोजपुरी िव ाथ समाज का कर रहल बा ?
ɑ rɑur nepɑl b̤ ojpuri bidyɑrtʰi sʌmɑj kɑ kʌr rʌɦʌl
ɑ rɑur nepɑl b̤ ojpuri bidyɑrtʰi sʌmɑj kɑ kʌr rʌɦ-ʌl

1. As limitations of the study in Chapter one, Text 01, 06, 08 and 011 have been included in the annexes
from 13 samples comprising 396 pages. The rest texts have already been safe with the researcher.

592
and 2SG.GEN.H Nepal Bhojpuri student society what do live-INF
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
And what is your Bhojpuri Students' Society of Nepal doing these days?
01.007
नेपाल भोजपुरी िव ाथ समाज िवगत म भी राजनीितक, सामािजक, सािहि यक काय म म
संल न रहल ।
nepɑl b̤ ojpuri bidyɑrtʰi sʌmɑj biɡʌt mẽ b̤ i rɑjnitik sɑmɑjik
nepɑl b̤ ojpuri bidyɑrtʰi sʌmɑj biɡʌt mẽ b̤ i rɑjnitik sʌmɑj-ik
Nepal Bhojpuri student society past LOC also political society-ADJ
sɑɦityik kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ sʌnlʌɡnʌ rʌɦʌl
sɑɦityʌ-ik kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ sʌnlʌɡnʌ rʌɦ-ʌl
literature-ADJ programme LOC involved live-3SG.PST
Bhojpuri Students' Society of Nepal was involved in political, social and literary
programmes in the past also.
01.008
आ अभीन के अव था म ई जेठ १४ गते संिवधान आओ कहके नेपाल के सव अदालत अपन
िनणय देहलक आ रातारतात काम हो रहल बा ।
ɑ ʌb̤ in ke ʌwʌstʰɑ mẽ i jeʈʰ cʌudʌ ɡʌte sʌmbid̤ ɑn
ɑ ʌb̤ in ke ʌwʌstʰɑ mẽ i jeʈʰ cʌudʌ ɡʌte sʌmbid̤ ɑn
and now GEN situation LOC this May-June fourteen day constitution
ɑo kʌɦke nepɑl ke sʌrboccʌ ʌdɑlʌt ʌpʌn nirnɛ
ɑ-o kʌɦ-ke nepɑl ke sʌrboccʌ ʌdɑlʌt ɑpʌn nirnɛ
come-OPT say-SEQ Nepal GEN supreme court 3.GEN decision
deɦlʌk ɑ rɑtɑrɑt kɑm ɦo rʌɦʌl bɑ
de-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɑ rɑtɑrɑt kɑm ɦo rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
give-3SG.PST-NH and overnight work be live-INF be.3SG.PRES
And recently Supreme Court of Nepal gave its verdict expecting the constitution to
come on May 27 and the work is being done round the clock.
01.009
ए अव था म देश के संघीयता म ले जाए खाितर मदेस के माओवादी लोग के ताव म दूगो देश
म बाँटल गइल ।
e ʌwʌstʰɑ mẽ des ke sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ mẽ le jɑe kʰɑtir
e ʌwʌstʰɑ mẽ des ke sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ mẽ le jɑ-e kʰɑtir
PROX situation LOC country GEN federalism LOC bring go-PUR for
mʌdes ke mɑobɑdi loɡ ke prʌstɑo mẽ duɡo
mʌd̤ es ke mɑo-bɑd-i loɡ ke prʌstɑo mẽ du-ɡo
Madhesh GEN Mao-ism-ADJ people GEN proposal LOC two-CLF
prʌdes mẽ bɑ̃ʈʌl ɡʌil
prʌdes mẽ bɑ̃ʈ-ʌl jɑ-il
province LOC allocate-PRF go-3SG.PST
In this context, Madhesh was divided into two provinces on proposal of the Maoists,
to bring the country into federalism.
01.010
जे म िचतवन के अलग कइल गइल ।
je mẽ citwʌn ke ʌlʌɡ kʌil ɡʌil
je mẽ citwʌn ke ʌlʌɡ kʌr-il jɑ-il

593
3SG.COND.NOM LOC Chitwan GEN separate do-PRF go-3SG.PST
In which Chitwan was separeted from both of them.
01.011
और कङरे स लोग के ताव म ओने झापा, सुनसरी के ओने पहाड़ के सङे राखेके और कं चनपुर,
कै लाली के भी पहाड़ के सङे राखेके
ɔr kʌŋres loɡ ke prʌstɑo mẽ one ȷ̈ ɑpɑ sunsʌri ke
ɔr kʌŋres loɡ ke prʌstɑo mẽ one ȷ̈ ɑpɑ sunsʌri ke
and congress people GEN proposal LOC that side Jhapa Sunsari GEN
one pʌɦɑɽ ke sʌŋe rʌkʰeke ɔr kʌncʌnpur kɛlɑli
one pʌɦɑɽ ke sʌŋ-e rɑkʰ-e-ke ɔr kʌncʌnpur kɛlɑli
that side hill GEN with-LOC keep-PUR-PUR and Kanchanpur Kailali
ke b̤ i pʌɦɑɽ ke sʌŋe rʌkʰeke
ke b̤ i pʌɦɑɽ ke sʌŋ-e rɑkʰ-e-ke
GEN also hill GEN with-LOC keep-PUR-PUR
And on the proposal of Congress leaders, Jhapa and Sunsari are being joined with
mountains as well as Kailali and Kanchanpur are being placed so.
01.012
ई से जौन देश के संघीयता के खाका बन रहल बा, ई पूरे मदेस के अिहत म त बढ़ले बा,
i se jɔn des ke sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke kʰɑkɑ bʌn rʌɦʌl
i se jɔn des ke sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke kʰɑkɑ bʌn rʌɦ-ʌl
this means COMP country GEN federalism GEN roadmap make live-INF
bɑ i pure mʌdes ke ʌɦit mẽ tʌ bʌɽle
bɑ i purɑ-e mʌd̤ es ke ʌɦit mẽ tʌ bʌɽ-ʌl-e
be.3SG.PRES this full-EMPH Madhesh GEN enemy LOC COND be-PP-EMPH
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
From this, the roadmap of the federalism of the country being architected is, first of
all, against the interest of Madhesh.
01.013
साथ-साथ भोजपुरी के देखल जाओ त एने पसा से लेके ओने पु ब जोड़ देवल जाता और पंदह े ी,
नवलपरासी के पिछम कइल जाता ।
sɑtʰ sɑtʰ b̤ ojpuri ke dekʰʌl jɑo tʌ pʌrsɑ se
sɑtʰ sɑtʰ b̤ ojpuri ke dekʰ-ʌl jɑ-o tʌ pʌrsɑ se
company company Bhojpuri ACC see-INF go-OPT COND Parsa source
leke one purub joɽ dewʌl jɑtɑ ɔr
le-ke one purub joɽ de-wʌl jɑ-ʌt bɑ ɔr
take-SEQ that side east connect give -INF go-SIM be.3SG.PRES and
rupʌndeɦi nʌwʌlpʌrɑsi ke pʌcʰim kʌil jɑtɑ
rupʌndeɦi nʌwʌlpʌrɑsi ke pʌcʰim kʌr-il jɑ-ʌt bɑ
Rupandehi Nawalparasi GEN west do-INF go-SIM be.3SG.PRES
With that, as far as Bhojpuri region is concerned, Parsa and eastward part is attached
with the east and Rupandehi and Nawalparasi are separated towards west.
01.014
और बीच म िचतवन म एगो बफर टेट खड़ा कइल जाता ।
ɔr bic mẽ citwʌn ke eɡo bʌpʰʌr esʈet kʰʌɽɑ kʌil
ɔr bic mẽ citwʌn ke ek-ɡo bʌpʰʌr esʈet kʰʌɽɑ kʌr-il
and middle LOC Chitwan GEN one-CLF buffer state stand do-INF

594
jɑtɑ
jɑ-ʌt bɑ
go-SIM be.3SG.PRES
And Chitwan is being constructed a buffer state in the middle.
01.015
ई संघीयता के जौन ढाँचा बनी, ई भिव य म हमनी के संतित के साँथे और देश के सम आ थक-
सामािजक पांतरण का साँथे एगो ब त बड़का बएमानी होखे जा रहल बा ।
i sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke jɔn ɖ̈ɑ̃cɑ bʌni i b̤ ʌbisyʌ mẽ
i sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke jɔn ɖ̈ɑ̃cɑ bʌn-i i b̤ ʌbisyʌ mẽ
this federalism GEN COMP model make-3SG.FUT this future LOC
ɦʌmni ke sʌntʌti ke sɑ̃tʰe ɔr des ke sʌmʌɡrʌ
ɦʌm-ni ke sʌntʌti ke sɑtʰ-e ɔr des ke sʌmʌɡrʌ
1SG-PL GEN descendent GEN company-LOC and country GEN whole
ɑrtʰik sɑmɑjik rupɑntʌrʌn kɑ sɑ̃tʰe eɡo
ʌrtʰ-ik sʌmɑj-ik rupɑntʌrʌn kɑ sɑtʰ-e ek-ɡo
economy-ADJ society-ADJ transformation GEN company-LOC one-CLF
bʌɦut bʌɽkɑ bɛmɑni ɦokʰe jɑ rʌɦʌl bɑ
bʌɦut bʌɽ-kɑ bɛmɑni ɦokʰ-e jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
very big-CLF treachery be-PUR go live-INF be.3SG.PRES
This model of the federalism, if applied, will be a great treachery with our successors as
well as with the overall economic and social transformation of the country in future.
01.016
एकरा संदभ म हमनी संभव होखे जहाँ तक ब त ज दी जे नीित िनमाणकता लोग बा, जे हमनी के
सभासद लोग बा, और लोग बा, ऊ लोग के साँथ म अंतर या काय म और आगामी दन म
रणनीित कइसन होखेके चाह , ऊ काय म करे जा रहल बानी स हमनी ।
ekrɑ sʌndʌrb̤ mẽ ɦʌmni sʌmb̤ ɔ ɦokʰe jʌɦɑ̃ tʌk bʌɦut jʌldi
i-rɑ sʌndʌrb̤ mẽ ɦʌm-ni sʌmb̤ ɔ ɦokʰ-e jʌɦɑ̃ tʌk bʌɦut jʌldi
this-POSS context LOC 1SG-PL possible be-OPT where till very soon
je niti nirmɑnkʌrtɑ loɡ bɑ je ɦʌmni ke sʌb̤ ɑsʌd
je niti nirmɑnkʌrtɑ loɡ bɑ je ɦʌm-ni ke sʌb̤ ɑsʌd
REL policy maker PL be.3SG.PRES REL 1SG-PL GEN CA Member
loɡ bɑ ɔr loɡ bɑ u loɡ ke sɑ̃tʰ mẽ
loɡ bɑ ɔr loɡ bɑ u loɡ ke sɑtʰ mẽ
PL be.3SG.PRES and people be.3SG.PRES COR PL GEN company LOC
ʌntʌrkriyɑ kɑryʌkrʌm kʌre jɑ rʌɦʌl bɑni sʌ ɦʌmni
ʌntʌrkriyɑ kɑryʌkrʌm kʌr-e jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑni sʌ ɦʌm-ni
interaction programme do-PUR go live-INF be.PRES.H PL 1SG-PL
In this context, as far as soon it is possible, we are going to organize a programme
with those who are policy-makers, our CA members and others to interact with them
and to formulate a future strategy.
01.017
जी, त रउआ कहनी क बीच म से, खास कके चंडजी के लेआवल जवन ताव बा ओ म, िचतवन
काट लेहल जा रहल बा ।
ji tʌ rʌuɑ kʌɦni ki bic mẽ se kʰɑs kʌke
ji tʌ rʌuɑ kʌɦ-ni ki bic mẽ se kʰɑs kʌr-ke
yea COND 2SG.H say-PST.H COMP middle LOC source special do-SEQ
prʌcʌnɖji ke leɑwʌl jɔn prʌstɑo bɑ o mẽ
prʌcʌnɖ-ji ke le-ɑ-wʌl jɔn prʌstɑo bɑ o mẽ

595
Prachand-H GEN bring-CAUS-PP REL proposal be.3SG.PRES COR LOC
citwʌn kɑʈ leɦʌl jɑ rʌɦʌl bɑ
citwʌn kɑʈ le-ʌl jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
Chitwan cut take-INF go live-INF be.3SG.PRES
Yes, you said that Chitwan is being cut out in the middle as proposed by Prachanda.
01.018
आ नेपाली कॉ े स आ नेकपा एमाले के भी ओ म कहला से फरक ना परी ।
ɑ nepɑli kɔŋres ɑ nekʌpɑ emɑle ke b̤ i o mẽ
ɑ nepɑl-i kʌŋres ɑ nekʌpɑ emɑle ke b̤ i o mẽ
and Nepal-ADJ congress and CPN UML GEN also that LOC
kʌɦʌlɑ se pʰʌrʌk nɑ pʌri
kʌɦ-ʌl-ɑ se pʰʌrʌk nɑ pʌr-i
say-PRF--SEQ means difference neg fall-FUT
And if the Nepali Congress and the CPN (UML) are included, there won't be any
difference.
01.019
दूनू के अभी जे ह से संघीयता के सवाल पर च च म च च िमल रहल बा ।
dunu ke ʌb̤ i je ɦʌ se sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke sʌwɑl pʌr
du-nu ke ʌb̤ i je ɦʌ se sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke sʌwɑl pʌr
two-EMPH GEN now REL be.3SG.PRES COR federalism GEN issue LOC
cõc mẽ cõc mil rʌɦʌl bɑ
cõc mẽ cõc mil rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
beak LOC beak match live-INF be.3SG.PRES
Both have the same voice on the issue of federalism.
01.020
त ई दूनू पाट का तरफ से त ना कहल जाए बाँ कर ए दूनू पाट के नेता लोग का तरफ से ।
tʌ i dunu pɑrʈi kɑ tʌrʌpʰ se tʌ nɑ
tʌ i du-nu pɑrʈi kɑ tʌrʌpʰ se tʌ nɑ
COND 3SG.DEM.PROX two-EMPH party GEN side source COND NEG
kʌɦʌl jɑe bɑ̃kir e dunu pɑrʈi ke netɑ loɡ kɑ
kʌɦ-ʌl jɑ-e bɑ̃kir e du-nu pɑrʈi ke netɑ loɡ kɑ
say-INF go-OPT but PROX two-EMPH party GEN leader PL GEN
tʌrʌpʰ se
tʌrʌpʰ se
side source
Yea. Better to say on behalf of the leaders of the two parties rather than both the parties.
01.021
काहे क ओ पाट म आ दवासी जनजाित, मधेसी पृ भूिम के जवन लोग बा ओ से सहमत नइखे ।
kɑɦe ki oɦu pɑrʈi mẽ ɑdibɑsi jʌnʌjɑti mʌd̤ esi
kɑɦe ki o-ɦu pɑrʈi mẽ ɑdibɑsi jʌnʌjɑti mʌd̤ es-i
why COMP 3SG-EMPH party LOC indigenous ethnicity Madhesh-ADJ
prisʈʰb̤ umi ke jɔn loɡ bɑ o se sʌɦmʌt
prisʈʰb̤ umi ke jɔn loɡ bɑ o se sʌɦmʌt
background GEN COMP people be.3SG.PRES 3SG.DIST with agreed
nʌikʰe
nʌikʰ-e
be.NEG.PRES-3SG
Because the IndiGENous Nationalities and Madheshis involved in those parties do not
agree with that.

596
01.022
ले कन नेतृ व लोग मान न मान म तेरा मेहमान भा अपने मूह िमया मी ठू कहे के िहसाब से जौन
ऊ लोग लेआ रहल बा ।
lekin netritwʌ loɡ mɑn nʌ mɑn mɛ̃ terɑ meɦmɑn b̤ ɑ ʌpne
lekin netritwʌ loɡ mɑn nʌ mɑn ɦʌm toɦʌr meɦmɑn b̤ ɑ ʌpne
but leadership PL like NEG like 1SG 2SG.GEN guest or self
mũɦe miyɑ miʈʈʰu kʌɦe ke ɦisɑb se jɔn u
mũɦ-e miyɑ miʈʈʰu kʌɦ-e ke ɦisɑb se jɔn u
mouth-INST Muslim Priest sweet say-PUR GEN manner with REL COR
loɡ leɑ rʌɦʌl bɑ
loɡ leɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
PL bring live-INF be.3SG.PRES
But the leadership is bringing the proposal in a self-appreciated way.
01.023
क पु ब म तीनगो िजला झापा, मोरङ आ सुनसरी ओकरा के पहाड़ के जवरे राख देवे के ।
ki purub mẽ tinɡo jilɑ ȷ̈ ɑpɑ morʌŋ ɑ sunsʌri
ki purub mẽ tin-ɡo jilɑ ȷ̈ ɑpɑ morʌŋ ɑ sunsʌri
COMP east LOC three-CLF district Jhapa Morang and Sunsari
okʌrɑ ke pʌɦɑɽ ke jɔre rʌkʰ dewe ke
okʌrɑ ke pʌɦɑɽ ke jɔre rɑkʰ de-we ke
3SG.GEN GEN hill GEN with keep give-PUR GEN
That three districts in the east; Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari; will be placed with hills.
01.024
आ ओकरा साथे एने जे बा से कै लाली कं चनपुर के भी पहाड़ का साथे राख देवक े े ।
ɑ okʌrɑ sɑtʰe ene je bɑ se kɛlɑli
ɑ okʌrɑ sɑtʰ-e ene je bɑ se kɛlɑli
and 3.SG.GEN company-LOC this side REL be.3SG.PRES COR Kailali
kʌncʌnpur ke b̤ i pʌɦɑɽ kɑ sɑtʰe rɑkʰ dewe ke
kʌncʌnpur ke b̤ i pʌɦɑɽ kɑ sɑtʰ-e rɑkʰ de-we ke
Kanchanpur ACC also hill GEN company-LOC keep give-PUR GEN
And with that Kailali and Kanchanpur are also proposed to be kept with hills.
01.025
त ओने कै लाली, कं चनपुर आ झापा, मोरङ, सुनसरी से त भोजपुरी के कवनो य सरोकार नइखे ।
tʌ one kɛlɑli kʌncʌnpur ɑ ȷ̈ ɑpɑ morʌŋ sunsʌri se
tʌ one kɛlɑli kʌncʌnpur ɑ ȷ̈ ɑpɑ morʌŋ sunsʌri se
COND that side Kailali Kanchanpur and Jhapa Morang Sunsari with
tʌ b̤ ojpuri ke kɔno prʌtyʌkcʰ sʌrokɑr nʌikʰe
tʌ b̤ ojpuri ke kɔno prʌtyʌkcʰ sʌrokɑr nʌikʰ-e
COND Bhojpuri GEN any direct concern be.NEG.PRES-3SG
Then, Bhojpuri is certainly not concerned with Kailali, Kanchanpur, Jhapa, Morang
and Sunsari.
01.026
बाँ कर िचतवन से भोजपुरी के य सरोकार बा ।
bɑ̃kir citwʌn se b̤ ojpuri ke prʌtyʌkcʰ sʌrokɑr bɑ
bɑ̃kir citwʌn se b̤ ojpuri ke prʌtyʌkcʰ sʌrokɑr bɑ
but Chitwan with Bhojpuri GEN direct concern be.3SG.PRES
But Bhojpuri is directly concerned with Chitwan.
01.027

597
त ए संदभ म जब रउआ बात उठाइए देनी त भोजपुरी भाषा-सं कृ ित आ भोजपुरी भाषी े के
अनुकूलता म ई े के तरे बनेके चाह ?
tʌ e sʌndʌrb̤ mẽ jʌb rʌuɑ bɑt uʈʰɑie deni
tʌ e sʌndʌrb̤ mẽ jʌb rʌuɑ bɑt uʈʰɑ-ie de-ni
COND PROX context LOC when 2SG.H matter raise-SEQ.EMPH give-PRES
tʌ b̤ ojpuri b̤ ɑsɑ sʌnskriti ɑ b̤ ojpuri b̤ ɑsi cʰetrʌ ke
tʌ b̤ ojpuri b̤ ɑsɑ sʌnskriti ɑ b̤ ojpuri b̤ ɑsi cʰetrʌ ke
COR Bhojpuri language culture and Bhojpuri speaking region GEN
ʌnukultɑ mẽ i cʰetrʌ ke tʌre bʌneke cɑɦĩ
ʌnukultɑ mẽ i cʰetrʌ ke tʌre bʌn-e-ke cɑɦ-ĩ
favour LOC PROX region what such make-PUR-PUR want-FUT
Then, if you raised the issue in this context, how can this province be allocated in
accordance with the Bhojpuri language and culture and the Bhojpuri speaking region?
01.028
अइसे पिहलका जे मधेसवादी दल लोग के माङ रहल ह सम मधेस एक देश होएके चाह त य द
सम मधेश एक देश होता त सम मधेश ब भाषी देश रही ।
ʌise pʌɦilkɑ je mʌd̤ esbɑdi dʌl loɡ ke mɑŋ rʌɦʌl
ʌise pʌɦil-kɑ je mʌd̤ es-bɑd-i dʌl loɡ ke mɑŋ rʌɦ-ʌl
this way first-CLF REL Madhesh-ISM-ADJ party PL GEN demand live-PP
ɦʌ sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes ɦoeke cɑɦĩ tʌ
ɦʌ sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes ɦo-e-ke cɑɦ-ĩ tʌ
be.3SG.PRES whole Madhesh one province be-PUR-PUR want-OPT COND
yʌdi sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes ɦotɑ tʌ
yʌdi sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes ɦo-ʌt bɑ tʌ
if whole Madhesh one province be-SIM be.3SG.PRES COND
sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es bʌɦub̤ ɑsi rʌɦi
sʌmʌɡrʌ mʌd̤ es bʌɦub̤ ɑsi rʌɦ-i
whole Madhesh multilingual live-3SG.FUT
As the pro-Madheshi political parties have demanded initially that the whole Madhesh
be a single province and if the whole Madhesh is formed as a single province, whole
Madhesh will be multilingual.
01.029
एकरा भीतर एगो शासिनक इकाई के प म भोजपुरी वाय देश, मैिथली वाय देश,
अवधी वाय देश, था वाय देश या कोिचला वाय देश के अ यास कइल जा सकता ।
ekʌrɑ b̤ itʌr eɡo prʌsɑsʌnik ikɑi ke rup mẽ
ekʌr-ɑ b̤ itʌr ek-ɡo prʌsɑsʌn-ik ikɑi ke rup mẽ
PROX.GEN-SPEC inside one-CLF administration-ADJ unit GEN form LOC
b̤ ojpuri swɑettʌ prʌdes mɛtʰili swɑettʌ prʌdes tʰɑru
b̤ ojpuri swɑettʌ prʌdes mɛtʰili swɑettʌ prʌdes tʰɑru
Bhojpuri autonomous region Maithili autonomous region Tharu
swɑettʌ prʌdes yɑ kocilɑ swɑettʌ prʌdes ke ʌb̤ yɑs kʌil
swɑettʌ prʌdes b̤ ɑ kocilɑ swɑettʌ prʌdes ke ʌb̤ yɑs kʌr-il
autonomous region or Kochila autonomous region GEN exercise do-INF
jɑ sʌkʌtɑ
jɑ sʌk-ʌt bɑ
go can-SIM be.3SG.PRES
Within this, Bhojpuri autonomous region, Maithili autonomous region, Awadhi
autonomous region, Tharu autonomous region or Kochila autonomous region can be

598
brought under practice as an administerial unit.
01.030
ले कन एगो भौगोिलक सुगमता के िहसाब से सम मधेश एक देश संभव बा ।
lekin eɡo b̤ ɔɡolik suɡʌmtɑ ke ɦisɑb se sʌmʌɡrʌ
lekin ek-ɡo b̤ ɔɡolik suɡʌmtɑ ke ɦisɑb se sʌmʌɡrʌ
but one-CLF geographical convenience GEN manner means whole
mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes sʌmb̤ ɔ bɑ
mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes sʌmb̤ ɔ bɑ
Madhesh one province possible be.3SG.PRES
But on behalf of the geographical convenience whole Madhesh a single province is
possible.
01.031
दोसर बात, य द एगो भाषा के एगो सं कृ ित के िचरके रउआ तीनगो देश बनावेके चाहतानी त
राउर संघीयता बनावे के उ े य का ह ?
dosʌr bɑt yʌdi eɡo b̤ ɑsɑ ke eɡo sʌnskriti ke
dosʌr bɑt yʌdi ek-ɡo b̤ ɑsɑ ke ek-ɡo sʌnskriti ke
soCOND matter if one-CLF language GEN one-CLF culture GEN
cirke rʌuɑ tinɡo prʌdes bʌnɑweke cɑɦʌtɑni
cir-ke rʌuɑ tin-ɡo prʌdes bʌnɑ-e-ke cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni
split-SEQ 2SG.H three-CLF province make-PUR-PUR want-IMPF be.PRES.H
tʌ rɑur sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ bʌnɑwe ke uddesyʌ kɑ ɦʌ
tʌ rɑur sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ bʌnɑ-e ke uddesyʌ kɑ ɦʌ
COND 2SG.GEN.H federalism make-PUR GEN purpose what be.3SG.PRES
Another matter, if you want to allocate three provinces sPLitting a single linguistic or
a single cultural area, what is the motto of your federal structure?
01.032
रउआ आ थक िवकास पर जोड़ देवक े े चाहतानी क सां कृ ितक िवकास पर ?
rʌuɑ ɑrtʰik bikɑs pʌr jor deweke
rʌuɑ ʌrtʰ-ik bikɑs pʌr jor de-e-ke
2SG.H economy-ADJ development LOC force give-PUR-PUR
cɑɦʌtɑni ki sɑnskritik bikɑs pʌr
cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni ki sʌnskriti-ik bikɑs pʌr
want-IMPF be.PRES.H COMP culture-ADJ development LOC
Do you want to emphasize economic development or cultural development?
01.033
सब से पिहले िस ांत तय करे के पड़ेला संघीयता के कौनो व प बनावे खाितर ।
sʌb se pʌɦile sidd̤ ɑnt tɛ kʌreke pʌɽelɑ
sʌb se pʌɦil-e sidd̤ ɑnt tɛ kʌr-e-ke pʌɽ-e-lɑ
all source first-EMPH princiPLe fix do-PUR-PUR lie-PUR-3SG.PRES
sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke kɔno swʌrup bʌnɑwe kʰɑtir
sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke kɔno swʌrup bʌnɑ-e kʰɑtir
federalism GEN any model make-PUR for
First of all, a principle should be finalized to fix a certain model of federalism.
01.034
राउर िस ांत का ह ?
rɑur sidd̤ ɑnt kɑ ɦʌ
rɑur sidd̤ ɑnt kɑ ɦʌ
2SG.GEN.H principle what be.3SG.PRES

599
What is your principle?
01.035
जब राउर िस ांते गोलमाल बा त का होई ?
jʌb rɑur sidd̤ ɑnte ɡolmɑl bɑ tʌ kɑ
jʌb rɑur sidd̤ ɑnt-e ɡolmɑl bɑ tʌ kɑ
when.REL 2SG.GEN.H principle-EMPH suspicious be.3SG.PRES COR what
ɦoi
ɦo-i
be-3SG.FUT
If your principle is itself suspicious, what can be expected?
01.036
जइसे पिछम म ब दया, कै लाली के पहाड़ से िमलावल जा रहल बा ।
jʌise pʌcʰim mẽ bʌrdiɑ kɛlɑli ke pʌɦɑɽ se
jʌise pʌcʰim mẽ bʌrdiɑ kɛlɑli ke pʌɦɑɽ se
instancially west LOC Bardiya Kailali GEN hill with
milɑwʌl jɑ rʌɦʌl bɑ
mil-ɑ-wʌl jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
match-CAUS-INF go live-INF be.3SG.PRES
For example, Bardiya and Kailali are allocated with hills in the west.
01.037
ले कन बाँके, ब दया, कै लाली, कं चनपुर जवन बा, ओकर दन के तापमान देखल जाओ, सां कृ ितक
बनावट देखल जाओ त ऊ पिछमी पहाड़ से ना िमली ।
lekin bɑ̃ke bʌrdiɑ kɛlɑli kʌncʌnpur jɔn bɑ okʌr din
lekin bɑ̃ke bʌrdiɑ kɛlɑli kʌncʌnpur jɔn bɑ okʌr din
but Banke Bardiya Kailali Kanchanpur REL be.3SG.PRES COR.GEN day
ke tɑpmɑn dekʰʌl jɑo sɑnskritik bʌnɑwʌʈ dekʰʌl jɑo
ke tɑpmɑn dekʰ-ʌl jɑ-o sʌnskriti-ik bʌnɑwʌʈ dekʰ-ʌl jɑ-o
GEN temperature see-INF go-OPT culture-ADJ construction see-INF go-OPT
tʌ u pʌcʰimi pʌɦɑɽ se nɑ mili
tʌ u pʌcʰim-i pʌɦɑɽ se nɑ mil-i
COND 3SG west-ADJ hill with NEG match-3SG.FUT
But observe the daytime temperature or cultural setup of Banke, Bardiya, Kailali and
Kanchanpur, it does not match with that of the western hills.
01.038
और जहाँ तक अथ व था के िहसाब से कहल जाओ, त अथ व था म हे ोजेिनअस इकनॉिमक
िस टम होई दूनू जघे के ।
ɔr jʌɦɑ̃ tʌk ʌrtʰbewʌstʰɑ ke ɦisɑb se kʌɦʌl jɑo tʌ
ɔr jʌɦɑ̃ tʌk ʌrtʰbewʌstʰɑ ke ɦisɑb se kʌɦ-ʌl jɑ-o tʌ
and where till economy GEN manner source say-INF go-OPT COND
ʌrtʰbewʌstʰɑ mẽ ɦeʈrojeniʌs ikʌnɔmik sisʈʌm ɦoi dunu
ʌrtʰbewʌstʰɑ mẽ ɦeʈrojeniʌs ikʌnɔmik sisʈʌm ɦo-i du-nu
economy LOC heterogeneous economic system be-3SG.FUT two-EMPH
jʌɡ̈e ke
jʌɡʌɦ ke
place GEN
So far as the economy is under discussion, there will be heteroGENeus economic
systems of economy at both the PLaces.
01.039

600
एक जघे नइखे ।
ek jʌɡ̈e nʌikʰe
ek jʌɡʌɦ nʌikʰ-e
one place be.NEG.PRES-3SG
They are not together.
01.040
समान अथ व था से संचालन नइखे कइल जा सकत ।
sʌmɑn ʌrtʰbewʌstʰɑ se sʌncɑlʌn nʌikʰe kʌil jɑ
sʌmɑn ʌrtʰbewʌstʰɑ se sʌncɑlʌn nʌikʰ-e kʌr-il jɑ
same economy with circulation be.NEG.PRES-3SG do-INF go
sʌkʌt
sʌk-ʌt
can-IMPF
They cannot be run under the same economy.
01.041
समान नीित नइखे लादल जा सकत ।
sʌmɑn niti nʌikʰe lɑdʌl jɑ sʌkʌt
sʌmɑn niti nʌikʰ-e lɑd-ʌl jɑ sʌk-ʌt
same policy be.NEG.PRES-3SG load-INF go can-SIM
The same policy cannot be yoked.
01.042
ओइसही ओने झापा, मोरङ, सुनसरी के बात बा;
oisʌɦi one ȷ̈ ɑpɑ morʌŋ sunsʌri ke bɑt bɑ
oise-ɦi one ȷ̈ ɑpɑ morʌŋ sunsʌri ke bɑt bɑ
similarly-EMPH that side Jhapa Morang Sunsari GEN matter be.3SG.PRES
Similar is the concern of Japa, Morang and Sunsari.
01.043
और उहाँ िहमाल से लेके इहाँ मधेश तक के जोड़ल जाओ त वातावरण म हाई लेभेल के ल चुएसन
होई ।
ɔr uɦɑ̃ ɦimɑl se leke iɦɑ̃ mʌd̤ es tʌk ke joɽʌl
ɔr uɦɑ̃ ɦimɑl se le-ke iɦɑ̃ mʌd̤ es tʌk ke joɽ-ʌl
and there mountain source take-SEQ here Madhesh till GEN connect-INF
jɑo tʌ bɑtɑbʌrʌn mẽ ɦɑi leb̤ el ke pʰlʌkcuesʌn ɦoi
jɑ-o tʌ bɑtɑbʌrʌn mẽ ɦɑi leb̤ el ke pʰlʌkcuesʌn ɦo-i
go-OPT COND environment LOC high level GEN fluctuation be-3SG.FUT
And a high level fluctuation in the ecology will be experienced if the areas from the
snowy mountains till Madhesh are connected together.
01.044
दोसर बात क उहाँ के रहन-सहन म ल चुएसन बा ।
dosʌr bɑt ki uɦɑ̃ ke rʌɦʌnsʌɦʌn mẽ pʰlʌkcuesʌn bɑ
dosʌr bɑt ki uɦɑ̃ ke rʌɦʌnsʌɦʌn mẽ pʰlʌkcuesʌn bɑ
next matter COMP there GEN life-style LOC fluctuation be.3SG.PRES
The next matter is that there is fluctuation in the life-styles of those PLaces.
01.045
कृ िष उ पादन से लेके आ थक गितिविध म ल चुएसन बा ।
krisi utpɑdʌn se leke ɑrtʰik ɡʌtibid̤ i mẽ
krisi utpɑdʌn se le-ke ʌrtʰ-ik ɡʌtibid̤ i mẽ
agriculture production source take-SEQ economy-ADJ activity LOC

601
pʰlʌkcuesʌn bɑ
pʰlʌkcuesʌn bɑ
fluctuation be.3SG.PRES
There is fluctuation in the agricultural products and economic activities.
01.046
त, रउआ एगो नीित से कइसे ए के संचालन करे म ?
tʌ rʌuɑ eɡo niti se kʌise e ke sʌncɑlʌn
tʌ rʌuɑ ek-ɡo niti se kʌise e ke sʌncɑlʌn
COND 2SG.H one-CLF policy means how PROX GEN circulation
kʌrem
kʌr-em
do-FUT.H
Then, how can you circulate them all under a single policy?
01.047
ई अपने-आप म यू चनेबल बा ।
i ʌpneɑp mẽ kyuscʌnebʌl bɑ
i ʌpneɑp mẽ kyuscʌnebʌl bɑ
3SG.PROX itself LOC questionable be.3SG.PRES
This is questionable within itself.
01.048
और ई फे डरल चर देश के आ थक िवकास के कइसे आगे ले जाई ?
ɔr i pʰeɖʌrʌl esʈrʌkcʌr des ke ɑrtʰik bikɑs
ɔr i pʰeɖʌrʌl esʈrʌkcʌr des ke ʌrtʰ-ik bikɑs
and 3SG.PROX federal structure country GEN economy-ADJ development
ke kʌise ɑɡe le jɑi
ke kʌise ɑɡe le jɑ-i
GEN how forward bring go-3SG.FUT
And how can such federal structure proceed the economic development of the country?
01.049
एकरा िपछे और ई फे डरल चर बा जौन राजनीितक िहसाब से कइसे हमनी के देश के भिव य
के संबोधन करी, एकर जवाब त देवक े े परी ।
ekʌrɑ picʰe ɔr i pʰeɖʌrʌl esʈrʌkcʌr bɑ
ekʌr-ɑ picʰe ɔr i pʰeɖʌrʌl esʈrʌkcʌr bɑ
PROX.GEN-SPEC in the back and 3SG.PROX federal structure be.3SG.PRES
jɔn rɑjnitik ɦisɑb se kʌise ɦʌmni ke des ke b̤ ʌbisyʌ
jɔn rɑjnitik ɦisɑb se kʌise ɦʌm-ni ke des ke b̤ ʌbisyʌ
COMP political manner means how 1SG-PL GEN country GEN future
ke sʌmbod̤ ʌn kʌri ekʌr jʌbɑb tʌ deweke
ke sʌmbod̤ ʌn kʌr-i ekʌr jʌbɑb tʌ de-e-ke
GEN address do-3SG.FUT PROX.GEN answer COND give-PUR-PUR
pʌri
pʌr-i
fall-3SG.FUT
So, how can such federal structure address the future of our country, this question
must be answered?
01.050
जइसे, राजा मह के बनावल पाँच िवकास े , चउदे अंचल, पचह र िजला काहे अनुपयु भइल ?
jʌise rɑjɑ mʌɦendrʌ ke bʌnɑwʌl pɑ̃c bikɑs cʰetrʌ
jʌise rɑjɑ mʌɦendrʌ ke bʌnɑ-wʌl pɑ̃c bikɑs cʰetrʌ

602
instancially king Mahendra GEN make-PP five development region
cʌude ʌncʌl pʌcɦʌttʌr jilɑ kɑɦe ʌnupʌyukt b̤ ʌil
cʌudʌ ʌncʌl pʌcɦʌttʌr jilɑ kɑɦe ʌnupʌyukt b̤ ʌ-il
fourteen zone seventy-five district why useless become-3SG.PST
For example, why did the five development regions, fourteen zones and seventy-five
districts built by King Mahendra become non-productive?
01.051
जी, अपने के हम थोड़ा सा रोके के चाहतानी ।
ji ʌpne ke ɦʌm tʰoɽɑ sɑ rokeke cɑɦʌtɑni
ji ʌpne ke ɦʌm tʰoɽɑ sɑ rok-e-ke cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni
yea 2SG.H GEN 1SG little as stop-PUR-PUR want-IMPF be.PRES.H
Yea, I want you to halt for a while.
01.052
राजा मह चउदगो अंचल आ पचह रगो िजला बनवल आ पाँच िवकास े जौन बनवले ऊ
राजा वीरदर बनवल ।
rɑjɑ mʌɦendrʌ cʌudʌɡo ʌncʌl ɑ pʌcɦʌttʌrɡo jilɑ
rɑjɑ mʌɦendrʌ cʌudʌ-ɡo ʌncʌl ɑ pʌcɦʌttʌr-ɡo jilɑ
king Mahendra fourteen-CLF zone and seventy-five-CLF district
bʌnɔlẽ ɑ pɑ̃c bikɑs cʰetrʌ jɔn bʌnɔlẽ
bʌn-ɔ-lẽ ɑ pɑ̃c bikɑs cʰetrʌ jɔn bʌn-ɔ-lẽ
make-CAUS-PST.H and five development region REL make-CAUS-PST.H
u birendʌr bʌnɔlẽ
u birendʌr bʌn-ɔ-lẽ
COR Birendra make-CAUS-PST.H
King Mahendra constructed fourteen zones and seventy-five districts and the one who
construted five development regions was King Birendra.
01.053
जी ।
ji
ji
yea
Yea.
01.054
त ए िवषय म बात त उ ठए रहल बा ।
tʌ eɦu bisɛ mẽ bɑt tʌ uʈʰie rʌɦʌl bɑ
tʌ e-ɦu bisɛ mẽ bɑt tʌ uʈʰ-ie rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
COND PROX-EMPH issue LOC matter COND rise-EMPH live-INF be.3SG.PRES
Then the concern is being raised even on this issue.
01.055
क अगर भारत आ चीन से जोड़ेवाला े के बेसी िवकास होई ।
ki ʌɡʌr b̤ ɑrʌt ɑ cin se joɽewɑlɑ cʰetrʌ ke
ki ʌɡʌr b̤ ɑrʌt ɑ cin se joɽ-e-wɑlɑ cʰetrʌ ke
COMP if India and China with connect-PUR-owner region GEN
besi bikɑs ɦoi
besi bikɑs ɦo-i
more development be-3SG.FUT
that if the regions attached with both of India and China are more developed
01.056
त पु ब के चारगो अंचल मेची, कोशी, सगरमाथा आ जनकपुर आ पिछम के दूगो अंचल त शु से

603
लेके अभी तक भारत आ चीन से जुड़लही बा त कहाँ िवकास हो गइल ?
tʌ purub ke cɑrɡo ʌncʌl meci kosi sʌɡʌrmɑtʰɑ ɑ
tʌ purub ke cɑr-ɡo ʌncʌl meci kosi sʌɡʌrmɑtʰɑ ɑ
COND east GEN four-CLF zone Mechi Koshi Sagarmatha and
jʌnʌkpur ɑ pʌcʰim ke duɡo ʌncʌl tʌ surue
jʌnʌkpur ɑ pʌcʰim ke du-ɡo ʌncʌl tʌ suru-e
Janakpur and west GEN two-CLF zone COND begining-EMPH
se leke ʌb̤ i tʌk b̤ ɑrʌt ɑ cin se joɽlʌɦi
se le-ke ʌb̤ i tʌk b̤ ɑrʌt ɑ cin se joɽ-ʌl-ɦi
source take-SEQ now till India and China with connect-PP-EMPH
bɑ tʌ kʌɦɑ̃ bikɑs ɦo ɡʌil
bɑ tʌ kʌɦɑ̃ bikɑs ɦo jɑ-il
be.3SG.PRES COND where development be go-3SG.PST
Then four zones of the east; Mechi, Koshi, Sagarmatha and Janakpur; and two zones
of the west have already been attatched with India and China from the very beginning.
But what kind of development has happened there?
01.057
जी-जी । अपने के तक से हम सहमत बानी ।
ji ji ʌpne ke tʌrk se ɦʌm sʌɦmʌt bɑni
ji ji ʌpne ke tʌrk se ɦʌm sʌɦmʌt bɑni
yea yea 2SG.H GEN logic with 1SG.NOM agreed be.PRES.H
Yea, I do agree with your logic.
01.058
आ जहाँ तक ई लोग के तक बा क हमनी के चीन से लेके भारत तक के हमनी के ए सेस रही त का
हमनी अलग वतं रा य बना रहल बानी ?
ɑ jʌɦɑ̃ tʌk i loɡ ke tʌrk bɑ ki ɦʌmni ke
ɑ jʌɦɑ̃ tʌk i loɡ ke tʌrk bɑ ki ɦʌm-ni ke
and where till PROX people GEN logic be.3SG.PRES COMP 1SG-PL GEN
cin se leke b̤ ɑrʌt tʌk ke ɦʌmni ke ekses rʌɦi
cin se le-ke b̤ ɑrʌt tʌk ke ɦʌm-ni ke ekses rʌɦ-i
China with take-SEQ India till GEN 1SG-PL GEN ACCess live-3SG.FUT
tʌ kɑ ɦʌmni ʌlʌɡ swʌtʌntrʌ rɑjyʌ bʌnɑ rʌɦʌl bɑni
tʌ kɑ ɦʌm-ni ʌlʌɡ swʌtʌntrʌ rɑjyʌ bʌnɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑni
COND what 1SG-PL separate independent state make live-INF be.PRES.H
And as far as these people argue that we shall have easy ACCess towards both of
China and India, then, are we constructing separate independent states?
01.059
क एगो टेट के भा ो भस के दोसर ो भस से ए सेस ना रही, हमनी रोड से नइख जोड़ सकत,
आ थक व था से नइख जोड़ सकत ।
ki eɡo esʈeʈ ke b̤ ɑ prob̤ ins ke dosʌr prob̤ ins se
ki ek-ɡo esʈeʈ ke b̤ ɑ prob̤ ins ke dosʌr prob̤ ins se
COMP one-CLF state GEN or province GEN next province source
ekses nɑ rʌɦi ɦʌmni roɖ se nʌikʰĩ joɽ
ekses nɑ rʌɦ-i ɦʌm-ni roɖ se nʌikʰ-ĩ joɽ
ACCess NEG live-3SG.FUT 1SG-PL road with be.NEG.PRES-H connect
sʌkʌt ɑrtʰik bewʌstʰɑ se nʌikʰĩ joɽ sʌkʌt
sʌk-ʌt ʌrtʰ-ik bewʌstʰɑ se nʌikʰ-ĩ joɽ sʌk-ʌt
can-IMPF economy-ADJ system with be.NEG.PRES-H connect can-IMPF

604
So that one state or province cannot have ACCess with the other and we cannot
connect them with roads or economic systerms.
01.060
ए म हमनी त देख सकतानी क भारत म ओने िड ग ु ढ़ से लेके अमृतसर तकले जब जोड़ा सकता ?
e mẽ ɦʌmni tʌ dekʰ sʌkʌtɑni ki b̤ ɑrʌt mẽ
e mẽ ɦʌm-ni tʌ dekʰ sʌk-ʌt bɑni ki b̤ ɑrʌt mẽ
PROX LOC 1SG-PL COND see can-IMPF be.PRES.H COMP India LOC
one ɖibruɡʌɽ̊ se leke ʌmritsʌr tʌk le jʌb
one ɖibruɡʌɽ̊ se le-ke ʌmritsʌr tʌk le jʌb
that side Dibrugarh source take-SEQ Amritsar till till when
joɽɑ sʌkʌtɑ
joɽ-ɑ sʌk-ʌt bɑ
connect-CAUS can-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
In this context we can observe that if Dibrugarh and Armitsar can be connected in India,
01.061
जी-जी ।
ji ji
ji ji
yea yea
Yea.
01.062
त अगर मधेश आ पहाड़ जवन जमा-जुमा बेसी से बेसी तीन सय कलोमीटर पड़ी,
tʌ ʌɡʌr mʌd̤ es ɑ pʌɦɑɽ jɔn jʌmɑjumɑ besi
tʌ ʌɡʌr mʌd̤ es ɑ pʌɦɑɽ jɔn jʌmɑjumɑ besi
COND if Madhesh and mountain REL altogether more
se besi tin sɛ kilomiʈʌr pʌɽi
se besi tin sɛ kilomiʈʌr pʌɽ-i
source more three hundred kilometre lie-3SG.FUT
Then Madhesh and hills or mountains which are hardly three hundred kilometres,
01.063
जी-जी ।
ji ji
ji ji
yea yea
Yea.
01.064
एने तराई से लेके ओने चीन के बोडर तक ई तीन सय कलोमीटर जोड़ाए ना सक ?
ene tʌrɑi se leke one cin ke borɖʌr tʌk i
ene tʌrɑi se le-ke one cin ke borɖʌr tʌk i
this side Terai source take-SEQ that side China GEN border till PROX
tin sɛ kilomiʈʌr joɽɑe nɑ sʌki
tin sɛ kilomiʈʌr joɽ-ɑ-e nɑ sʌk-i
three hundred kilometre connect-PASS-PUR NEG can-FUT
Can Terai up to China boarder within three hundred kilometres not be connected?
01.065
ई कवनो बात बा ?
i kɔno bɑt bɑ
i kɔno bɑt bɑ
3SG.PROX any matter be.3SG.PRES

605
Is this any matter of concern?
01.066
ए बात म कवनो दम नइखे ।
e bɑt mẽ kɔno dʌm nʌikʰe
e bɑt mẽ kɔno dʌm nʌikʰ-e
PROX matter LOC any weight be.NEG.PRES.3SG
There is no weightage of this sort of gossip.
01.067
अब अपने से थोड़ा-सा, रउआ चू क कानून के िव ाथ बानी, त कानूनी िहसाब से अगर ए बात के
िवचार कइल जा त एगो आशंका इहो लोग कर रहल बा ।
ʌb ʌpne se tʰoɽɑ sɑ rʌuɑ cuki kɑnun ke bidyɑrtʰi bɑni
ʌb ʌpne se tʰoɽɑ sɑ rʌuɑ cuki kɑnun ke bidyɑrtʰi bɑni
now 2SG.H with little as 2SG.H as law GEN student be.PRES.H
tʌ kɑnuni ɦisɑb se ʌɡʌr e bɑt ke bicɑr kʌil
tʌ kɑnun-i ɦisɑb se ʌɡʌr e bɑt ke bicɑr kʌr-il
COND law-ADJ manner means if PROX matter GEN think do-INF
jɑõ tʌ eɡo ɑsʌŋkɑ iɦo loɡ kʌr rʌɦʌl
jɑ-o tʌ ek-ɡo ɑsʌŋkɑ i-o loɡ kʌr rʌɦ-ʌl
go-OPT COND one-CLF suspicion PROX-EMPH people do live-INF
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
As you are a student of law, there is also being suspicion on the legal ground.
01.068
खास कके , चंडजी के जवन ताव बा, ओ ताव म क अगर पु ब मधेश आ पिछम मधेश के
बीच म बफर जोन के िहसाब से बीच के एगो तट थ देश अगर ना रही त हो सकता जे िबहान दूनू
देशवा िमलके िनणय क िलहन स आ एक जगे हो जइहन स ।
kʰɑs kʌke prʌcʌnɖji ke jɔn prʌstɑo bɑ o prʌstɑo
kʰɑs kʌr-ke prʌcʌnɖ-ji ke jɔn prʌstɑo bɑ o prʌstɑo
special do-SEQ Prachand-H GEN REL proposal be.3SG.PRES COR proposal
mẽ ki ʌɡʌr purub mʌd̤ es ɑ pʌcʰim mʌd̤ es ke bic
mẽ ki ʌɡʌr purub mʌd̤ es ɑ pʌcʰim mʌd̤ es ke bic
LOC COMP if east Madhesh and west Madhesh GEN middle
mẽ bʌpʰʌr jon ke ɦisɑb se bic ke eɡo tʌʈʌstʰ
mẽ bʌpʰʌr jon ke ɦisɑb se bic ke ek-ɡo tʌʈʌstʰ
LOC buffer zone GEN manner means middle GEN one-CLF neutral
prʌdes ʌɡʌr nɑ rʌɦi tʌ ɦo sʌkʌtɑ je
prʌdes ʌɡʌr nɑ rʌɦ-i tʌ ɦo sʌk-ʌt bɑ je
province if neg live-3SG.FUT COND be can-IMPF be.3SG.PRES COMP
biɦɑn dunu prʌdeswɑ milke nirnɛ kʌ liɦʌn
biɦɑn du-nu prʌdes-wɑ mil-ke nirnɛ kʌr le-i-ʌn
tomorrow two-EMPH province-DEF unite-SEQ decision do take-3FUT.MH
sʌ ɑ ek jʌɡe ɦo jʌiɦʌn sʌ
sʌ ɑ ek jʌɡe ɦo jɑ-i-ʌn sʌ
PL and one place be go-3.FUT-MH PL
Especially, whatever is the proposal of Prachandaji, it is sceptical that the eastern and
western Madhesh provinces may decide to be unified if there is not a buffer zone
between them.

606
01.069
त ई एगो ेट पॉिल ट स के तरह ई लेहल जा रहल बा ।
tʌ i eɡo tʰreʈ pɔliʈiks ke tʌrʌɦ i leɦʌl
tʌ i ek-ɡo tʰreʈ pɔliʈiks ke tʌrʌɦ i le-ʌl
COND 3SG.PROX one-CLF threat politics GEN as 3SG.PROX take-INF
jɑ rʌɦʌl bɑ
jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
go live-INF be.3SG.PRES
Then, it is being taken as a threat politics.
01.070
त अपने कानूनी िहसाब से तिनका बता क अइसन अव था म ए बात के सरल बनावे खाितर
कवन-कवन उपाय हो सकता ?
tʌ ʌpne kɑnuni ɦisɑb se tʌnikɑ bʌtɑĩ ki ʌisʌn
tʌ ʌpne kɑnun-i ɦisɑb se tʌnikɑ bɑt-ɑ-ĩ ki ʌisʌn
COND 2SG.H law-ADJ manner means little tell-CAUS-IMP.H COMP such
ʌwʌstʰɑ mẽ e bɑt ke sʌrʌl bʌnɑwe kʰɑtir kɔn kɔn
ʌwʌstʰɑ mẽ e bɑt ke sʌrʌl bʌnɑ-e kʰɑtir kɔn kɔn
situation LOC PROX matter GEN simPLe make-PUR for what what
upɑe ɦo sʌkʌtɑ
upɑe ɦo sʌk-ʌt bɑ
technique be can-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
Then please express your opinion on legal ground what measures can be taken to ease
this concern?
01.071
जइसे ओह लोग के शंका बा ऊ पूरे तरह से नाजायज बा ।
jʌise oɦ loɡ ke sʌŋkɑ bɑ u pure tʌrʌɦ
jʌise oɦ loɡ ke sʌŋkɑ bɑ u purɑ-e tʌrʌɦ
as far as DIST PL GEN suspicion be.3SG.PRES COR full-EMPH as
se nɑjɑej bɑ
se nɑjɑej bɑ
source illogical be.3SG.PRES
As they have suspicion, it is completely illogical.
01.072
जइसे दूगो टेट दूगो ो भस एक लगे आवे के िनणय करता, ऊ िनणय के सहमती क सरकार के
करे के परी ।
jʌise duɡo esʈeʈ duɡo prob̤ ins ek lʌɡe ɑwe ke
jʌise du-ɡo esʈeʈ du-ɡo prob̤ ins ek lʌɡe ɑ-e ke
instancially two-CLF state two-CLF province one with come-PUR ACC
nirnɛ kʌrʌtɑ u nirnɛ ke sʌɦmʌti kendrʌ
nirnɛ kʌr-ʌt bɑ u nirnɛ ke sʌɦmʌti kendrʌ
decision do-IMPF be.3SG.PRES COR decision GEN agreement centre
sʌrkɑr ke kʌreke pʌri
sʌrkɑr ke kʌr-e-ke pʌr-i
government ACC do-PUR-PUR fall-3SG.FUT
For example, if any two of the provinces decide to be unified, this decision must be
endorsed by the central government.
01.073
और हमनी के टेट म हरदम क के इमरजसी कं ोल रही ।

607
ɔr ɦʌmni ke esʈeʈ mẽ ɦʌrdʌm kendrʌ ke imʌrɡensi kʌnʈrol
ɔr ɦʌm-ni ke esʈeʈ mẽ ɦʌrdʌm kendrʌ ke imʌrɡensi kʌnʈrol
and 1SG-PL GEN state LOC always centre GEN emergency control
rʌɦi
rʌɦ-i
live-3SG.FUT
And there will always be an emergency control of the centre on our state.
01.074
टेट य द वाय ढङ से फं सन नइखे करत, काम नइखे करत त क जब भी ह त ेप कर सकता,
ह त ेपकारी भूिमका हो सकता ।
esʈeʈ yʌdi swɑettʌ ɖ̈ʌŋ se pʰʌŋksʌn nʌikʰe kʌrʌt
esʈeʈ yʌdi swɑettʌ ɖ̈ʌŋ se pʰʌŋksʌn nʌikʰ-e kʌr-ʌt
state if autonomous manner means function be.NEG.PRES.3SG do-IMPF
kɑm nʌikʰe kʌrʌt tʌ kendrʌ jʌb b̤ i ɦʌstʌkcʰep kʌr
kɑm nʌikʰ-e kʌr-ʌt tʌ kendrʌ jʌb b̤ i ɦʌstʌkcʰep kʌr
work be.NEG.PRES-3SG do-IMPF COND cemtre when also intervention do
sʌkʌtɑ ɦʌstʌkcʰepkɑri b̤ umikɑ ɦo sʌkʌtɑ
sʌk-ʌt bɑ ɦʌstʌkcʰepkɑri b̤ umikɑ ɦo sʌk-ʌt bɑ
can-IMPF be.3SG.PRES interventional role be can-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
If the state does not function autonomously, it does not work, the centre can intervene
any time, its intervening role is alwasy expected.
01.075
क हरदम रहके िनगरानी करत रही ।
kendrʌ ɦʌrdʌm rʌɦke niɡrɑni kʌrʌt rʌɦi
kendrʌ ɦʌrdʌm rʌɦ-ke niɡrɑni kʌr-ʌt rʌɦ-i
cemtre always live-SEQ inspection do-SIM live-3SG.FUT
The centre will always be observing it.
01.076
ई एगो मतलब ब त गलत मानिसकता के उपज ह ।
i eɡo mʌtlʌb bʌɦut ɡʌlʌt mɑnsiktɑ ke upʌj
i ek-ɡo mʌtlʌb bʌɦut ɡʌlʌt mɑnsiktɑ ke upʌj
3SG.PROX one-CLF meaning very bad mentality GEN product
ɦʌ
ɦʌ
be.3SG.PRES
So, this is the outcome of the worst mentatlity.
01.077
जवन पुरान हमनी के शासन-स ा रहल हः एगो जाित के , एगो भाषा के ऊ हट जाई क ?
jɔn purɑn ɦʌmni ke sɑsʌnsʌttɑ rʌɦʌl ɦʌ eɡo
jɔn purɑn ɦʌm-ni ke sɑsʌnsʌttɑ rʌɦ-ʌl ɦʌ ek-ɡo
REL old 1SG-PL GEN ruling power live-PP be.3SG.PRES one-CLF
jɑti ke eɡo b̤ ɑsɑ ke u ɦʌʈ jɑi ki
jɑti ke ek-ɡo b̤ ɑsɑ ke u ɦʌʈ jɑ-i ki
race GEN one-CLF language GEN COR abolish go-3SG.FUT INT
The power of state of a single race, a single language, will it be abolished?
01.078
िबहान के दन म मधेिशया धानमं ी बन जाई क ?
biɦɑn ke din mẽ mʌd̤ esiɑ prʌd̤ ɑnmʌntri bʌn jɑi ki
biɦɑn ke din mẽ mʌd̤ esi prʌd̤ ɑnmʌntri bʌn jɑ-i ki

608
tomorrow GEN day LOC Madheshi prime minister make go-3SG.FUT INT
Will a Madheshi be the prime minister in the future?
01.079
कायकारी पद म आ जाई क ?
kɑryʌkɑri pʌd mẽ ɑ jɑi ki
kɑryʌkɑri pʌd mẽ ɑ jɑ-i ki
executive post LOC come go-3SG.FUT COMP
Will they grab any executional post?
01.080
ई डर जवन समाइल बा नु, इहाँ के खास कके िनतांत बा नवादी वृि म, ऊ डर के ऊ लोग
संबोधन करता जइसन हमरा लागता ।
i ɖʌr jɔn sʌmɑil bɑ nu iɦɑ̃ ke kʰɑs kʌke
i ɖʌr jɔn sʌmɑ-il bɑ nu iɦɑ̃ ke kʰɑs kʌr-ke
PROX fear REL enter-PP be.3SG.PRES EMPH here GEN special do-SEQ
nitɑnt bɑɦunbɑdi prʌbritti mẽ u ɖʌr ke u loɡ
nitɑnt bɑɦunbɑd-i prʌbritti mẽ u ɖʌr ke u loɡ
special Brahminism-ADJ mentality LOC COR fear GEN 3SG.DIST PL
sʌmbod̤ ʌn kʌrʌtɑ jʌisʌn ɦʌmrɑ lɑɡʌtɑ
sʌmbod̤ ʌn kʌr-ʌt bɑ jʌisʌn ɦʌm-rɑ lɑɡ-ʌt bɑ
address do-IMPF be.3SG.PRES as such 1SG-POSS expect-IMPF be.3SG.PRES
Such type of threat on the mentality of strict Brahminists, they are addressing it, I think.
01.081
जी त अपने के जौरे फे र से हम आएम ।
ji tʌ ʌpne ke jɔre pʰer se ɦʌm ɑem
ji tʌ ʌpne ke jɔre pʰer se ɦʌm ɑ-em
yea COND 2SG GEN with again spec 1SG come-FUT.H
Yea, I will come with you again after a while.
01.082
अिभन पलहा हो गइल बा एगो छोट सा ापा रक िव ाम के ।
ʌb̤ in pʌlʌɦɑ ɦo ɡʌil bɑ eɡo cʰoʈ sɑ byɑpɑrik
ʌb̤ in pʌlʌɦɑ ɦo jɑ-il bɑ ek-ɡo cʰoʈ sɑ byɑpɑr-ik
now turn be go-PP be.3SG.PRES one-CLF small as commerce-ADJ
bisrɑm ke
bisrɑm ke
break GEN
Now is the turn of a short commercial break.
01.083
जी, ापा रक िव ाम का बाद म काय म म अपने लोग के फे र से वागत बा ।
ji byɑpɑrik bisrɑm kɑ bɑd mẽ kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ ʌpne loɡ
ji byɑpɑr-ik bisrɑm kɑ bɑd mẽ kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ ʌpne loɡ
yea commerce-ADJ break GEN later LOC programme LOC 2SG PL
ke pʰer se swɑɡʌt bɑ
ke pʰer se swɑɡʌt bɑ
GEN again SPEC welcome be.3SG.PRES
Yea, following the short commercial break you are again welcomed in the
programme.
01.084
अभीन अपने सुन रहल बानी ान-िव ान, अथ राजनीित, कला सं कृ ित के संगम नव योित एफ.

609
एम. ८८.२ मेगाहज ।
ʌb̤ in ʌpne sun rʌɦʌl bɑni ɡyɑn biɡyɑn ʌrtʰ rɑjniti
ʌb̤ in ʌpne sun rʌɦ-ʌl bɑni ɡyɑn biɡyɑn ʌrtʰ rɑjniti
now 2SG hear live-INF be.PRES.H knowledge science economy politics
kʌlɑ sʌnskriti ke sʌŋɡʌm nʌbʌjyoti epʰ em ʌʈʰɑsi bunkɑ
kʌlɑ sʌnskriti ke sʌŋɡʌm nʌbʌjyoti epʰ em ʌʈʰɑsi bunkɑ
art culture GEN juncture Nava Jyoti F M eighty-eight point
du meɡɑɦʌrj
du meɡɑɦʌrj
two Megahertz
Now you are hearing Nava Jyoti FM 88.2 MHz, a juncture of knowledge, science,
economy, politics, arts and culture.
01.085
अभी सार हो रहल बा काय म भोर कब होई ।
ʌb̤ i prʌsɑr ɦo rʌɦʌl bɑ kɑryʌkrʌm b̤ or kʌb
ʌb̤ i prʌsɑr ɦo rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ kɑryʌkrʌm b̤ or kʌb
now broadcast be live-INF be.3SG.PRES programme dawn when
ɦoi
ɦo-i
be-3SG.FUT
Now it's being on air the program 'When does the dawn come?'
01.086
आ आज के काय म म भोजपुरी सािह य के समसामियक िवषय पर बातचीत कर रहल बानी
नेपाल भोजपुरी िव ाथ समाज के महासिचव सुनील पटेल का सङे ।
ɑ ɑj ke kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ b̤ ojpuri sɑɦityʌ ke sʌmsɑmʌik
ɑ ɑj ke kɑryʌkrʌm mẽ b̤ ojpuri sɑɦityʌ ke sʌmsɑmʌik
and today GEN programme LOC Bhojpuri literature GEN contemporary
bisɛ pʌr bɑtcit kʌr rʌɦʌl bɑni nepɑl b̤ ojpuri bidyɑrtʰi
bisɛ pʌr bɑtcit kʌr rʌɦ-ʌl bɑni nepɑl b̤ ojpuri bidyɑrtʰi
issue LOC talk do live-INF be.PRES.H Nepal Bhojpuri student
sʌmɑj ke mʌɦɑsʌcib sunil pʌʈel kɑ sʌŋe
sʌmɑj ke mʌɦɑsʌcib sunil pʌʈel kɑ sʌŋ-e
society GEN Secretary General Sunil Patel GEN with-LOC
And at today's programme, we are conversating on the contemporary issues of the
Bhojpuri literature with Secretary GENeral of the Nepal Bhojpuri Students' Society,
Sunil Patel.
01.087
जी, त सुनीलजी, अब अपने से थोड़ा-ब त हम ई कहेके चाहतानी क एक मधेश एक देश म
भोजपुरी के कौनो तरह से बाँटल ना जाई ।
ji tʌ sunilji ʌb ʌpne se tʰoɽɑ bʌɦut ɦʌm i
ji tʌ sunil-ji ʌb ʌpne se tʰoɽɑ bʌɦut ɦʌm i
yea COND Sunil-H now 2SG with little more 1SG 3SG.PROX
kʌɦeke cɑɦʌtɑni ki ek mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes mẽ
kʌɦ-e-ke cɑɦ-ʌt bɑni ki ek mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes mẽ
say-PUR-PUR want-IMPF be.PRES.H COMP one Madhesh one province LOC
b̤ ojpuri ke kɔno tʌrʌɦ se bɑ̃ʈʌl nɑ jɑi
b̤ ojpuri ke kɔno tʌrʌɦ se bɑ̃ʈ-ʌl nɑ jɑ-i
Bhojpuri GEN any as means split-INF NEG go-3SG.FUT
Yea, Sunilji, now I want to tell you to some extent that Bhojpuri will not be split

610
under One Madhesh One Province.
01.088
भोजपुरी कौनो वाय देश हो जाई ।
b̤ ojpuri kɔno swɑettʌ prʌdes ɦo jɑi
b̤ ojpuri kɔno swɑettʌ prʌdes ɦo jɑ-i
Bhojpuri some autonomous region be go-3SG.FUT
Bhojpuri will be formed an autonomous region.
01.089
मैिथली कौनो वाय देश हो जाई ।
mɛtʰili kɔno swɑettʌ prʌdes ɦo jɑi
mɛtʰili kɔno swɑettʌ prʌdes ɦo jɑ-i
Maithili some autonomous region be go-3SG.FUT
Maithili will be formed an autonomous region.
01.090
त ऊ ब ढ़याँ रही ।
tʌ u bʌɽ̊iɑ̃ rʌɦi
tʌ u bʌɽ̊iɑ̃ rʌɦ-i
COND 3SG better live-3SG.FUT
Then it will be better.
01.091
अब एगो देखतानी क एक मधेश एक देश के बारे म एगो त ई खास कके कॉ े स, एमाले आ
माओवादी ए म एगो देवेके नइखन चाहत स ।
ʌb eɡo dekʰʌtɑni ki ek mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes
ʌb ek-ɡo dekʰ-ʌt bɑni ki ek mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes
now one-CLF see-IMPF be.PRES.H COMP one Madhesh one province
ke bɑre mẽ eɡo tʌ i kʰɑs kʌke kɔŋres
ke bɑre mẽ ek-ɡo tʌ i kʰɑs kʌr-ke kʌŋres
GEN about LOC one-CLF COND 3SG.PROX special do-SEQ congress
,

emɑle ɑ mɑobɑdi e mẽ eɡo deweke

emɑle ɑ mɑobɑd-i e mẽ ek-ɡo de-e-ke
UML and Maoism-ADJ PROX LOC one-CLF give-PUR-PUR
nʌkʰʌn cɑɦʌt sʌ
nʌkʰ-ʌn cɑɦ-ʌt sʌ
BE.NEG.PRES-3MH want-IMPF PL
Now it's being observed that especially the Congress, UML and Maoists are not
willing to accept One Madhesh One Province.
01.092
दोसर त कथी बा क एकरा के सै ांितक प से अगर मान भी लेहल जाए त िबहान झापा के कौनो
नाग रक आ कं चनपुर के नाग रक जेकरा काठमांडू जाए म क ठनाई पड़ता त एक मधेश एक देश
अगर बनी त ओकर राजधानी जाए-आवे म त मान ल जनकपुर राजधानी भइल त पिछमवाला के
क ठन, अगर बुटवल राजधानी भइल त पु बवाला के क ठन, आ अगर वीरगंज बनी त बात त
बराबरे भइल ?
dosʌr tʌ kʌtʰi bɑ ki ekʌrɑ ke sɛdd̤ ɑntik
dosʌr tʌ kʌtʰi bɑ ki ekʌr-ɑ ke sɛdd̤ ɑntik
socond COND what be.3SG.PRES COMP PROX.GEN-SPEC GEN theoretical
rup se ʌɡʌr mɑn b̤ i leɦʌl jɑe tʌ biɦɑn ȷ̈ ɑpɑ
rup se ʌɡʌr mɑn b̤ i le-ʌl jɑ-e tʌ biɦɑn ȷ̈ ɑpɑ
form means if obey also take-PP go-OPT COND tomorrow Jhapa

611
ke kɔno nɑɡʌrik ɑ kʌncʌnpur ke nɑɡʌrik jekʌrɑ
ke kɔno nɑɡʌrik ɑ kʌncʌnpur ke nɑɡʌrik jekʌr-ɑ
GEN some citizen and Kanchanpur GEN cotizen REL.GEN-SPEC
kɑʈʰmɑnɖu jɑe mẽ kʌʈʰinɑi pʌɽʌtɑ tʌ ek
kɑʈʰmɑnɖu jɑ-e mẽ kʌʈʰinɑi pʌɽ-ʌt bɑ tʌ ek
Kathmandu go-PUR LOC difficulty lie-IMPF be.3SG.PRES COND one
mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes ʌɡʌr bʌni tʌ okʌr rɑjd̤ ɑni
mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes ʌɡʌr bʌn-i tʌ okʌr rɑjd̤ ɑni
Madhesh one province if make-3SG.FUT COND 3SG.GEN.NH capital
jɑe ɑwe mẽ tʌ mɑn lĩ jʌnʌkpur rɑjd̤ ɑni
jɑ-e ɑ-e mẽ tʌ mɑn lĩ jʌnʌkpur rɑjd̤ ɑni
go-PUR come-PUR LOC COND realize take.IMP.H Janakpur capital
b̤ ʌil tʌ pʌcʰimwɑlɑ ke kʌʈʰin ʌɡʌr buʈwʌl rɑjd̤ ɑni
b̤ ʌ-il tʌ pʌcʰim-wɑlɑ ke kʌʈʰin ʌɡʌr buʈwʌl rɑjd̤ ɑni
become-3SG.PST COND west-owner GEN difficult if Butwal capital
b̤ ʌil tʌ purubwɑlɑ ke kʌʈʰin ɑ ʌɡʌr birɡʌnj
b̤ ʌ-il tʌ purub-wɑlɑ ke kʌʈʰin ɑ ʌɡʌr birɡʌnj
become-3SG.PST COND east-owner GEN difficult and if Birganj
bʌni tʌ bɑt tʌ bʌrɑbʌre b̤ ʌil
bʌn-i tʌ bɑt tʌ bʌrɑbʌr-e b̤ ʌ-il
make-3SG.FUT COND matter COND equal-EMPH become-3SG.PST
The second concern is that if it is ACCepted theoretically, either the citizen of Jhapa or
Kanchanpur who face difficulty to reach the capital city, Kathmandu, will face the
same to reach the provincial capital if One Madhesh One Province is made as the
westerner will have inconvenience if its capital is fixed in Janakpur, easterner will
have inconvenience if its capital is fixed in Butwal and both will face the same if it is
fixed in Birganj.
01.093
काठमांडू जाए म लागता जेतना खचा, जेतना समय, जेतना सम या ऊ त बराबरे रही ?
kɑʈʰmɑnɖu jɑe mẽ lɑɡʌtɑ jetnɑ kʰʌrcɑ
kɑʈʰmɑnɖu jɑ-e mẽ lɑɡ-ʌt bɑ jetnɑ kʰʌrc-ɑ
Kathmandu go-PUR LOC invest-IMPF be.3SG.PRES REL.QUA expence-SPEC
jetnɑ sʌmɛ jetnɑ sʌmʌsyɑ u tʌ bʌrɑbʌre rʌɦi
jetnɑ sʌmɛ jetnɑ sʌmʌsyɑ u tʌ bʌrɑbʌr-e rʌɦ-i
REL.QUA time REL.QUA problem COR COND equal-EMPH live-3SG.FUT
Will the time and expences to reach Kathmandu at present not remain the same for
them in future too?
01.094
अइसन किसम के तक मतलब उठ रहल बा ।
ʌisʌn kisim ke tʌrk mʌtlʌb uʈʰ rʌɦʌl bɑ
ʌisʌn kisim ke tʌrk mʌtlʌb uʈʰ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
such type GEN logic meaning rise live-INF be.3SG.PRES
Such types of arguments are also be;ding raised.
01.095
त संभावना ई बाटे जे एगो ना बनके दूगो देश बने के बेसी संभावना देखल जा रहल बा ।
tʌ sʌmb̤ ɑonɑ i bɑʈe je eɡo nɑ bʌnke
tʌ sʌmb̤ ɑonɑ i bɑ je ek-ɡo nɑ bʌn-ke
COND probability 3SG.PROX be.3SG.PRES COMP one-CLF NEG make-SEQ

612
duɡo prʌdes bʌne ke besi sʌmb̤ ɑonɑ dekʰʌl jɑ rʌɦʌl
du-ɡo prʌdes bʌn-e ke besi sʌmb̤ ɑonɑ dekʰ-ʌl jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl
two-CLF province make-PUR GEN more probability see-INF go live-INF
bɑ
bɑ
be.3SG.PRES
Then the probability of two instead of one is also being observed.
01.096
आ नेपाली कॉ े स आ एमाले के नेता लोग के त अपन मनोल डू , त ऊ लोग त मधेश के पाँचगो
बनावे जा रहल बा ।
ɑ nepɑli kɔŋres ɑ emɑle ke netɑ loɡ ke tʌ ʌpʌn
ɑ nepɑl-i kʌŋres ɑ emɑle ke netɑ loɡ ke tʌ ɑpʌn
and Nepal-ADJ congress and UML GEN leader PL GEN COND 3.GEN
mʌnolʌɖɖu tʌ u loɡ tʌ mʌd̤ es ke pɑ̃cɡo bʌnɑwe
mʌnolʌɖɖu tʌ u loɡ tʌ mʌd̤ es ke pɑ̃c-ɡo bʌnɑ-e
wish COND 3SG. PL COND Madhesh GEN five-CLF make-PUR
jɑ rʌɦʌl bɑ
jɑ rʌɦ-ʌl bɑ
go live-INF be.3SG.PRES
And leaders of the Nepali Congress and UML as their mental calculation are going to
form five provinces in Madhesh.
01.097
अपने के िहसाब से अगर एक मधेश एक देश ना बनल तब के अव था म राउर भाषा के िहसाब से
ओकरा के ओ ढङ से देखल जाओ त भोजपुरी के िवकास के िहसाब से संघीयता के तरे होखेके चाह ?
ʌpne ke ɦisɑb se ʌɡʌr ek mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes nɑ
ʌpne ke ɦisɑb se ʌɡʌr ek mʌd̤ es ek prʌdes nɑ
2SG GEN mathematics means if one Madhesh one province NEG
bʌnʌl tʌb ke ʌwʌstʰɑ mẽ rɑur b̤ ɑsɑ ke ɦisɑb
bʌn-ʌl tʌb ke ʌwʌstʰɑ mẽ rɑur b̤ ɑsɑ ke ɦisɑb
make-3SG.PST then GEN situation LOC 2SG.GEN.H language GEN manner
se okʌrɑ ke o ɖ̈ʌŋ se dekʰʌl jɑo tʌ
se okʌr-ɑ ke o ɖ̈ʌŋ se dekʰ-ʌl jɑ-o tʌ
means 3.SG.GEN-SPEC GEN DIST manner with see-INF go-OPT COND
b̤ ojpuri ke bikɑs ke ɦisɑb se sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke tʌre
b̤ ojpuri ke bikɑs ke ɦisɑb se sʌŋɡ̈iyʌtɑ ke tʌre
Bhojpuri GEN development GEN manner with federalism GEN such
ɦokʰeke cɑɦĩ
ɦokʰ-e-ke cɑɦ-ĩ
be-PUR-PUR want-3SG.FUT
If One Madhesh One Province is not formed, what type of federal structure will be
applied with respect to the promotion of Bhojpuri which is your native language?

613
Text 06: House and Family situations
06.001
ई हमर घर ह ।
i ɦʌmʌr ɡ̈ʌr ɦʌ
i ɦʌmʌr ɡʌr ̈ ɦʌ
3SG.PROX 1SG.GEN house be.3SG.PRES
This is my house.
06.002
हमर घर ई ह ।
ɦʌmʌr ɡ̈ʌr i ɦʌ
ɦʌmʌr ɡʌr ̈ i ɦʌ
1SG.GEN house 3SG.PROX be.3SG.PRES
My house is this.
06.003
हमर ई घर ह ।
ɦʌmʌr i ɡ̈ʌr ɦʌ
ɦʌmʌr i ɡʌr̈ ɦʌ
1SG.GEN 3SG.PROX house be.3SG.PRES
This is my house.
06.004
ई घर हमर ह ।
i ɡ̈ʌr ɦʌmʌr ɦʌ
i ̈
ɡʌr ɦʌmʌr ɦʌ
3SG.PROX house 1SG.GEN be.3SG.PRES
This house is mine.
06.005
के के रउआ कताब देनी ?
ke ke rʌuɑ kitɑb deni
ke ke rʌuɑ kitɑb de-ni
who dat 2SG.H book give-PST.H
Who did you give the book to?
06.006
राधा के हम कताब देनी ।
rɑd̤ ɑ ke ɦʌm kitɑb deni
rɑd̤ ɑ ke ɦʌm kitɑb de-ni
Radha dat 1SG.NOM book give-PST.H
I gave the book to Radha.
06.007
रउआ राधा के का देनी ?
rʌuɑ rɑd̤ ɑ ke kɑ deni
rʌuɑ rɑd̤ ɑ ke kɑ de-ni
2SG.H Radha dat what give-PST.H
What did you give to Radha?
06.008
हम ओ के कताब देनी ।
ɦʌm o ke kitɑb deni
ɦʌm o ke kitɑb de-ni
1SG.NOM 3SG.DIST dat book give-PST.H
I gave her a book.

614
06.009
धनपत कब आइल ?
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌb ɑil
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌb ɑ-il
Dhanpat when come-3SG.PST
When did Dhanpat come?
06.010
ऊ सँिझया आइल ।
u sʌ̃ȷ̈iɑ ɑil
u sʌ̃ȷ̈iɑ ɑ-il
3SG evening come-3SG.PST
He came in the evening.
06.011
ऊ दुपहरवा आइल ।
u dupʌɦʌrwɑ ɑil
u dupʌɦʌrwɑ ɑ-il
3SG in the afternoon come-3SG.PST
He came in the afternoon.
06.012
ना, ऊ सँिझया आइल ।
nɑ u sʌ̃ȷ̈iɑ ɑil
nɑ u sʌ̃ȷ̈iɑ ɑ-il
neg 3SG evening come-3SG.PST
No, he came in the evening.
06.013
राजु गाय दुही ।
rɑju ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju cow milk-3SG.FUT
Raju will milk the cow.
06.014
राजुए बा जे गाय दुही ।
rɑjue bɑ je ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju-e bɑ je ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju-EMPH be.3SG.PRES REL cow milk-3SG.FUT
It's Raju who will milk the cow.
06.015
इहे गाय ह जे राजु दुही ।
iɦe ɡɑe ɦʌ je rɑju duɦi
i-ɦe ɡɑe ɦʌ je rɑju duɦ-i
3SG.PROX-EMPH cow be.3SG.PRES. REL Raju milk-3SG.FUT
It's the cow that Raju will milk
06.016
जे गाय दुही ऊ राजु ह ।
je ɡɑe duɦi u rɑju ɦʌ
je ɡɑe duɦ-i u rɑju ɦʌ
REL cow milk-3SG.FUT 3SG Raju be.3SG.PRES
The one who will milk the cow is Raju.

615
06.017
राजु गाय के का करी क दुही ।
rɑju ɡɑe ke kɑ kʌri ki duɦi
rɑju ɡɑe ke kɑ kʌr-i ki duɦ-i
Raju cow GEN what do-3SG.FUT COMP milk-3SG.FUT
What Raju will do to the cow is milk it.
06.018
राजु का करी क गाय दुही ।
rɑju kɑ kʌri ki ɡɑe duɦi
rɑju kɑ kʌr-i ki ɡɑe duɦ-i
Raju what do-3SG.FUT COMP cow milk-3SG.FUT
What Raju will do is milk the cow.
06.019
राजु कथी दुही, त गाय ।
rɑju kʌtʰi duɦi tʌ ɡɑe
rɑju kʌtʰi duɦ-i tʌ ɡɑe
Raju what milk-3SG.FUT COND cow
What Raju will milk is the cow.
06.020
हम पूरा प रवार का लगे गइनी — माई, बाबुजी, हमर तीनजने भाई, दूगो बिहन आ आउर लोग
का लगे — तू बुझले होखबऽ जे के मदत करे के कहले होखी, बाँ कर ना, सबके इनकार कर देलख
...
ɦʌm purɑ pʌriwɑr kɑ lʌɡe ɡʌini mɑi bɑbuji ɦʌmʌr
ɦʌm purɑ pʌriwɑr kɑ lʌɡe jɑ-ini mɑi bɑbu-ji ɦʌmʌr
1SG.NOM full family GEN with go -PST.H mother father-H 1SG.GEN
tinjʌne b̤ ɑi duɡo bʌɦin ɑ ɑur loɡ kɑ lʌɡe tu
tin-jʌne b̤ ɑi du-ɡo bʌɦin ɑ ɑur loɡ kɑ lʌɡe tu
three-CLF brother two-CLF sister and more people GEN with 2SG
buȷ̈ le ɦokʰʌbʌ je keɦu mʌdʌt kʌre ke kʌɦle
buȷ̈ -ʌl-e ɦokʰ-ʌb-ʌ je keɦu mʌdʌt kʌr-e ke kʌɦ-ʌl-e
think-INF-SEQ be-FUT-2.MH COMP someone help do-PUR INF say-INF-SEQ
ɦokʰi bɑ̃kir nɑ sʌbkeɦu inkɑr kʌr delʌkʰ
ɦokʰ-i bɑ̃kir nɑ sʌbkeɦu inkɑr kʌr de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
be-3SG.FUT but neg all refuse do give-3SG.PST
I went through the whole family - mom, dad, my three brothers, two sisters, the lot -
you'd have thought someone would offer to help, but heck, they all refused ...
06.021
ऊ हमर बड़क माई रहली जे डेङ बढ़इनी आ बइठइनी ।
u ɦʌmʌr bʌɽki mɑi rʌɦli je ɖeŋ
u ɦʌmʌr bʌɽ-ki mɑi rʌɦ-ʌl-i je ɖeŋ
3SG.COR 1SG.GEN elder-F mother live-3SG.PST-F REL step
-

bʌɽ̊ʌini ɑ bʌiʈʰʌini
bʌɽ̊-ɑ-ini ɑ bʌiʈʰ-ɑ-ini
forward-CAUS-PST.H and sit-CAUS-PST.H
It was my elder aunt who stepped in and made me sit.
06.022
ओकर दुगो बिहन बाड़ी स, मेिघआ आ फु िलआ ।
okʌr duɡo bʌɦin bɑɽi sʌ meɡ̈iɑ ɑ pʰuliɑ

616
okʌr du-ɡo bʌɦin bɑɽi sʌ meɡ̈iɑ ɑ pʰuliɑ
3SG.GEN two-CLF sister be.3SG.PRES.F PL Meghia and Phulia
He has two sisters, Meghia and Phulia.
06.023
ऊ मेिघया के ब त मानेला ।
u meɡ̈iɑ ke bʌɦut mɑnelɑ
u meɡ̈iɑ ke bʌɦut mɑn-ʌl-ɑ
3SG Meghia DAT very like-INF-3SG.PRES.M
He likes Meghia a lot.
06.024
फु िलआ के त ऊ फरछािह ना चलेला ।
phuliɑ ke tʌ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦiõ nɑ cʌlelɑ
phuliɑ ke tʌ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ-o nɑ cʌl-ʌl-ɑ
Phulia GEN COND 3SG shadow-EMPH NEG walk-INF-3SG.PRES.M
Phulia, he can't stand.
06.025
ऊ फु िलआ िहअ जेकरा ऊ फरछाह ना चलेला ।
u phuliɑ ɦiʌ jekʌrɑ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ
u phuliɑ ɦiʌ jekʌr-ɑ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ
COR Phulia be.3SG.PRES REL.GEN-SPEC 3SG shadow NEG
cʌlelɑ
cʌl-ʌl-ɑ
walk-INF-3SG.PRES.M
It's Phulia that he can't stand.
06.026
ऊ मेिघआ के फरछाह ना चलेला ।
u meɡ̈iɑ ke pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ cʌlelɑ
u meɡ̈iɑ ke pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ cʌl-ʌl-ɑ
3SG Meghia GEN shadow NEG walk-INF-3SG.PRES.M
She can't stand Meghia.
06.027
ना, ऊ फु िलआ िहअ जेकरा ऊ फरछाह ना चलेला ।
nɑ u phuliɑ ɦiʌ jekʌrɑ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ
nɑ u phuliɑ ɦiʌ jekʌr-ɑ u pʰʌrcʰɑɦĩ nɑ
NEG COR Phulia be.3SG.PRES.F REL.GEN-SPEC 3SG shadow NEG
cʌlelɑ
cʌl-ʌl-ɑ
walk-INF-3SG.PRES.M
No, it's Phulia that she can't stand.
06.028
लमढेङ आदमी चल देलख ।
lʌmɖ̈eŋ ɑdmi cʌl delʌkʰ
lʌmɖ̈eŋ ɑdmi cʌl de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
tall man walk give-INF-3.PST
The tall man left.
06.029
ई गाछ
i ɡɑcʰ
i ɡɑcʰ

617
3SG.DEM.PROX tree
'this tree'
06.030
ऊ गाछ
u ɡɑcʰ
u ɡɑcʰ
3SG.DEM.DIST tree
'that tree' (vis.)
06.031
हऊ गाछ
ɦʌu ɡɑcʰ
ɦʌu ɡɑcʰ
3SG.DEM.DIST tree
'that tree' (invis.)
06.032
लाल घर
lɑl ɡ̈ʌr
lɑl ɡ̈ʌr
'red house'
06.033
ललका घर
lʌlkɑ ɡ̈ʌr
lɑl-kɑ ɡ̈ʌr
red-CLF house
'the red house'
06.034
ऊ औरत िहअ जौन हम देखनी ।
u ɔrʌt ɦiʌ jɔn ɦʌm dekʰni
u ɔrʌt ɦiʌ jɔn ɦʌm dekʰ-ni
COR woman be.3SG.PRES.NH REL 1SG see-PST.H
It's a woman that I saw.
06.035
ई उहे औरत िहअ जे हम देखनी ।
i uɦe ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰni
i u-ɦe ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰ-ni
PROX COR-EMPH woman be.3SG.PRES.NH REL 1SG see-PST.H
It's the woman that I saw.
06.036
ऊ ई औरत िहअ जे हम देखनी, ना क आदमी ।
u i ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰni nɑ ki ɑdmi
u i ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰ-ni nɑ ki ɑdmi
COR PROX woman be.3SG.PRES.NH REL 1SG see-PST.H NEG COMP man
It's this woman that I saw, not this man.
06.037
ऊ इहे औरत िहअ जे हम देखनी, ना क ई आदमी ।
u iɦe ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰni nɑ ki
u i-ɦe ɔrʌt ɦiʌ je ɦʌm dekʰ-ni nɑ ki
COR PROX-EMPH woman be.3SG.PRES.NH REL 1SG see-PST.H NEG COMP
i ɑdmi

618
i ɑdmi
PROX man
It's the woman I saw, not the man.
06.038
(हमरा अलुई मन ना परे ), गाजर हमरा मन परे ला ।
ɦʌmrɑ ʌlui mʌn nɑ pʌre ɡɑjʌr ɦʌmrɑ
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ ʌlui mʌn nɑ pʌr-e ɡɑjʌr ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ
1SG-POSS-SPEC potato mind NEG fall-3SG.PRES carrot 1SG-POSS-SPEC
mʌn pʌrelɑ
mʌn pʌr-ʌl-ɑ
mind fall-INF--3SG.PRES.NH
(I don't like potatoes), carrots I like.
06.039
(हमरा ऊ ना सोहालन), इनका के त हम ब त चाहेनी ।
ɦʌmrɑ u nɑ soɦɑlʌn inkɑ ke tʌ ɦʌm
ɦʌm-ʌr-ɑ u nɑ soɦɑ-ʌl-ʌn inkɑ ke tʌ ɦʌm
1SG-POSS-SPEC 3SG NEG like-INF-3.MH 3SG.DAT.MH DAT COND 1SG
bʌɦut cɑɦeni
bʌɦut cɑɦ-eni
very like-PRES.H
(I don't like him), her I'm fond of.
06.040
आदमी, उनका त के मन ना परल ।
ɑdmi unkɑ tʌ keɦu mʌn nɑ pʌrʌl
ɑdmi unkɑ tʌ keɦu mʌn nɑ pʌr-ʌl
man 3SG.GEN COND anyone mind neg fall-3SG.PST
As for man, she didn't like any.
06.041
दुलारचन, ऊ उनका मन ना परस ।
dulɑrcʌn u unkɑ mʌn nɑ pʌrʌs
dulɑrcʌn u unkɑ mʌn nɑ pʌr-ʌs
Dularchan COR 3SG.GEN.H mind NEG fall-3.PST.H
As for Dularchan, she didn't like him.
06.042
आज हमनी जे पर बात करे जातानी ऊ ह ेम ।
ɑj ɦʌmni je pʌr bɑt kʌre jɑtɑni u
ɑj ɦʌm-ni je pʌr bɑt kʌr-e jɑ-ʌt bɑni u
today 1SG-PL REL LOC matter do-PUR go-IMPF be.PRES.H COR
ɦʌ prem
ɦʌ prem
be.3SG.PRES love
What we're going to talk about today is love.
06.043
ऊ ेम ह जे पर हमनी आज बात करे जातानी ।
u prem ɦʌ je pʌr ɦʌmni ɑj bɑt kʌre
u prem ɦʌ je pʌr ɦʌm-ni ɑj bɑt kʌr-e
COR love be.3SG.PRES. REL LOC 1SG-PL today matter do-PUR
jɑtɑni
jɑ-ʌt bɑni

619
go-IMPF be.PRES.H
It's LOVE that we're going to talk about today.
06.044
तू समझलऽ हमनी दौलत पर बितअइत , बाँ कर ऊ ह ेम जे पर हमनी आज बात करे जातानी ।
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ lʌ ɦʌmni dɔlʌt pʌr bʌtiʌitĩ bɑ̃kir
tu sʌmʌȷ̈ -ʌl-ʌ ɦʌm-ni dɔlʌt pʌr bɑt-iɑ-itĩ bɑ̃kir
2SG understand-INF-2.PST.MH 1SG-PL wealth LOC talk-PASS-FUT.H but
u ɦʌ prem je pʌr ɦʌmni ɑj bɑt kʌre
u ɦʌ prem je pʌr ɦʌm-ni ɑj bɑt kʌr-e
COR be.3SG.PRES love REL LOC 1SG-PL today matter do-PUR
jɑtɑni
jɑ-ʌt bɑni
go-IMPF be.PRES.H
You thought we were going to talk about wealth, but it's LOVE that we're going to
talk about today.
06.045
तू मानेलऽ क ए लइक के नोकर मुआ देलख, िनि त प से एह बात म दम बा, हम मानेम ।
त बो तू पूरा पूरा गलतफहमी म बाड़ऽ । ऊ त ओकर बापे ह जे ओ के मुआ देलख ।
tu mɑnelʌ ki e lʌiki ke nokʌr muɑ
tu mɑn-ʌl-ʌ ki e lʌiki ke nokʌr muɑ
2SG realize-INF-2.PRES.MH COMP PROX girl
,
GEN servant kill
delʌkʰ niscit rup se eɦ bɑt mẽ dʌm bɑ
de-ʌl-ʌkʰ niscit rup se eɦ bɑt mẽ dʌm bɑ
give-INF-3.PST certain form spec prox matter LOC weight be.3SG.PRES
,

ɦʌmɦu mɑnem tʌbbo tu purɑ purɑ ɡʌlʌtpʰʌɦmi mẽ

ɦʌm-ɦu mɑn-em tʌb-o tu purɑ purɑ ɡʌlʌtpʰʌɦmi mẽ
1SG-EMPH realize-FUT.H then-EMPH 2SG full full falsehood LOC
bɑɽʌ u tʌ okʌr bɑpe rʌɦe je o ke
bɑɽʌ u tʌ okʌr bɑp-e rʌɦ-e je o ke
be.2.PRES COR COND 3SG.GEN father-EMPH live-3.PST REL 3SG ACC
muɑ delʌkʰ
muɑ de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
kill give-INF-3.PST
You think that servant killed the girl, and it sure makes sense, I admit. But you're
absolutely wrong. It was her father who killed her.
06.046
धनपत कु ा के ना मुअइलख ।
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke nɑ muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke nɑ mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC neg die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Dhanpat didn't kill the dog.
06.047
धनपत कु ा के जानबूझके ना मुअइलख ।
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke jɑnbuȷ̈ ke nɑ muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke jɑn-buȷ̈ -ke nɑ mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC know-understand-SEQ NEG die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Dhanpat didn't kill the dog knowingly.
06.048
धनपत कु ा के शुक के ना मुअइलख ।

620
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke suk ke nɑ muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke suk ke nɑ mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC Friday dat NEG die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Dhanpat didn't kill the dog on Friday.
06.049
धनपत कु ा के खीसे ना मुअइलख ।
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke kʰise nɑ muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke kʰis-e nɑ mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC anger-LOC NEG die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Dhanpat didn't kill the dog in anger.
06.050
धनपत कु ा के घरे ना मुअइलख ।
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke ɡ̈ʌre nɑ muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke ɡ̈ʌr-e nɑ mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat dog ACC house-LOC NEG die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Dhanpat didn't kill the dog at home.
06.051
का धनपत कु ा के मुअइलख ?
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke muʌilʌkʰ
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt kuttɑ ke mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
what Dhanpat dog ACC die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Did Dhanpat kill the dog?
06.052
का धनपत जानबूझके कु ा के मुअइलख ?
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt jɑnbuȷ̈ ke kuttɑ ke muʌilʌkʰ
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt jɑn-buȷ̈ -ke kuttɑ ke mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
what Dhanpat know-understand-SEQ dog ACC die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Did Dhanpat kill the dog deliberately?
06.053
का धनपत शुक का दने कु ा के मुअइलख ?
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt suk kɑ dine kuttɑ ke muʌilʌkʰ
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt suk kɑ din-e kuttɑ ke mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
what Dhanpat Friday GEN day-LOC dog ACC die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Did Dhanpat kill the dog on Friday?
06.054
का धनपत खीसे कु ा के मुअइलख ?
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt kʰise kuttɑ ke muʌilʌkʰ
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt kʰis-e kuttɑ ke mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
what Dhanpat anger-LOC dog ACC die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Did Dhanpat kill the dog in anger?
06.055
का धनपत घरे कु ा के मुअइलख ?
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt ɡ̈ʌre kuttɑ ke muʌilʌkʰ
kɑ d̤ ʌnpʌt ɡ̈ʌr-e kuttɑ ke mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
what Dhanpat house-LOC dog ACC die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Did Dhanpat kill the dog at home?
06.056
कु ा के के मुअइलख ?
kuttɑ ke ke muʌilʌkʰ

621
kuttɑ ke ke mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
dog ACC who die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
Who killed the dog?
06.057
धनपत कथी के मुअइलख ?
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌtʰi ke muʌilʌkʰ
d̤ ʌnpʌt kʌtʰi ke mu-ɑ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
Dhanpat what ACC die-CAUS-INF-3.PST
What did Dhanpat kill?

Text 08: Result of High numbered Children: Narrated by Late Hira Bhagat
Yadav.
08.001
कवनो गाँव म एगो कसान रहे ।
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ eɡo kisɑn rʌɦe
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ ek-ɡo kisɑn rʌɦ-e
some village LOC one-CLF peasant live-3.PST
There was a peasant living in a village.
08.002
उ ब त गरीब रहे ।
u bʌɦut ɡʌrib rʌɦe
u bʌɦut ɡʌrib rʌɦ-e
3SG very poor live-3.PST
He was very poor.
08.003
बाँ कर ओकरा एक दजन लइका-लइक रहे ।
bɑ̃kir okʌrɑ ek dʌrjʌn lʌikɑ-lʌiki rʌɦe
bɑ̃kir okʌr-ɑ ek dʌrjʌn lʌikɑ-lʌiki rʌɦ-e
but 3.SG.GEN-SPEC one dozen son-daughter live-3.PST
He had a dozen of children.
08.004
बेचारा किहओ िनमन से खा ना सके ।
becɑrɑ kʌɦio nimʌn se kʰɑɦu nɑ sʌke
becɑrɑ kʌɦio nimʌn se kʰɑ-ɦu nɑ sʌk-e
helPLess any day good means eat-EMPH NEG can-3.PST
The helPLess peasant never had enough food to eat.
08.005
एक दन ऊ अपना मेहरा से साँझ म खीऱ बनावे के कहलख ।
ek din u ʌpnɑ meɦrɑru se sɑ̃ȷ̈ mẽ kʰir̥
ek din u ʌpnɑ meɦrɑru se sɑ̃ȷ̈ mẽ kʰir̥
one day 3SG 3SG.GEN wife DAT evening LOC rice-pudding
bʌnɑwe ke kʌɦlʌkʰ
bʌnɑ-e ke kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
make-PUR PUR say-INF-3.PST
One day he told his wife to cook rice-pudding in the evening.
08.006
मेहरा कहली, ‘लइकन के पाके मुह म सटी ?’
meɦrɑru kʌɦli lʌikʌn ke pɑeke muɦ mẽ
meɦrɑru kʌɦ-ʌl-i lʌikɑ-ʌn ke pɑ-ke muɦ mẽ

622
wife say-INF-3.PST.F.MH child-PL GEN get-SEQ mouth LOC
sʌʈi
sʌʈ-i
touch-3.FUT
The wife said, 'Would it be possible to taste due to the children?'
08.007
मरदु कहल, ‘खीर बनी, बाँ कर लइकन के सुतला के बाद ।’
mʌrdu kʌɦlẽ kʰir bʌni bɑ̃kir lʌikʌn ke
mʌrdu kʌɦ-lẽ kʰir bʌn-i bɑ̃kir lʌikɑ-ʌn ke
husband.MH say-PST.MH rice-pudding make-3SG.FUT but child-PL GEN
sutlɑ ke bɑd
sut-ʌl-ɑ ke bɑd
sleep-INF-SEQ GEN later
The husband said, 'The pudding will be cooked, but after the children sleep.'
08.008
दने म दूध, िचनी, मसाला आ चाउर के इं तजाम हो गइल ।
dine mẽ dud̤ cini mʌsɑlɑ ɑ cɑur ke intjɑm ɦo
din-e mẽ dud̤ cini mʌsɑlɑ ɑ cɑur ke intjɑm ɦo
day-EMPH LOC milk sugar spice and rice GEN arrangement be
ɡʌil
jɑ-il
go-3SG.PST
Milk, sugar, spices and rice were collected during the day time.
08.009
रात म लइकन सुत गइलन ।
rɑt mẽ lʌikʌn sut ɡʌilʌn
rɑt mẽ lʌikʌn sut jɑ-il-ʌn
night LOC children sleep go-INF.3PL.PST
The children slept at night.
08.010
दूनू मरद मेहरा खीऱ बनावे लागल ।
dunu mʌrʌd-meɦrɑru kʰir̥ bʌnɑwe lɑɡʌl
du -nu mʌrʌd-meɦrɑru kʰir̥ bʌnɑ-e lɑɡ-ʌl
two -EMPH husband-wife rice-pudding make-PUR continue-3.PST
Both the husband and wife started cooking of the rice-pudding.
08.011
बाद म जब खीऱ चलावेके परल तब मेहरा कहली, ‘मार मु धइके ! छोलनी त िमलते नइखे, कहाँ
धरा गइल बा ?’
bɑd mẽ jʌb kʰir̥ cʌlɑweke pʌrʌl tʌb
bɑd mẽ jʌb kʰir̥ cʌl-ɑ-e-ke pʌr-ʌl tʌb
later LOC when rice-pudding walk-CAUS-PUR-PUR fall-3SG.PST then
--,,

meɦrɑru kʌɦli mɑr mu d̤ ʌike cʰolni tʌ

meɦrɑru kʌɦ-ʌl-i mɑr muɦ d̤ ʌr-ke cʰolni tʌ
wife say-INF-3.PST.FMH hit mouth put-SEQ spatula COND
milte nʌikʰe kʌɦɑ̃ d̤ ʌrɑ ɡʌil bɑ
mil-ʌt-e nʌikʰ-e kʌɦɑ̃ d̤ ʌr-ɑ jɑ-il bɑ
get-IMPF-EMPH be.NEG.PRES-3SG where put-PASS go-PP be.3SG.PRES
Later, when the pudding was to be stirred, the wife said, 'O my God! I'm not getting
spatula, where has it been PLaced?'

623
08.012
बड़क बेटी आँख िमजते कहलख, ‘गे माई हेदा नू बा ।’
bʌɽki beʈi ɑ̃kʰ mijte kʌɦlʌkʰ ɡe mɑi ɦedɑ
bʌɽ-ki beʈi ɑ̃kʰ mij-ʌt-e kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɡe mɑi ɦedɑ
elder-F daughter eye rub-SIM-EMPH say-INF-3.PST VOC.F mother here
nu bɑ
nu bɑ
EMPH be.3SG.PRES
Rubbing her eyes, the elder daughter said, "O Mom! Here you are."
08.013
मेहरा ओकरा के चूप रहेके इशारा करत छोलनी ले लेली ।
meɦrɑru okrɑ ke cup rʌɦe ke isɑrɑ kʌrʌt cʰolni
meɦrɑru okʌr-ɑ ke cup rʌɦ-e ke isɑrɑ kʌr-ʌt cʰolni
wife 3SG.GEN-SPEC caus silent live-PUR GEN gesture do-SIM spatula
le leli
le le-ʌl-i
take take-INF-3.PST.F.MH
The wife gestured her to keep quiet and took the spatula.
08.014
बाद म करछु ल के ज री परल ।
bɑd mẽ kʌrcʰul ke jʌruri pʌrʌl
bɑd mẽ kʌrcʰul ke jʌruri pʌr-ʌl
later LOC ladle GEN need fall-3SG.PST
Later, a ladle was needed.
08.015
फे र ऊ करछु ल ताके लगली ।
pʰer u kʌrcʰul tɑke lʌɡli
pʰer u kʌrcʰul tɑk-e lɑɡ-ʌl-i
again 3SG ladle seek-SIM continue-INF-3.PST.F.MH
Again, she started searching for the ladle.
08.016
तवले मिझला लइका कहलख, ‘माई, हेदे नु धइले बानी ।’
tɔle mʌȷ̈ ilɑ lʌikɑ kʌɦlʌkʰ mɑi ɦede nu d̤ ʌile
tɔle mɑȷ̈ il-ɑ lʌikɑ kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ mɑi ɦedɑ nu d̤ ʌr-il-e
till then second-DEF son
,
say-INF-3.PST mother here EMPH put-INF-SIM
bɑni
bɑni
be.PRES.H
The middle-most son said in a while, 'Mom, I'm keeping it only here.'
08.017
एही तरे कटोरा, छीपा, िछपुली, िगलास, लोटा जब जब खोजाइल त लइकन कहाँ से भुल भुल
िमले लागल ।
eɦi tʌre kʌʈorɑ cʰipɑ cʰipuli ɡilɑs loʈɑ jʌb jʌb
eɦ-i tʌre kʌʈorɑ cʰipɑ cʰipuli ɡilɑs loʈɑ jʌb jʌb
PROX-EMPH such bowl
-
dish small dish glass water-pot when when
kʰojɑil tʌ lʌikʌn kiɦɑ̃ se b̤ ul-b̤ ul mile
kʰoj-ɑ-il tʌ lʌikɑ-ʌn kiɦɑ̃ se b̤ ul-b̤ ul mil-e
search-PASS-3.PST COND child-PL PLace source continuously get-SIM

624
lɑɡʌl
lɑɡ-ʌl
continue-3.PST
Likewise, whenever the bowls, plates, glasses and water pots were searched for and
these all appeared from children one after another.
08.018
बाद म मेहरा कहली, ‘रे कोरप छु आ ! तू काहे बाँक रहबे ? तोहरा कु छ ना िमलल ह धरे के ?’
bɑd mẽ meɦrɑru kʌɦli re korpõcʰuɑ tu
bɑd mẽ meɦrɑru kʌɦ-ʌl-i re korpõcʰu-ɑ tu
later LOC woman
,
say-INF-3.PST.F.MH VOC.NH youngest-DEF.M 2SG
kɑɦe bɑ̃ki rʌɦbe toɦrɑ kucʰ nɑ milʌl
kɑɦe bɑ̃ki rʌɦ-ʌb-e toɦrɑ kucʰ nɑ mil-ʌl
why remaining live-FUT-IMP.NH 2SG.GEN something NEG get-PP
ɦʌ d̤ ʌreke
ɦʌ d̤ ʌr-e-ke
be.3SG.PRES. put-PUR-PUR
At last, the wife said, 'O my youngest boy! why will you only be left? Did you not get
something to keep with?'
08.019
उहो कवन कम रहे ! आँख िमजते कहलख, ‘गरम मसाला हम धइले नु बानी जेबी म ।’
uɦo kɔn kʌm rʌɦe ɑ̃kʰ mijte kʌɦlʌkʰ ɡʌrʌm
u-ɦo kɔn kʌm rʌɦ-e ɑ̃kʰ mij-ʌt-e kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɡʌrʌm
3SG-EMPH what less live-3.PST eye rub-SIM-EMPH say-INF-3.PST hot
mʌsɑlɑ d̤ ʌile nu bɑni jebi mẽ
mʌsɑlɑ d̤ ʌr-il-e nu bɑni jeb mẽ
spice put-INF-SIM EMPH be.PRES.H pocket LOC
How he could be lagging behind! He also said rubbing his eyes, 'I've also kept hot
spices in my pocket.'
08.020
अंत म कसान कहलख, ‘जे दुःख छोड़नी गउरा घाट, से दुःख त लागले बा !’
ʌnt mẽ kisɑn kʌɦlʌkʰ je dukʰ cʰoɽni ɡʌurɑ ɡ̈ɑʈ
ʌnt mẽ kisɑn kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ je dukʰ cʰoɽ-ni ɡʌurɑ ɡ̈ɑʈ
end LOC peasant say-INF-3.PST REL misery leave-PST.H Gaura bank
se dukʰ tʌ lɑɡle bɑ
se dukʰ tʌ lɑɡ-ʌl-e bɑ
COR misery COND continue-PP-EMPH be.3SG.PRES
At last, the peasant said, 'What we planned, all in vain.'

625
Text 11: Two Chapatis or Three? Narrated by Late Harihar Yadav.
11.001
कवनो गाँव म दू बेि रहत रहे ।
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ du bekti rʌɦʌt rʌɦe
kɔno ɡɑ̃o mẽ du bekti rʌɦ-ʌt rʌɦ-e
some village LOC two person live-IMPF live-3.PST
There lived a couple in a village.
11.002
मरदा ब त आसकती रहे ।
mʌrdɑ bʌɦut ɑskʌti rʌɦe
mʌrʌd-ɑ bʌɦut ɑskʌti rʌɦ-e
husband-DEF more lazy live-3.PST
The husband was very lazy.
11.003
ओके कवन कमाएके ना कहे ।
oke kɔno kʌmɑe ke nɑ kʌɦe
oke kɔno kʌmɑ-e ke nɑ kʌɦ-e
3SG.DAT any work-PUR PUR NEG say-3.PST
Nobody used to tell him to work.
11.004
किहओ कमाए जाए त ऊ बिनहारी जौले ओरावे ना तौले फे र कमाए ना जाए ।
kʌɦio kʌmɑe jɑe tʌ u bʌniɦɑri jɔle
kʌɦio kʌmɑ-e jɑ-e tʌ u bʌniɦɑri jɔle
some day work-PUR go-3.PST COND DIST wages until
orɑwe nɑ tɔle pʰer kʌmɑe nɑ jɑe
orɑ-we nɑ tɔle pʰer kʌmɑ-e nɑ jɑ-e
empty-3.PST.CAUS NEG till then again work-PUR NEG go-3.PST
Whenever he earned something, he didn't go to earn again until the wages finished
completely.
11.005
एक दन ऊ कह से कु छ ग ँ बिनहारी म ले आइल ।
ek din u kʌɦĩ se kucʰ ɡʌɦũ bʌniɦɑri mẽ le
ek din u kʌɦĩ se kucʰ ɡʌɦũ bʌniɦɑri mẽ le
one day 3SG somewhere source something wheat wages LOC take
ɑil
ɑ-il
come-3.PST
One day he brought some wheat as his wages from somewhere.
11.006
रात म रोटी बनल ।
rɑt mẽ roʈi bʌnʌl
rɑt mẽ roʈi bʌn-ʌl
night LOC chapati make.PASS-3.PST
Chapatis were baked at night.
11.007
रोटी रहे पाँचगो ।
roʈi rʌɦe pɑ̃cɡo
roʈi rʌɦ-e pɑ̃c-ɡo
chapati live-3.PST five-CLF

626
There were five chapatis.
11.008
अब मरद-मेहरा म झगड़ा ठन गइल ।
ʌb mʌrʌd-meɦrɑru mẽ ȷ̈ ʌɡʌɽɑ ʈʰʌn ɡʌil
ʌb mʌrʌd-meɦrɑru mẽ ȷ̈ ʌɡʌɽɑ ʈʰʌn jɑ-il
now husband-wife LOC quarrel thicken go-3.PST
Now the couple started quarrelling.
11.009
मरद कहे ‘हम तीन गो खाएम’ आ मेहरा कहे ‘हम तीन गो खाएम ।’
mʌrʌd kʌɦe ɦʌm tinɡo kʰɑem ɑ meɦrɑru kʌɦe
mʌrʌd kʌɦ-e ɦʌm tin-ɡo kʰɑ-em ɑ meɦrɑru kʌɦ-e
husband say-3.PST 1SG three-CLF eat-FUT.H and wife say-3.PST
ɦʌm tinɡo kʰɑem
ɦʌm tin-ɡo kʰɑ-em
1SG three-CLF eat-FUT.H
The husband said he woud eat three of them and the wife said she would eat the three.
11.010
बाद म सहमती भइल ।
bɑd mẽ sʌɦmʌti b̤ ʌil
bɑd mẽ sʌɦmʌti b̤ ʌ-il
later LOC agreement become-3.PST
Later they came in an agreement.
11.011
‘िबहने जे पाछे उठी, तीनगो खाई’ आ दुनू सुत गइलन ।
biɦʌne je pɑcʰe uʈʰi tinɡo kʰɑi ɑ dunu
biɦʌne je pɑcʰe uʈʰ-i tin-ɡo kʰɑ-i ɑ du-nu
tomorrow REL lately rise-3.FUT three-CLF eat-3.FUT and two-EMPH
sut ɡʌilʌn
sut jɑ-il-ʌn
sleep go-INF-3PL.PST.MH
'The one who wakes up later in the morning will eat the three.' and both slept.
11.012
िबहने पाछे उठे के हाराबाजी लाग गइल ।
biɦʌne pɑcʰe uʈʰe ke ɦɑrɑbɑji lɑɡ ɡʌil
biɦʌne pɑcʰe uʈʰ-e ke ɦɑrɑbɑji lɑɡ jɑ-il
tomorrow lately wake-PUR GEN competition continue go-3.PST
They launched a competition to wake late next morning.
11.013
कौनो उठबे ना करे ।
kɔno uʈʰʌbe nɑ kʌre
kɔno uʈʰ-ʌb-e nɑ kʌr-e
any wake-FUT-EMPH NEG do-3.PST
Nobody wanted to wake up.
11.014
बेरा उठ गइल ।
berɑ uʈʰ ɡʌil
berɑ uʈʰ jɑ-il
sun rise go-3.PST
The sun rose up.

627
11.015
टोला-परोसा के लोग देखलख ।
ʈolɑ pʌrosɑ ke loɡ dekʰlʌkʰ
ʈolɑ pʌrosɑ ke loɡ dekʰ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
locality neghbourhood GEN people see-INF-3.PST
The neighbours marked them.
11.016
एह कसान के फाटक बने रहे ।
eɦ kisɑn ke pʰɑʈʌk bʌne rʌɦe
eɦ kisɑn ke pʰɑʈʌk bʌn-e rʌɦ-e
prox peasant GEN bamboo door panel closed-EMPH live-3.PST
The door of the farmer rmained closed.
11.017
लोग झँिखआके देखलख ।
loɡ ȷ̈ ʌ̃kʰiɑke dekʰlʌkʰ
loɡ ȷ̈ ʌ̃kʰiɑ-ke dekʰ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
people peep-SEQ see-INF-3.PST
They pept in.
11.018
दूनू सुतल रहे ।
dunu sutʌl rʌɦe
du-nu sut-ʌl rʌɦ-e
two-EMPH sleep-PP live-3.PST
Both were sleeping.
11.019
लोग कहे लागल,
loɡ kʌɦe lɑɡʌl
loɡ kʌɦ-e lɑɡ-ʌl
people say-SIM continue-3.PST
They started whispering,
11.020
‘बनवले रहल ह, दूनू एके बेर मर गइल ।’
bʌnɔle rʌɦʌl ɦʌ dunu eke ber mʌr ɡʌil
bʌnɑ-wʌl-e rʌɦ-ʌl ɦʌ du-nu ek-e ber mʌr jɑ-il
make-PP-SEQ live-INF be two-EMPH one-EMPH time die go-3.PST
'The couple were lucky, both of them died together.'
11.021
लोग फरक बनवलख, जरना खोजलख आ आगी, कोदारी लेके चलल मुदघटी म ।
loɡ pʰʌrki bʌnɔlʌkʰ jʌrnɑ kʰojlʌkʰ ɑ ɑɡi
loɡ pʰʌrki bʌnɑ-wʌl-ʌkʰ jʌrnɑ kʰoj-ʌl-ʌkʰ ɑ ɑɡi
people funeral cot make-INF-3.PST firewood collect-INF-3.PST and fire
kodɑri leke cʌlʌl murdɡ̈ʌʈi mẽ
kodɑri le-ke cʌl-ʌl murdɡ̈ʌʈi mẽ
spade take-SEQ walk-3.PST graveyard LOC
They made a funeral cot, collected firewood and paced towards graveyards with fire
and spade.
11.022
दरी खनाइल ।
dʌri kʰʌnɑil

628
dʌri kʰʌn-ɑ-il
grave dig-PASS-3.PST
The grave was dug.
11.023
दूनू लाश के चीरा पर ध दआइल ।
dunu lɑs ke cirɑ pʌr d̤ ʌ diɑil
du-nu lɑs ke cirɑ pʌr d̤ ʌr de-ɑ-il
two-EMPH dead body ACC pyre LOC put give-PASS-3.PST
Both the dead bodies were PLaced on the pyre..
11.024
जब आग लगावे पर भइल त मरदा कहलख,
jʌb ɑɡ lʌɡɑwe pʌr b̤ ʌil tʌ mʌrdɑ
jʌb ɑɡ lʌɡ-ɑ-we pʌr b̤ ʌ-il tʌ mʌrʌd-ɑ
when.REL fire set-CAUS-PUR LOC become-3.PST COR husband-DEF
kʌɦlʌkʰ
kʌɦ-ʌl-ʌkʰ
say-INF-3.PST
When they were about to set fire, the husband said,
11.025
‘उठऽ हे मुहझ सी ! तुहे खइह तीनगो, हम दुइएगो खाएम ।’
uʈʰʌ ɦe muɦȷ̈ ʌũsi tuɦe kʰʌiɦʌ tinɡo
uʈʰ-ʌ ɦe muɦȷ̈ ʌũs-i tu-ɦe kʰɑ-i-ɦʌ tin-ɡo
rise-IMP.MH VOC burnt-faced-F 2SG-EMPH eat-FUT-IMP.MH three-CLF
ɦʌm duieɡo kʰɑem
ɦʌm du-ie-ɡo kʰɑ-em
1SG two-EMPH-CLF eat-FUT.H
'Wake up my burned-faced darling! you will eat the three, I'll have only two.'
11.026
फुँ किनहारो गइल रहे पाँचे आदमी ।
pʰũkniɦɑro ɡʌil rʌɦe pɑ̃ce ɑdmi
pʰũkniɦɑr-o jɑ-il rʌɦ-e pɑ̃c-e ɑdmi
pyrer-EMPH go-PP live-3.PST five-EMPH man
There were only five pyrers in the funeral procession.
11.027
अब त फुँ किनहार लोग के जान पर िबते लागल ।
ʌb tʌ pʰũkniɦɑr loɡ ke jɑn pʌr bite lɑɡʌl
ʌb tʌ pʰũkniɦɑr loɡ ke jɑn pʌr bit-e lɑɡ-ʌl
now COND pyrer PL GEN life LOC pass-SIM continue-3.PST
They perplexed like any thing.
11.028
भागल लोग लुती लेखा !
b̤ ɑɡʌl loɡ luti lekʰɑ
b̤ ɑɡ-ʌl loɡ luti lekʰɑ
flee-3.PST people spark as
They fled quickly as sparkling.
11.029
फुँ किनहार लोग अगािड़ अगािड़ आ िजअल मुदा पछािड़ पछािड़ ।
pʰũkniɦɑr loɡ ʌɡɑɽi ʌɡɑɽi ɑ jiʌl murdɑ pʌcʰɑɽi
pʰũkniɦɑr loɡ ʌɡɑɽi ʌɡɑɽi ɑ ji-ʌl murdɑ pʌcʰɑɽi

629
pyrer PL ahead ahead and revive-PP dead body following
pʌcʰɑɽi
pʌcʰɑɽi
following
The funeral attendants were ahead and the revived dead bodies were following them.
11.030
आिखर गाँव म प च ँ ल लोग ।
ɑkʰir ɡɑ̃o mẽ pʌɦũcʌl loɡ
ɑkʰir ɡɑ̃o mẽ pʌɦũc-ʌl loɡ
lastly village LOC reach-3.PST people
They returned back to village.
11.031
बात सबके के सामने आइल ।
bɑt sʌbkeɦu ke sɑmne ɑil
bɑt sʌbkeɦu ke sɑmne ɑ-il
matter all GEN front come-3.PST
The matter was exposed among all.
11.032
समाज म ओ मरद-मेहरा के फटकार पड़ल ।
sʌmɑj mẽ mʌrʌd- meɦrɑru ke pʰʌʈkɑr pʌɽʌl
sʌmɑj mẽ mʌrʌd-meɦrɑru ke pʰʌʈkɑr pʌɽ-ʌl
society LOC husband-wife ACC chiding lie-3.PST
The couPLe were shouted at from all sides.
11.033
दूनू लाजे कठु आ गइलन ।
dunu lɑje kʌʈʰuɑ ɡʌilʌn
du-nu lɑj-e kʌʈʰuɑ jɑ-il-ʌn
two-EMPH shame-INST feel cold go-INF-3PL.PST
Both were badly ashamed.

630
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